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[ANSACTIONS 


OF  Till 


PHILOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 

1895-8. 


CONTENTS  OF  PART  I,  FOR  1895-6- 

Verbid  System  of  the  8altaLr  nu  Bonn.      By  Prof. 

Stuachin ,  M 1 

I,— On    the  icle   ro-   with  Preterital  Tenses 

in   I  '       By  Prof,  J*  Stilachan*  M.A.  ......        77 

t  Sounds  of  Consonants  ami  Vowels. 

. 194 

Uifo's  Bible,      By  the  Bev.  Prof, 

..     212 

as  once  attributed  to  (  i 
R*v.  Prof,  Sk* it,  Litt.B 220 

liturc*  Snmrrs  for  1894  and  1S95. 

Lm  of   Mk*"1  to  November,  1896     *.  # . .  i-vm 


jp  P0LUHED    FOR    THK    80C1ETT    »f 

PAUX,    TBENCH,  TRUBNER  &  C0+,  Ltd.,  Lcmdoa. 
I8!iri. 


PHILOLOGICAL     SOCIET 


COUNCIL,     1895-96. 

Ttttitfatt. 
J.  PEILE,  M.A.,  Lrrr.D. 

Vtee-Pri*id*nU* 
WHITLEY  STOKES,  D.C.L.,  LL.D. 
HENRY  SWEKTh  IfJL,  Ph.D..  LL.D. 
JAMES  A.  H.  MURRAY,  LL.D-  MA. 
THE  REV.  PROF.  W.  W.  SEEAT,  Lm-.D.,  MA.,  LL.D. 
THE  REV-  A.  II.  5AYCE,  MA.,  D.C.L.,  LL.D, 
HENRY  BRADLEY,  M.A, 
PROF.  A.  B.  NAFIER,  M.A.,  Ph.D. 

Ordinary  Member*  «/  C&meii. 


J.  AMOtTRS*  ESQ. 

J.  BEITZEMAKER.  M.A. 

E.  L.  BRANDRETH*  BSQ, 

FIANCE,    i 

LY,  M.A. 
IL  HTTCK8  GIBBS,  M.A. 
I,  GOLLANCZ*  M.A. 
H.  F    HEATH,  B.A.,  Ph.D. 
T.  HENDERSON,  M.A. 
PROF.  W.  P.  KER,  M.A, 

mrw* 
BENJAMIN  DAWSON,  B.A.,  The  Mount,  Hempstead,  London,  N.W. 

Hon,  Secretary* 

F.  J,  FURNIVALL,  M.A.,  Ph.D.,  3,  St.  Georgia  Square*  Primroie  Hill,  N.W. 


R    MARTINEAU,  M.A. 
REV.  J.  B,   MAYOR,  M.A. 
W.  It.  MORFILL,  MA. 

0.  G.   PINrilES,  ESQ. 
PROF.  J.  V    P08TGATE,  M.A. 
PROF.  C.  BXBU.  Ph.D. 
PROF.  W    FUDGEWAY,  M.A. 
W.  H.  STEPHENSON,   I 
PROF.  J.  STRACHAN,  M.A. 


The  Philological  Society  k  formed  to  investigate,  and  to  promote  the  study  and 
knowledge  of,  the  Structure,  the  Aflimii  ry  of  Languages. 

Each  Men.  action,  one  quince  at  entrance  fee.  and 

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Th'  Tritium! tout  are  published    f9trlf«      Occasional  volumes  are  also 

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The  letters  A,  R*  C,  u  jMiahud.     The  letters  D  and  V  are  in  course 

ol  pub 
(Vnluute* tn  willing  to  rrud  fof  the  L  >  h  tiomtry 

punphl 
Henibefs 

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rrnbner  I 

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unc. 

kern  M 


Applications  for  admission  should  be  mads  to  the  IT onornnr  Secretary, 
iruitaJl,  3,  St.  George**  Square,  Primrose  Hill,  Louden,  N.W. 


Dr.  r.  J. 


THE    PROCEEDINGS 

OF 


E    PHILOLOGICAL    SOCIETY 


For  tub  Yea.:  1853.     Ik  6  VoiA     Cloth,  £3, 


lilologH  Transactions,  1H54.  1855,  1*56,  One 

1368.1569.  I  lu 

Transactions,  1860-61  (including  the 

ti  of  ike  Sft  'nil  a  Corn i all  J'oem,  e<L  hy  Dr,  WtlitleT  Stoke*)*     A2*. 

Pbilui  y's  Transactions,  L862-4J8.    I 

Philological   Society's  Transactions,    1864,   including  the 

Id  j  a  M  iddte- Cornish  l)mma.   Edited  by  Dr.  Whitley  Mokea, 
.  Glossary  of  the  Dorset  Dialect.     I'-V 


r 


cal  8  with  il  < 

Wordttbytt.  B.  Whitley,  liaq.     12*. 

'•.vi fh  a  Treatise 
ml  a  Glossary  iif  Weird*  not  m  Jaroieaoo*!  & 

if  j  nnd  an  Etymological   Glossary  of 
by  i\  ftdmoiuUtan,  lv*q,,  of  Bunesa,     12*, 

ions,  1867,  with  an  Essay  on 

:  and  t  GlosaAry  of  the  Loiisdsle  Dialed*  by  the 

i  ransaclion»,  1868-9,  with  Dr,  Whir  ley 
i'jssarj',  and   Mr   A.J,  Bl}$i*f  tidittun  of  till  DglUb 

<«f  Henry  111, 

.   Transactions,  1870-2,  Part  IH    I  -. 

Phi'-  a  Transactions,  1873-4,  Part  /.,  p5*.  ; 

/  III.  ouf  of  print)  ;  iJ«,7  7  fV  4*,- 1*75-<>, 

5^. !  3s. 1 880-1 ,    £1    7s. 1885 

|     5,. 18*8-90,   £1    10*. 

10*, 18b  art   Lt   I 

to  ns  and  Proceedings,  1842-1879,     5*. 

The  mtttj  be  had  separately: — 

's  Early    English   Volume,   20*,,   in- 

i-dtnr  Lii     Curly    Kni?lii*h   Cookrry   Book   in   Verse 

ReV.  lir.  II.  Morris.    Hampole'a  Prkke  of  Conn  CI  en  C4 

Dr,  K,  Morris.    A  Fourteenth-Century  Trmisls- 
W>ur{nb  IS20 A.n.Jj  ed  by  Dr  R.F.  Weymouth. 

uloruin,  the  earliest  English  Rhyming 
Wiirzburg  and  Carlsruhe,  edited  by 

ti  losses  &  Translation,    /it. 

>h   Pronunciation,  with  especial  reference  to 

totr,  by  A.  J.  Ellis,  Esq.,  F,  0,8.,  4  Parts,  10*  each ;  Ft-  V  2&t. 


MEDIAEVAL  GREEK   TEXTS:    A    CoUaetion    ...  Bftrifi 

CompiiaifioDR  in    Valvar  Gret^k,  prior  to  A  D.    1 

CriUt'Jil  NoUw  by  W.  Wa  of  wh 

use.     London,  1870. 
LUiKiL  CURE  COCOltUlt.     Copied  and  Edited  from  Uiv  Hi 
i?  Rev.  hr,  ltirr[  vkd  Mmtms.    dffiw    3j* 

THE  PRICKE  OP  CONSCIENCE  (STIMULUS  CON3GIENTJ 
A  NorUrawbriitn  Poem,  by  ItlCHiuu  Roluu  r>K  Ham 

Edited  ff  1  in  iliu  ih. 

an  j  \.  by  div  Nev*  Dr.  KicHiito  .\Ii»uili*.  b.    12*. 

CAKTEL  OFF   LOUE  (ChatWM 

Mmult).     An  Early  Iti^i 

Gr  it,  Bishop  of  Lino  US**,  witb 

Nolo*  and  Glossary,  b$  l>'j   it    l\  •',.  «j#. 


KEG  AN   PAUL,   TRENCH,   TRUBNER    &  CO.'S   LIST, 
INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  51  HSNCE  OF  LA  By  A  H, 

8a v  l,f.,.loai-.lr    of    A  Olfotd. 

Srol 
Til  I :    li  UFARATIVE    PHILOLOGY,      By 

A.    H.    6  iith 

ELEMENTS  OF  A  DO  i  l\  K  GliAHMAB  OF  THE  LNDO- 

Gbhmav 

Introduction  unci 
hand  Lff0aaion)i  Fw*  I.     lfii.     Vol.111  il.     Numin 

Inflexion  -in.       11*.    W.       Vol,    IV        M 

Part  III.     9Df. 

THE  ALPHABET :  nn  Account,  of  thr  Origin  ancJ   D  .t  ol 

Ijetten.     WitJ  6#,     Hy  the  Kev  4*o 

Tv. 

.  L  PRINCIPLES  OF  THE  STRUCTURE  Of 

Dutilin,     2  *nl*      HecnmJ  hti4  Ri'Vf!*t"J  Kill f in.     Bro, 

ORH  PHE  GREEK,  LATIN,  AND  US.     By 

Jajih  Byi  iiiini.t  '  8*0*    Wa, 

PHILO]  'F    THE    OLD 

VMMAH     OF    THE     SOUTH 

.  Anffotn,  Tho  Congo,   : 

A   MANUAL  OF  GREEK  AND  LATIN  PALA1  HT.     By 

'ri nopal  Librarian,  Kritiik  Miucum,     VVith  u  timet  on* 

Twelve 
•ianee.    By  W*  i>-  Whitwit. 

•  the 

Mf, 

I 

u  Bvo»    fi#. 


ntzr. 


'<:   KEGAN  PAUL,  TRENCH  (EB  4  CO.,  Ltd. 


PHILOLOGICAL     SOCIETY. 


COUNCIL,     1897-98. 

T.nitn  ALUENHAM.  M.A. 

WHITLEY  BTOEES,  D.r.U.  LL.D, 

IIKNRY  SWEET,  M.A .,  Pn.H..  U 

JAMES  A.   II    MURRAY,  LI..  P..  M.A. 

THE  REV,  PROF.  W.  W.  SKKAT,  Litt.D,,  LL.D.r  D.CX.t  l 

THE  REV.   PROF.  A,   IL  BAYGB,  M,A,  D.C.L.,  LL.U. 

HENRY  BRADLEY,  HA, 

PROF.  A,  S.  NAPIER*  M.A.,  Fn.J>. 

*ry  Mtmfart  of  CuuuriL 


i    AMOURS,  ESQ. 

K    I,    BRANDRETCT,  ESQ. 

tD  ELY,  M.A, 
PROF.  G  D, 

I*.  GILES,   MA. 
T    GGLLANOJg,  M.A. 
F    DEATH,  Pti 

SHADWORTfl  HODGSON.  LL.D. 
PROF,  w.  p,  KER,  MA. 
\l     MAKTLNKA1  p    M.A. 


PROF.  W.  8,  M  £,  M  A 

W    S.  MORF1LL,  M.A, 

J.  PE1LE.  M.A.,  Ln 

PROF.    I.   P    P'  M.A. 

PROF,  W,  RiDGEWAY,  MA. 

RIEU,  Pk.D, 
J.  H.  STAPLES,  ESQ, 
W.    it    SI  v  M.A. 

PROF,  J.  STRACH  \ 


NJAMIN    I  B.A./JV  Mi.urt,  UMnpftfond,  !  .Wi 

faff. 
TORNIVALL,  M.A.,  VU  D.f  t,  ...urn-,  Ptf»TOM   Hill,  N.W. 


I  to  |ir"mni<'  » hn  st™ I 

I    Member  ,  "ii  \n$  ek'rtion,  <mv  guinea  as  ciitrtn. 

■  ion.     Thu  Annual  Subsi  riptioii  '  • 
ii  tin  1*1  .■!  Jdjujun  in  i  i'  I 

. 
fin  *<Einl  rnlnm- 

iry  U  in  cou 

uMlr:ih  -l«  Of    (t«     [l J,     A.     11. 

■Ml        (Volui 

"    a    pampi  i  njtUh 

I 

I  -npy  of  ol    P 

itaulurF,  Measrs. 
W. 


Applirnlioiii  foi 


Til  II    PROCEEDINGS 


OF 


THE    PHILOLOGICAL    SOCIETY 

b  Years  1842-1853.     Ik  6  Vols.     Cloth,  £3. 


s  Transactions,  1854,  1&'»\  1856,  One 

53.       12»-  Llr'h. 

ty\  Transactions,  1860-61  (including  the 

md  a  Corniab  Poem,  ed.  by  I  »r.  \\  12*. 

13.      1  hi 

lotions,    18ti  J,   including  the 
Drama.  Edited  by  Dr,  Whitley  Stoke*, 
Uraminar  and  Gloaiary  *if  the  Dorset  Dialect,     | 

I  j,  with  B  I 

b/jL  15.  Whc 

tetions,   I860,  with  a  Treatise 

-Jiry  of  Word*  not  in  Jamie-aon's  Scot- 
Wnlter  (iregoi  ;  und  an  Etymological  Glossary  of 
&q,,  of  Ituneas.      I2v. 

Transactions,  I  Hi »T  p  with  an  Essay  on 

nlosaary  of  tb«  Lonsdale  Dialect^  by  iht* 

Transact  with  Dr. Whitley 

r  A.  J.  Ellis'*  edition  of  tim  Oab  El 

iil   lit* 

s  Transaction*,    1873-4,  Part  I, 

III  ant  Part  IV,  4*. I 

1  18*.  — 1*80-1,     ill     7*, 1SS5M, 

,.v, 1885-7,    £1     5*. 18*8-90,   £1     10*.- 


-5-8.  Part   /,    Ion  ;  Part  II  L6*. 
ti  and  Proceedings,  1842-1879.     5*. 

The  fi/UvWvig  may  be  k  aitly ; — 

lurly    English    Volume,    20*.,    ill- 
li   Cookery  Hook  in 
.  I  t.  It .  M  eke  ot  Const 

v  TraltaJa- 
Ltt-nuiJ'Ainour(»b.  1320a.D,)j  ed  li>  I »r  K.  F*Wejmuuih. 

*t  English  Ilhvi'- 
Carlsruhe,  edited  hy 
on,  with  especial 

:irrt  by  A,  J  ,  r   B  8., 4  i^tU,  Itt*.  e&cli  ;  l*t.  V,  1&*< 


TRANSACTIONS 


ILOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 
1895-8. 


r8  OF  PART  til,  FOR  1897-8. 

l   en  Mediaeval  Latin.     By  J.  H.  Hksskls, 

tit 

)nli  i  of  English  Poetry.     By  the  Rev,  Prof. 

D.    ..„..„,.... . « 484 

with  the  Conjunctive  Verb  in 

.;  iJunusoir,  Esq,, ,      504 
in  the  Somersetshire 

By  F,  T    Ei.YvuLTiiYf  Esq 51*5 

Old  -  Engtbh    Worth    on  ;                            tly 
lionaries.      By  W.  H.  Steyensojc, 
528 

.  * , .     543 

i 
lMMt  Us  October,  189*    , . . i-vut 


I  »  I>      FOR     THE      SOCIETY      BT 

i,  TRUBNER  &  CO.,  Ltd.,  London. 

1898, 


PHILOLOGICAL     SOCIETY. 


COUNCIL,     1807-98. 

LORD  ALDENHAM,  M.A. 

Vice*  President*, 

WHITLEY  STORES,  D.C.L.,  LL.D. 

HENRY  SWEKT,  M.A,  Ph.D..  LL.D. 

JAMES  A.  JL  MURK  AY,  LL*D*.  M.A. 

THE  EEV.  PHOF.  W.  w.  BKKAT,  Utt.D.,  LL.D.,  D.C.L.,  i 

THE  REV.  PROF,  A.  II.  SAYCE,  M.A.,  D.C.L.,  LL.D, 

HE.VRY  BRADLEY,  M.A. 

PRUF.  A.  S.  NAPIER,  M.A.,  Ph.D. 

Ordinary  Member*  «/  OotmeiL 


J.  AMOURS,  ESQ. 

E.  L    BRANUKKI  II.  E04. 
TALFQUItD  ELTt  M.A. 
PROF,  G.  FOSTER,  F11.D. 
P.  GILES,  M.A, 
I.  GOLLAKCZ,  M.A. 

F.  HEATH,  Ph.D. 
8HADWOKTJI  HODGSON,  LL.D. 
PROF.  \V\  P.  KER,  M.A. 
R,  MARTINEAU,  M.A. 

Treasurer. 
BENJAMIN  DAWSON,  B.A.,  Tta  Mount,  Hampstead,  London,  N.I 

Ifon*  Sterrtxry. 
¥,  J*  FOENIVALL,  M.A.,  Fh.D,,  3,  St.  Geurgei  Square,  Primrose  Hill,  N,W. 


PROF.  W.  S.  McCORMICK.M.A, 

W.  R.  MOllFJLL,  H 

J,  PBILE,  m.a..  Ln 

PROF.  J.  P.  POSTDATE,  M.A. 

PEOF.  W.  1UIRSEWAY.  M.A. 

PRuF,  C.  EIEU,  Vu.lK 

J,  H.  STAPLES 

W.  H,  STEVENSON,  MA. 

PROF.  J.  BTEAOHAH,  M.A. 


The  Philological  Society  is  formed  to  investigate,  and  to  promote  the  stui! 
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utfiied,  tu  the  Fund*  allow  uj  is  in  course  of 

ition,  under  the  Editorship  of  two  of  it^  former  Fresidenta,   Dr.  J.  A*  H. 

Murray,  and  Mr.  Benry  HrudW,   M.A.,  and  the  mh.m  Pros, 

\i  mo 

In  course  of  publication.     (Volm  i  rcuid  for  tho  Dictionary  should 

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i  rim  ail,  3,  St.  George's  Square,  Primrose  Hill,  Loudon,  N.VV. 


Dr.  F.  J. 


B     PHILOLOGICAL    SOCIETY 


Fok  the  Ykars  1842^1853.     In  6  Vols,     Cloth,  M. 


Philological  S  Transactions,  1854,  1855,  1856,  One 

lions,  1860-61  i  including  the 

i nali  locm,  ed.  by  Dr,  Whitley  Stokes)*     12#. 

ty'i  Transactions,  1862-63.    125. 
Philoi  ciety'a  Transactions,   1864,  including  the 

rid  j*  Middle-Cornish  Dram*,  Edited  by  Dr.  Whitley  Stokes, 
.rn*r±\  Grammar  and  Glossary  of  the  Dorset  Dialect.     12f, 

Ph  tv's  Transactions,  1865,  with  a  Glossary 

t  a  Word*,  by  H-  B.  Wheatley,  Esq.     1 2*. 

Society's  Transactions,   1866,  with  a  Treatise 

ial-  .ifrhire,   and  a   Glossary  of  Words  not  in   Jumiesoti's 

| ,  by  the  Rer.  Walter  tiregor  ;  and  an  Etymological  Glossary 
aleot,  by  T-  Edraondston,  Eaq.*  of  liuness,     12*, 

Transactions,  1867,  with  an  Essay  on 

-.   A.J.  Ellis,  Eaq.  ♦  and  a  Glossary  of  the  Lonsdale  Dialect,  by  the 

I 

,  ilol  <  Transact  ions,  1868-9,  with  Dr,  Whitley 

il  Mr  A  J.  Ellis's  edition  of  the  Only  English 
i    Henry  111.     J2#, 

s  Transactions,  1870-2,  Pari  I,  4s, 

Phil ol<                     iety's  Transactions,    1873-4,  Part  It  5*,; 
(Farts   II   and  111  print) ;  Part  IV§  U. 1875-6, 

J  18*. 1880-1,    £1    7s. 1882-4, 

m. 1885-7,    £1     5*. 1888-40,   £1    10* 

1     JO*, 1895-8,   Part   /,   15#. ;  Part  1 1  16«. 

iiis  and  Proceedings,  1842-1879.     5s, 

T&*  fotluwing  may  U  had  mpttratclt/  : — 

a  Early    English  Volume,  20*,,   in- 

>ni.   an     Kurlv    Kn-li^h    Cookery    Hook    in    Ver#e 
,i    by    Rev.     hi.    R.    Morris.      Ha  nip  ok- 'a   Prick 

edited  by  Eev.  Dr,  R,  Morris.     A  Fmirtcenth- 
of   iiroasetcste's   Chateau  d1  Amour   (ab.    1320  A.ti*) ; 
'  jtnoctb 

m,  the  earliest  English  Rhyming 

scap  ito. 

Wiirzhurg-  and  Carlsruhe,  edited  by 

PlL  I,    Ghjasee  &  Praitalaticm.    b». 

n,  with  especial  reference  to 

*  sis^  ^  A-  J-  &Ul*>  £***    l\R,S*t  4  Purl**  ite.  Bftcb ;  Ft.  V,  25*. 


MEDIAEVAL   GREEK    TEXTS  :    A    Collection    of   the 

Composition*  in  Vulgar  Greek,  prior  t>»  a^ik  loOlh  With  Pr 
Critical  Notes  by  W.  Waoneu,  Ph.D.  Part  L  Seven  Poems,  I 
ap pen r  for  the  first  time.     London,  1070,     hvo.     Hi 

LIBER  CURE  COCOKU&     Copied  and  Edited  from  the  SIomk 
1966,  by  theRe*.  Dr.  llirTi4HD  MoRttlS-    8to.    3*. 

THE  PRICKE  01  SIENCE  (STIMULUS  COE 

N  or  tb a m brian  Poem,  by  It ■  i  c  a  a  u  d  Ra  l  l  e  Dl  H  a  i£  PO  L  t 
Edited  from  Manuscripts  in  the  BritUli  Museum,  witbati  1 
and  i  i  udei,  by  the  Rev-  br.  Rich  Alio  Mou 

CASTEL  OFF   LOUE  (Chateau  (Tumour    or 

MuTidi).    An  Early  Kngmti  l  nuisl&tion  of  an  Old  French  Poera,  d 
GROSarTEetE,  Uisnoji  of  Lincoln.    Copied  and  EditwJ  from  Ihe  M*S.  ftjtti 
Note*  and  Glossary,  by  Dr+  K.  F.  Wbtuouth,  M.A.    8vo.    ololb.    6*. 


KEG  AIT  PAUL,   TREffCH,   TRUE NEE   &   CO/S   LIST, 
INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  SCIENCE  OF  LANGUAGE.     By 

&ATOI,    D.O.L,   LL.Da|  Profanor   of  Aaayriology,   U*ford.      Third  *Ediho« 
3  vols.     Crown  Biro.    U*, 

THE    PRINCIPLES    OF    COMPARATIVE    PHILOLOGY.       Bv 

A,    U.    fi  O.L..    LL.D.,    Pfo&MOt    of    Aa*yriology,   Oxford*       F 

Edition,  rerbed  and  eojaiged*    Crown  8*o,    10,«,  &/. 

ELEMENTS  OF  A  COMPARATIVE  GRAMMAR  OF  THE  HJ 

GKIIMAMTO    Languages.      By   Karl    Bruomawn,    Professor  of  Cotnpnratire 
Philology  in  the  Uuiveniity  of  Leipzig.     Tran&liited  by  Joseph  Wright.  i'li.D 
Vol.  I.     Introduction  and  Phonetics.    Hvo.     IBs.     Vol,  II.     Morphol 
Furmetion   and   Inflation],    Part    I.      t9i«     Vol.   III.      Morphology,   Par! 
Numerate.  Ittttetton  of  Nouni  and  Pronoum.     IS*.  &/.    Vol.  IV.    Jdarphot 
Part  III, 

THE  ALPHABET:  an  Account  of  thu  Origin  and  DeTeloproont  of 

L.  tiers*     With  numerous  Tablet  and  Facsimiles.    By  the  Mot.  Canon  Isaac 

I  J.  STOe  SfiV 

BEAI  PRINCIPLES  OF  THE  STRUCTURE  ( >F  LAN- 

By   jA»i:ti   Bvune,   M,A..    Dean   of  tifoeifrt,   pi- Follow   ot   Trinity   Col 
Dublin.     2  Tola.     Second  and  Ravium!  Edition*     8vo.     '36V. 

THE  GREEK,  LATIN,  AND  GOTHIC  ROOTS.     By 

Jamb*  Byrnk,  M,AM  DfUb  nf  CLonfert.     Second  Kditi  IB*. 

PAKATIYE    PHILOLHKY    OF    THE    OLD     AND     NEW 
WoKLM  ttt  Relation  to  Arohajc  Speech.    By  R.  P.  Greo.  F.S.A.,  F.G.y., 
:-v  copious  Vocahnlnrk1*,  etc.     Sup^r- royal  Sto.     2lt, 

I  'A  It  ATI  VK     GRAMMAR    OF    THE    SOUTH     AFRIi 

Han  tu  Languages,  comprising  those  of  Zanzibar.  Mozambique,  the  flittmbjilj 
Kit'  .uclti.  AtiiHa,  The  Congo,  The  Ogowe.  The  Cameroon*,  the  Lake 

\iy  J.  Tuhuhnd.     Super* royal  8vo. 

A  MANU  U.  OF  GREEK  AND  LATIN  PALAEOGRAPHY.  By 

kubThompi  i  al  Librarian,  Britith  Museum,     Willi  numerous 

Ci|«MJl11ltt««T       CftHVtJ   8vO.       &J. 

u    THE    8TTJDY    OF    I  lGB:    Tvreire 

Bj  fl \  D.  Whitney, 

Four: 

AND    [TO    STUDY;    with   espce-inl   nfa  ■    the 

J ►.  Whitvkt, 
Lt    MofeHIft,  M 

Lin  H  OF    i  BE,     By  W.  D.Vnaanr, 

Sin:  .    &*, 


STCH,  TKUUXEE  &  CO.,  Ltd, 


6 

TRANSACTIONS 


PHILOLOGICAL  SOCIETY, 


. .  -  * 


1895-8. 


PUBLISHED  FOR  THE  SOCIETY  BY 

KEGAN  PAUL,  TRENCH,  TRUBNER  &  CO.,  Ld.,  LONDON, 

AND 

KARL  I.  TRUBNER,  STRASSBURG. 

1898. 


HERTFORD  : 

rM»T*D  BT  STKPHKH  AUtTIW   AND  80!«. 


159104 


CONTENTS. 


I. — The  Verbal  System  of  the  Saltair  na  Rami.     By 


PAOB 


Professor  J.  Strachan,  M.A 1 

II. — On   the  use  of    the   Particle  to-  with    Preterital 
Tenses  in  Old  Irish.     By  Professor  J.  Strachan, 

M.A 77 

III. — Semi-vowels,  or  Border  Sounds  of  Consonants  and 

Vowels.     By  J.  H.  Staples,  Esq 194 

IV. — On  the  Dialect  of  WyclifiVs  Bible.     By  the  Rev. 

Professor  Skeat,  Litt.D 212 

V. — Some  Ghost-words    in    Poems    once   attributed    to 

Chaucer.     By  the  Rev.  Professor  Skeat,  Litt.D.     220 
w  VI. — On  the  Uses  of  the  Subjunctive  Mood  in  Irish.     By 

Professor  J.  Strachan,  M.A 225 

VII. — Notes  on  Ulster  English  Dialect.     By  J.  H.  Staples, 

Esq 357 

yjjl. — The   Proverbs  of  Alfred.     By  the  Rev.  Professor 

Skeat,  Litt.D 399 

jX. — Memoranda  on  Mediaeval  Latin.     By  J.  H.  Hessels, 

M.A 419 

j£  On  the  Scansion  of  English  Poetry.     By  the  Rev. 

Professor  Skeat,  Litt.D 484 

vj The  Construction  of  eya  with  the  Conjunctive  Verb 

in  Old  Basque.     By  Edward  Spencer  Dodgson, 

Esq 504 

yjt On  some  fresh  Words  and  Plirases  in  the  Somerset- 
shire Dialect.     By  F.  T.  El  worthy,  Esq 515 


IV  CONTENTS. 

PAOB 

XIII. — Some  Old-English  Words  omitted  or  imperfectly 
explained  in  Dictionaries.  By  W.  H.  Stevenson, 
M.A 528 

Index        543 

Treasurer's  Cash  Account,  1894  :  Part     I. 

„  „  „        1895:  Part     I. 

1896:  Part    II. 

1897:  Part  III. 

List  op  Members,  corrected  to  November,  1896  :  Part     I. 

October,      1897:  Part   II. 
1898:  Part  III. 


TRANSACTIONS 

OF  THB 

PHILOLOGICAL     SOCIETY 

1895-7. 


L-THE    VERBAL    SYSTEM    OF    THE    SALTAIR 
NA    RANK    By  J.   Strachan. 

[Read  at  a  Meeting  of  the  Philological  Society,  May  3,  1895.] 

Last  year  I  had  the  honour  of  laying  hefore  this   Society  the 
results  of  an  attempt  to  trace  a  particular  form  of  the  Irish  verb 
through  its   history.      To-day   I   would    submit   for    your   con- 
sideration a  transverse  section  of  the  Irish  verb  as  it  appeared 
in  the  end  of  the  tenth  century.     In  the  endeavour  to  follow 
the  history  of   the  Deponent,  it  became  sufficiently  clear  that 
the  great  obstacle  in  the  way  of   an  historical  grammar  of  the 
Irish  language  is  the  paucity  of  dated  documents.     In  the  case 
of  most  early  Irish  texts  the  chief,  if  not  the  only,  means  of 
fixing  their  date  is  the  language.     And  in  the  absence  of   any 
exact  knowledge  of  the  various  stages  through  which  Irish  went, 
it  is  clear  that  any  such  determination  must  be  of  the  vaguest 
and  most  subjective  character.     The  foundations  of  Irish  historical 
grammar  must  be  laid  by  a  minute  investigation  of  those  texts 
▼hose  date  we    are   permitted   to   know.      However  wearisome 
the  way   may  be,  it  is   only  by  patiently  toiling  through  this 
arid  desert  that  we  can  hope  to  reach  the  promised  land.     And 
in  the  desert  many  an  oasis  may  be  met  with  to   refresh  the 
weary  traveller. 

In  our  researches  of  last  year  the  Saltair  na  Rann  played  an 
important  part,  for  it  was  from  it  chiefly  that  our  knowledge 
of  the  fortunes  of  the  Irish  Deponent,  in  the  end  of  the  tenth 
century,  was  derived.  If  the  Saltair  furnished  invaluable  aid 
there,  it  should  be  of  equal  service  in  providing  us  with  a 
faithful  picture  of  the  literary  language,  at  least  of  the  language 
of  poetry,  of  that  period.  I  say  of  the  language  of  poetry,  for 
poetical  tradition  and  metrical  convenience  may  have  kept  words 
and  forms  that  had  vanished  from  the  language  of  literary  prose ; 
Fhil.  Trans.  1895-7.  1 


•••:  rrai  vei&a*  syjstem s*y  -tub 

• '.t  ' ;      .      ........     - 


how  far  that  was  so  must  form  the  subject  of  another  investiga- 
tion. On  the  other  hand,  the  very  metrical  form  increases  the 
value  of  the  work,  for  the  language  of  a  poem  composed  in  so 
intricate  a  metre  is  of  necessity  much  less  liable  to  alteration 
in  the  course  of  transmission  than  that  of  a  prose  text  would 
be.  Not  that  the  metrical  form  is  an  absolute  security  against 
all  change.  Anyone  who  has  had  to  do  with  Irish  poetry  must 
be  aware  what  differences  are  sometimes  found  in  two  copies  of 
a  poem.  Without  going  farther  afield,  this  can  be  exemplified 
from  the  Saltair  itself,  the  tenth  poem  of  which  is  preserved  also 
in  the  Leabhar  Breae  lllb.  For  the  sake  of  any  who  have  not 
the  facsimile  to  hand,  the  LBr.  version  may  be  quoted  : — 

Rig  roraidi  erim  nglan 
hi  h-Eua  7  hi  h-Adam 
uair  dochuabar  darmosmacht 
nista  nf  dodeolaidecht 
Ercid  imbethaid  mboethraig 
serig  snimaig,  sirssethraig 
torsig  truagaig  censil  foiss 
rosbia  luag  barnimarboss 
Bar  clanna  bar  m«c  bar  mna 
fognam  doib  cech  sentrotha 
nochufta  maith  monar  nglan 
coti  allttf  bar  netan 
I  mad  cech  galair  rusta 
scarad  cuirp  7  anma 
7  saethor  rosbia  andan 
oe8  7  iscrine  iscrithlam 
Frithoilid  aslach  diabuil 
cech  lathi  7  cech  bltadatn 
nach  foruca  lais  diathig 
dochum  iffirn  naduathmair 
Bar  ngnimrada  diamba  glain 
iartimnaib  iarforcetlaib 
dob^rthor  ncm  cloethech  cruth 
do  chach  iarnairillua* 
Hi  richid  rannmair  ni  suaill 
ri  betha  bladmair  bithbuain 
nitlaith  fnglegrrim  cech  tan 
ri  roraid  eriwm  ngleglan. 


SALTAIR    NA    RANN — J.    STRACHAN.  3 

A  comparison  of  this  fragment  with  the  copy  in  the  Bodleian 
M8.  B  502,  from  which  Mr.  Stokes  edited  the  text,  is  greatly  to 
the  advantage  of  the  latter.  Thus,  to  take  obvious  cases,  nipta, 
L  4,  'is  not  to  you,'  is  better  than  the  absurd  nista  'is  not  to 
them';  so  1.  4  is  domdeolaidecht  compared  with  dodeolaidechtt  1.  8 
forbia  '  there  will  be  to  you '  compared  with  rotbia  '  there  will 
be  to  them,'  1.  13  forta  by  rusta,  1.  20  aduathmair  by  naduathmair, 
L  21  diamat  by  diamba,  1.  22  pronoun  inserted.  In  1.  7  the 
rhymes  tr6g  log  and  foe  imarboe  show  the  superiority  of  the 
Rawlinson  text.  In  1.  10  LBr.  seems  to  give  a  simpler  text, 
'your  children  .  .  .  slavery  to  them  every  day,'  but  the  more 
difficult  Rawlinson  text  may  be  the  original,  '  your  children  .  .  . 
serve  [present  vivid  for  future']  them  [the  evils  mentioned  above] 
every  day.'  In  the  same  line  the  disyllabic  laa  has  been  replaced 
by  tratha.  In  1.  \2  forhieen  'under  necessity'  has  been  changed 
to  bar  netan  by  some  one  who  thought  of  the  sweat  of  the  brow. 
He  is  convicted  by  the  change  of  pronoun,  'there  is  no  good  to 
them  till  the  sweat  of  your  brows  comes.'  From  these  con- 
siderations we  are  evidently  fortunate  in  that  the  complete  copy 
has  come  down  to  us  in  Rawlinson  B  502,  and  not  in  the  Leabhar 
Breae.  At  the  same  time  it  may  be  noted  how  little  difference 
there  is  between  the  verbal  forms  in  the  two  cases.  The  only 
serious  discrepancy  is  between  diamba  and  diamat.  That  R. 
itself  is  by  no  means  free  from  blunders,  has  been  pointed  out 
by  Stokes  in  the  Academy  for  July  14,  1883.  But  in  proportion 
to  the  length  of  the  poem  the  number  of  serious  errors  that  he 
has  indicated  is  not  great.  In  the  inflexional  system,  where  the 
metrical  control  fails,  there  is  still  the  control  of  other  similar 
forms;  in  the  case  of  peculiar  isolated  forms  not  established  by 
the  metre,  caution  must  be  exercised.  Another  means  of  control 
is  furnished  by  other  poems  of  about  the  same  time.  So  far 
as  I  have  investigated  them,  the  verbal  system  there  is  much 
the  same  as  in  the  Saltair.  Thus,  if  allowance  be  made  for 
possible  changes  of  spelling  and  little  corruptions  that  may  have 
crept  in  during  the  transmission  of  the  poem  from  the  tenth 
century  to  the  twelfth,  we  may  believe  that  the  Saltair  will 
give  us  in  all  essentials  a  fair  picture  of  the  Irish  language  as 
it  was  used  by  Irish  poets  in  the  end  of  the  tenth  century. 

I  have  already  alluded  to  the  possibility  that  the  language 
of  poetry  may  differ  in  some  respects  from  the  language  of  prose, 
though  this  difference  would  probably  lie   more  in  vocabulary 


4  THK    VERB\L  SYSTEM   OF  THE 

than  in  inflexion.1  Apart  from  anv  archaisms  which  might  be 
discovered  from  a  comparison  with  contemporary  prose,  there 
are  undoubted  cases  in  which  the  metre  has  influenced  the  form. 
Such  instances  need  mislead  no  one ;  the  disturbing  influence 
is  clear,  and  allowance  can  be  made  for  it.  Irish  metre,  with  its 
alliteration,  its  external  and  internal  rhymes,  etc.,  was  a  reiy 
complicated  thing,  and,  though  the  Ikhxd*  metre  of  the  Srftmir  is 
not  bound  by  so  strict  rules  as  0?Molloy2  afterwards  laid  down 
for  it,  still  the  poet  seems  to  have  been  at  times  hard  pressed 
to  satisfy  its  requirements.  I  will  confine  myself  here  to  some 
examples  of  this  from  the  verbal  system.  In  L  8226  we  find 
t*db*n  rhyming  with  Ulmam.  in  1.  279  Udbtin  rhyming  with 
talmai*,  and,  yet  again,  1.  303  tadhtmm  rhyming  with  «*jmm. 
In  L  3928  rordidi  rhymes  with  rri,  in  L  3868  rormid*  rhymes 
with  $U.  In  1.  844  the  unusual  form  tairbimr  may  be  due  to 
the  desire  to  get  a  rhyme  to  minimi  (fairatW,  Stokes)  in  the 
preceding  line.  In  L  3284  tuaislicfe*,  the  irregular  relative  form 
from  the  compound  verb,  seems  to  have  been  used  for  the  sake 
of  the  rhyme  with  fW.  The  usual  form  of  the  perfect  of 
reikim  is  rait  A;  in  1.  1708  indrotth  rhymes  with  croick.  The 
regular  perfect  passive  of  cluinim  is  rockUts;  in  1.  769  roehlk* 
rhymes  with  erereittu.  Cf.  also  feiauktA,  fwiprad  p.  15  note, 
notuildU  p.  16  note,  mtacoMtohg  p.  21  note,  iharlaid  p.  23  note, 
TOtddermid,  ro$d*rbaid  (if  I  am  right  in  so  correcting  rosderbait*) 
p.  33  note,  rotiach  p.  24,  forustar  p.  25  note,  -tdrmig  p.  31, 
dormirckelj  doruacel  p.  30,  dorigenUr,  which  rhymes  with  y«/, 
p.  34,  rodotcar  p.  26,  rodd*ttiu*tig*d  p.  36,  rodabdde*1  p.  37 
note.  It  may  further  be  noted  that  in  most  cases  where  the 
/  preterite  has  given  place  to  the  s  preterite  (p.  26)  the  new 
form  rhymes.  Something  of  the  same  kind  may  be  remarked 
in  the  variation  between  -ai  and  s  in  the  preterite  (p.  32  \ 
We  need  not  regard  all  these  forms  as  so  many  inventions  for 

1  The  Tripartite  Life  of  St.  Patrick  w*«  probably  competed  in  the  second 
half  of  the  tenth  century.  So  far  a*  appears  from  the  account  of  the  Unguag* 
which  Mr.  Stokes  give*  in  the  preface  to  his  edition,  the  rerbal  system  there 
cWly  reaembles  that  of  the  Seltatr. 

7  O'Molloy  poes  so  far  as  to  recommend  that  the  second  part  of  the  Terse 
should  be  written  first,  as  being  the  more  dificulx.—Grammuitu*  LmtiMc^ 
Hxbemxta,  p.    143. 

*  We  may  have  another  instance  of  the  same  kind,  which  I  had  preriooslT 
OTerlooked.  in  dodeeeraib  6S75,  which  rhymes  with  ettUib.     It  probably  stands 
f«»r  d+-d-4eeraif   cf.   do-d-ctrr*i   717,  Ucms  'nl.,  rhymes  with  eetmis    4439 
which  should  be  added  to  the  examples  of  the  $  preterite.  * 

*  Thia  mar  be  based  on  an  absolute  UJr*. 


SALTAIR   NA    RANN — J.    STRACHAN.  5 

helping  oat  a  halting  line.  In  some  cases  doable  forms  may 
have  been  in  nse  through  literary  tradition,  or  a  fight  may  have 
been  going  on  in  the  spoken  language  between  an  old  form  and 
a  new  analogical  formation  which  sought  to  take  its  place.  Under 
such  circumstance  the  writer  might  choose  whichever  of  the 
forms  suited  him  best.  But  Irish  metrical  theory  allowed  the 
poet  greater  liberties  than  that,  and  some  of  these  forms,  which 
can  never  have  had  any  place  in  the  prose  language,  must  be 
ascribed  simply  to  poetical  license.  In  a  form  like  rosdderaid  the 
innovation  was  probably  more  a  matter  of  outward  appearance 
than  of  sound  Dorigne  by  dorigni,  etc.,  point  to  a  confusion  of 
final  vowels.  The  ordinary  pronunciation  of  final  i  and  e  was 
probably  the  same ;  the  poet  used  now  one,  now  the  other,  as  his 
verse  demanded,  and  availed  himself  of  the  license  to  make  either 
of  them  rhyme  with  a  long  vowel. 

In  the  Saltair  the  complicated  verbal  system  found  in  the  Old 
Irish  Glosses  is,  on  the  whole,  well  preserved.  Some  old  things 
have  been  lost,  and  some  new  things  now  appear,  but  the  great 
bulk  of  the  changes  that  the  Irish  verb  has  undergone  are 
subsequent  to  this  period.  I  do  not  propose  here  to  enter  into 
a  detailed  comparison  of  the  language  of  the  Saltair  with  that 
of  earlier  documents.  My  collections  from  the  Glosses  and  other 
old  texts  are  as  yet  too  incomplete  to  permit  of  that,  and  with 
incomplete  collections  there  is  always  the  risk  of  branding  as 
late  some  form  which  is  in  reality  much  earlier.  But  one  or  two 
points  may  be  noted  without  much  hazard  of  error. 

In  compound  verbs  the  distinction  between  so-called  orthotonic 
and  enclitic  forms  is  for  the  most  part  observed,  e.g.  conic  :  ni 
ckumaing,  adchuaid  :  con-hecaid,  romemaid  :  co  roemid.  But  where 
the  first  of  two  particles  ends  in  a  vowel  and  the  second  begins 
with  a  vowel  or  /,  e.g.  to-aith,  to-for,  the  orthotooic  form  is  often 
replaced  by  the  enclitic.  Examples  are  fdebaid  3687,  7033  for 
foacaib,  turcbaid  7694,  fOapraid  4003,  tinOlat  8253,  tadbain  423, 
tadbat  4201  by  doaidbet  750,  timcanat  8033,  dingeb  5835,  tarrasair 
1633,  etc.,  tdrnactar  6939,  focart  6777,  fdcaib  6168,  tuargaib  2698, 
etc.,  tindlsat  3109,  etc.,  tuargabad  2759,  etc.,  turf  as  3309,  etc.,  by 
dodrfas  3225,  etc.  Instances  of  this  disturbance  are  already  found 
in  the  Old  Irish  Glosses,  regularly  in  td?u'cf  Ascoli  Gloss,  ciii, 
cf.  further  tUargab  Wb.  26d  11,  tuargabad  Wb.  14b  22,  in  both 
of  which  cases  the  orthotonic  form  occurs  in  close  proximity  to 
the  enclitic,  tairchechuin  Wb.  4d  8,  tadbat  Wb.  4d  10.     Additional 


6  THB   VERBAL   SYSTEM    OF  THE 

examples  will  be  found  noted  by  Thurneysen,  Rev.  Celt,  vi, 
149-151  passim.  Where  the  orthotonic  form  survives  in  the 
SaUairt  f  (/)  or  th  often  appears  between  the  Towels,  e.g. 
dothadbat  by  doaidbet,  rohuc,  rofuc,  rofucsat,  dofue,  dofuc,  dothuc, 
dafikgebad,  dofarraid  by  dotharraidt  fqfacaib,  dotbdrfas,  dotdrfas 
by  dodr/at.  The  variations  in  the  same  word  indicate  that  in 
many  of  these  cases  at  least  we  have  to  do  with  a  matter  of 
orthography,  not  of  pronunciation;  at  the  most  the  sound  in- 
dicated by  this  variety  of  spelling  can  hardly  have  been  more 
than  a  transition  h  between  the  two  vowels,  cf.  Zimmer,  KZ. 
xxx,  24  sq.  The  presence  of  /,  which  already  appears  in  dofarlaic 
Tar.  102,  may,  in  many  cases,  be  due  to  the  analogy  of  regular 
variations  like  do-Joethsat,  toetksat,  do-fuargabad,  tuargabad,  du- 
futkracair,  dutkracair,  and  the  like.  This  /  also  appears  after  an 
infixed  pronoun,  e.g.  do~s-fam'c9  do~s-farraid,  ro-s-fuc.  Cf.  do  d- 
fongad  Ml.  36*,  where  the  simple  verb  tonga im,  W.  tyngu,  is 
treated  as  though  it  were  a  compound  do-fongaim.  These  instances, 
again,  have  a  certain  superficial  likeness  to  O.Ir.  du-dfuthraccair 
by  duthraccair  and  the  like.  In  other  cases  the  /  may  have  been 
inserted  from  other  forms  of  the  verb,  fqfacaib  for  fodcaib  after 
fdcbaim,  etc.,  so  after  ro-  forf detain,  forjuacart.  As  to  Ik,  one  is 
disposed  to  seek  the  starting-point  of  it  in  compounds  with  to- 
like  do-thiagam,  do- the  it  by  the  simple  tiagam  teit,  but  I  have 
not  sufficient  material  to  follow  up  the  development.  Other 
instances  in  which  to-  is  prefixed  without  apparently  changing 
the  meaniog  are  do-diuscaim  by  diuscaim  'arouse,'  do-causing  by 
adcumaing  '  happens,'  do-riacht  by  ro-siacht  '  reached.'  These 
may  cast  some  light  on  cases  like  doss-tim-chettae  180,  domthabair 
3301,  where  to-  is  added  over  again  with  an  infixed  pronoun. 
So  in  a  simple  verb  to-  is  prefixed  with  an  infixed  pronoun  in 
dot-ro-marbus  1908,  dos-r-ort  3398.  These  last  cases  have  an 
outward  resemblance  to  do-t-riacht  2100,  by  ro-stacht,  where 
dotriackt  belongs  historically  to  the  compound  do-riacht.  The 
historic  dotriacht  by  ro-siacht  might  easily  have  given  rise  to  such 
formations  as  dotromarb  by  romarb.  Apart  from  the  preceding 
class  of  verbs  the  enclitic  form  is  found  in  dirges  1008,  heirgit 
8246,  cumgeba  8091,  8107,  dUigfat  2429. 

In  the  personal  endings  the  distinction  between  absolute  and 
conjunct  forms    is,   for   the  most  part,   maintained.1      The   few 

1  In  the  Old  Irish  Glosses  the  ending  -mm  is  the  prevalent  one  in  the  conjunct 
inflexion  of  the  1  sg.  pre*,  ind.    There  are  certain  difficulties  in  that  form  into 


SALTAIR   NA   RANN — J.   STRACHAN.  7 

exceptions  will  be  found  under  the  present  pp.  10,  12,  and  under 
the  future  p.  18.  In  simple  verbs  in  Old  Irish  the  third 
persons  of  the  present  indicative  and  subjunctive  and  of  the 
future  indicative  have  a  separate  relative  form.  In  the  Saltair 
these  forms  are  common  in  the  singular,  and  have  spread  to 
compound  verbs  in  dirges,  tuccas,  and  tuaslaicfes.  In  the  plural 
there  are  no  certain  instances.  Compare  the  rule  laid  down  for 
Modern  Irish  by  Atkinson,  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy, 
3  ser.,  vol.  i,  p.  430 — "  In  WHO-clauses,  use  the  3rd  so.  as  the 
Relative  form  for  EITHER  8G.  OR  PL.  in  all  the  tenses,  save  Pres. 
(and  Fut),  where  we  must  use  the  ending  -as  (and  -fas) ;  while 
in  WHOM-clauscs,  and  in  the  SXJBORDINATE-clause,  the  3rd 
pl.  must  be  used  in  all  the  tenses  in  connection  with  a  PLURAL 
NOMINATIVE."  In  the  1  sg.  subj.  the  ending  -ur  is  found 
aide  by  side  with  the  old  formation.  In  the  s  preterite,  in  com- 
parison with  the  total  number  of  occurrences,  the  instances  of 
the  absolute  forms  are  few.  In  the  3  sg.  endings  -i  in  the  third 
class  and  -a  in  the  first  class  are  found  as  in  Old  Irish,  and  there 
is  also  an  ending  -at,  on  which  see  p.  32.  In  later  Irish  in  the 
2  pl.  the  ending  -id  tends  to  be  replaced  by  the  ending  -bar.  The 
instances  of  -bar  in  the  Saltair  arc  not  many.  It  is  the  only  ending 
found  in  the  perfect,  cualabar,  dochuabair,  tancabair,  dorochrobair. 
It  happens  that  there  are  no  oases  of  this  person  of  the  t  preterite. 
In  the  s  preterite  is  found  the  solitary  rorecsabair  by  the  solitary 
dorinnsid.  In  the  *  subjunctive  by  essamar,  fessamar  are  found 
essabair,  fessabair,  but  the  2  pl.  of  active  verbs  ends  in  -id>  tissaid, 
dechsaid.  It  is  evident  that  -bar  is  a  new  formation  to  -mar,  -tar ; 
wurnmt,  -id,  -atar  become  -ammar,  -abar,  -atar.  The  steps  in 
the  change  of  -id  to  -abar  are  not  clear,  and  the  history  of  the 
development  of  the  form  has  still  to  be  written. 

We  come  now  to  the  tenses.  Of  these  the  present  calls  for  no 
remark.  In  what  is  usually  called  the  secondary  present  may 
still  be  observed  the  distinction  between  indicative  and  subjunctive 
moods.  The  various  forms  of  the  future  still,  for  the  most  part, 
keep  within  their  original  bounds;  instances  of  transition  are 
few.  Of  preterite  tenses  of  the  indicative  active,  the  s  preterite 
is  naturally  by  far  the  most  frequent.     But  the  perfect  and  the 

which  I  will  not  enter  here,  but  which  I  hope  to  treat  of  on  another  occasion. 
In  1.  1196  dognlm  is  a  startling  innovation  for  dogmuy  if  it  be  really  a  verbal 
form.  Can  it  be  that  the  poet  has  used  fc»  loosely  for  the  gen.  Unay  and  that 
f**m  ia  wed  aa  a  verbal  noun  as  in  1.  2758  ? 


8  THE    VERBAL  SYSTEM   OF  THE 

t  preterite  are  still  in  an  excellent  state  of  preservation,  though 
in  a  good  many  cases  there  has  been  transition  to  the  «  preterite, 
and  in  a  couple  of  instances  the  t  preterite  has  taken  the  place 
of  the  perfect.  In  the  perfect  passive  there  is  little  to  note, 
except  a  few  instances  of  transition  of  verbs  of  the  first  class 
to  the  later  mode  of  inflexion.  In  a  small  number  of  cases  the 
old  perfect  passive  has  been  replaced  by  the  passive  participle. 
The  form  usually  known  by  the  misleading  designation  of  the 
consuetudinal  present  is  only  beginning  to  appear.  The  classical 
modern  usage  of  this  form  has  been  admirably  discussed  by 
Professor  Atkinson  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy, 
3rd  ser.,  vol.  i,  pp.  416  sq.  No  detailed  investigation  of  the 
extent  of  its  usage  and  of  its  functions  in  Middle  Irish  has  yet 
been  published.  In  the  instances  which  I  have  noted  from  Middle 
Irish  prose,  it  is  used  in  the  enclitic  position,  e.g.  6ngenend9 
riasamaidend,  con-gonand,  nostuarcend,  noscerband,  noscengland,  inn 
anand,  ni  anand,  ndrodilgend,  and  it  is  in  most  cases  clearly  either 
a  simple  present  or  an  historic  present. 

As  we  saw  last  year,  the  deponent  inflexion  is  now  rare.  In 
the  substantive  verb  some  new  formations  will  be  found. 

In  each  case  I  have  aimed  at  giving  the  occurrences  in  full, 
except  in  the  infinitive,  the  exhaustive  treatment  of  which  has 
been  reserved  for  the  inflexion  of  the  noun.  In  a  text  of  such 
length  it  is  improbable  that  some  things  have  not  been  overlooked, 
but  I  trust  that  for  the  less  usual  forms  at  all  events  the  collec- 
tions are  complete.  The  Psalter  is  followed  by  several  other 
religious  poems,  cf.  Stokes,  Preface  n.  Whether  they  were 
composed  by  the  same  hand  or  not,  the  language  is  the  same 
as  that  of  the  Psalter,  and  the  concluding  lines  of  the  last  poem 
point  to  its  composition  in  the  tenth  century.  In  forms  taken 
from  these  poems  the  numerals  are  printed  in  thick  type.  For 
a  Middle  Irish  poem  the  diction  of  our  text  is  comparatively 
straightforward  and  clear.  But  there  are  many  difficult  passages 
where  one  cannot  get  at  the  meaning  with  certainty.  In  the 
earlier  part  a  good  deal  of  help  can  be  obtained  from  the  prose 
paraphrase  in  the  Leabhar  Breac.  But  after  a  time  this  prose 
paraphrase  gets  very  meagre,  and  finally  ceases. 

My  best  thanks  are  due  to  Dr.  "Whitley  Stokes  for  counsel 
in  difficulties,  and  for  his  great  kindness  in  reading  the  proofs. 
In  the  interests  of  Irish  lexicography  an  index  is  added  of  the 
verbs  and  forms  of  less  frequent  occurrence.     I  had  hoped  $t  the 


8ALTAIR   NA    RANN — J.   STRACHAN.  9 

same  time  to  treat  of  the  inflexion  of  the  noun  and  pronoun, 
bat  that  must  be  reserved  for  another  occasion. 


The  Verbal  Pabticxes. 
[The  references  will  be  found  under  the  various  tenses  and  moods.] 

The  Particle  no. 

Present  indicative: — no*theig,  no-s-dedlai,  no-t-cheil,  nos-oroith, 
**d*foilcct  no-t-geib,  no-e-airbrig,  no-d-\J~\o98aig,  nos-lui,  no-do-sdi, 
whhfreeerat,  no-mtha. 

Present  subjunctive : — no-m-buala,  no-d-marba. 

Imperative : — na-bar-sllaid. 

Secondary  indicative: — no-marbad,  nos&rnad,  no-dechrad,  no- 
**ided,  no-chinned,  no-gndthaiged,  na-luaided,  no-oisced,  nos~ 
ordaiged,  no-dos-ordaiged,  no-rddedt  no -br nitidis,  no-euildis. 

Secondary  subjunctive  : — no-mscarad,  no-chiad,  no-s-fuaslaiced, 
co  no-tuctais,  no-bzth,  no-betis. 

Future  indicative : — no-t-ndebf aider,  no-tsderf aider,  no-t-mairfider. 

Secondary  future  and  subjunctive: — no-8-ainsed,  no-thissed,  no- 
berad,  no-taiscirad,  no-thargad,  no -rag  tats,  no-maidfed,  no-m-btfad, 
no-had. 

The  Particle  ro. 

Present  subjunctive: — ro-marb,  ro-bddur,  ro-n-ddera,  ro~marba, 
ra-gh}  ro-kerala,  ro  t-chnd,  ro-msfiera,  ro-nsdera,  ro-n-fdema,  ro- 
r-chdmchinni,  ro-dirme,  co  r-faihigder,  rui-bem,  ndr-bar-durcridig, 
•rath,  jor-raib,  rob,  rop,  corb,  nd-r-bam,  ni-r-ba. 

Imperative : — ro-do[/]-samaig. 

Secondary  subjunctive: — ro-n-crlnad,  ro4hogad,  rofdemad,  ro- 
*ie*df  ro- sluiced,  cond-r-choicled,  co-r-glanmais,  co  r-airgtis,  co-r- 
9*iditis}  ro-m-beth,  ro-pad. 

Future  indicative : — ro/essamar,  ro-m-bia,  ro-t-bla,  ram-bia,  ro- 
dm-bia,  ro-tblat. 

Secondary  future  and  subjunctive :  —  ro-fessad,  ro-das-fessad, 
ram-bud. 

The  preterite  forms  will  be  found  under  the  several  tenses.  It 
*fll  be  observed  that  there  is  a  very  large  number  of  instances 
Ju  which  the  particle  does  not  appear.  This  omission  of  ro-  is 
much  more  frequent  in  compounds  than  in  simple  verbs.  This 
also  holds  true  of  the  Old  Irish  Glosses,  where  ro-  is  rarely  omitted 
in  simple  verbs.     In  the  Saltair  the  necessities  of  the  metre  must 


10  THE   \~RBAL  SYSTEM   OF  THB 

largely  hare  determined  die  use  of  oae  font  or  die  other.  In 
oae  or  two  eases  *V  appears  lor  rs-,  p.  29.  In  eosaponnd  rerbs 
rs-  is  often  prefixed  where  in  older  Irish  it  would  hare  been 
waxed.  Kote  also  the  frequent  elision  of  die  Towel,  which 
shows  that  it  most  hare  been  unaccented.  To  some  extent,  in 
enrHtie  forms,  r#-  most  hare  been  unaccented  in  the  Glosses,  eL 
Thnrneysen,  Re*.  CM.  ri,  323.  For  instance,  in  a*Y— i  umn*hruiy 
ML  136*  7,  the  a.«*amiUtion  of  it  to  *  shows  that  the  accent 
fell  on*. 

Acnrs  Voice. 
Pussst  Ltwcxttte. 

«^.  1  (#).  mmUim  375,  aftsi  1192,  rudim-m  1829:  **-*«&«  2032, 
s^aWm   1873,  *V*aisi  1196,  ad  di-fiktm1  3203,   at 
kttrmiftm  3178,  8001,  nf  fcctai  2434,  al  raiaVsi  2880, 
ni-*-t*eU*fim  8002. 
5  (*)-  **-*t*r  3571,  sVtiar  3183.     Traditional  rnnfm*  2081. 

Deponent — ai  frstar  1259. 
sg.  2  (*).  matk+r-fhrmi  3759,    addUr^atJ-aiarvW    1528.    a#  tfe*r 
3094,   sV^ai   1694,   2888,  im-i*m-<klmimi  1182,   1429, 
m-deomsifi   1431,  im-ratd*    1209  (ieL),  by  extension 
10  to   radical   verbs   star  it-heir*    1268,  ad  U-hrmi  848, 

<***  con-dsif*  3095,  #ai  con-d*ifi  5993 
sg.  3  («).  Mdr«iW  881,  eUnnstd  4489,  ft***!**  4789,  5869,  5874, 
jHfcf  2089,  /oiW^  2549,  2582,  orddsifid  4873,  4928, 
rdtftf  3841,1   3889,   4481,  4500,  4721,  4737,  4929, 
15  6742,  «oi4  3055,  frets'  5870,  taJi*  (?)  8378,  nfjaW  5133. 

By   extension  f**pr*id   4003,   «rf-/c<   (fM*i)   2250, 
/##  2526,  (*W)  2530,  4202,  {fiik  for)  4968,  6819, 
fdeUid   3687,    7033,    fnrr*W   7694,    d+-pnd*    7117. 
With  a  suffixed  pronoun  im-toid-i1  2121. 
20  (*).  «W/tsw*W/*#   180,  mm*l  f*-d**n-i*ds  288,  'wo-a-laaW 

4723  (reL),  nVa*««i  3891  (rel.),  n*-*-dtdUi  8348, 
fo-dchnd  8010.  tsi-rd  2647,  for-mtrm  4831  (reL), 
fo-r**ns  292,   Auat-trtU  1703,   asy?^  2518,   <»<«-£• 

1  I  take£f*Aua  to  be  a  present  corresponding  to  the  perfect  J+-*Am*id '  vent.* 
The  context  t»  A«««r  jm  dfthi-— UU<k  n-*orck+  m^enmrmn  4  because  I  do  not 
go  alone  into  the  dark  hooae.*  ,    ,    , 

1  Bat  in  the  repetition  of  the  Terse  at  the  end  of  die  poem  nrmid* 

*  If  this  be  not  a  scribal  error  for  *#*». 

•  Thii  form  anas*  to  be  need  to  avoid  hiatus. 


SALTAIR  NA  RANN — J.  STRACHAN.  11 

644,  eon-di  449  (rel.),  tad-ban1  97,  8226  (rhymes 
with  talman),  tad-bain  (rhymes  with  talmairi)  279,  423,  25 
as-beir  7717,  at-beir  4169,  do-beir  5811  (rel.),  dam-beir 
2952,  'mo-beir  527  (rel.),  dom-thabair  3301  (rel.), 
do-sn-ar-bair  89,  dia-cain  583,  do-cain  1021,  do-ceil 
7918,  m  dktf  3751,  4027,  6887,  7441,  8153,  <ftty 
no-t-chcil  6339,  do-sceil  7905,  nocho-s-ceil  251,  /o-  30 
cA«r<*  169,  1198  (rel.),  2569,  6153,  no-s-croith  3863, 
do-s-feim  253,  do-d-feim  7917,  no-da-foilcc  251,  do-thaet 
5963,  tttt  232  (rel.),  247,  447  (nf),  1197  (rel.),  1203 
(wten),  *el  8048,  m-tfe*  7916,  fc?t&  2036  (rel.)  8116, 
do-fuit  8133,  nl-s-gaib  60,  ct'<?  ar-not-geib  (ndt-t  Stokes)  35 
1693,  frisna-gaib  2414,  <?o  n-yat£  618,  con-gaib  6506 
(rel.),  7139  (rel.),  7215,  7882,  cotib-gaib  7834,  cota-gaib 
87,  515,  521,  2963,  5199,  6695,  cota-s-gaib  7924,  arta- 
*-y«£  1649,  cot- g ail  2275,  2279,  cot-h-gaib  47,  «tf-n- 
^«#  621,  cota-ngeib  429,  cota-n-gaib  3223,  fo-geib  6455,  40 
as-tor-gaib  2677  (=a*a  torgaib),  feib  tarh-gir  3359, 
for-con-gair  3749,  ar-gair  7935,  thim-gair  3045  (rel.), 
a&AS  7892,  wm-u?  321  (rel.),  2538  (rel.),  3222  (rel.), 
4182  (rel.),  5254  (rel.),  7514  (rel.),  nl  chum-aing 
3123,  to  1685,  2026  (/«&),  2586,  7707  (rel.),  7901  45 
(can),  8117,  thair-ic  4699,  thar-ic  6741  (rel.,  taircim 
'effect'),  no-8-airbrig  211,  no-d-[f~]os8aig  2079,  »l-m- 
/eiV?  4795,  nad-leic  1428,  ni-n-len  3839,  no-slui  166, 
at-naig  3546,  ttitoirw  7901  (rel.),  <*£-ra^  739  (rel.), 
2077,  2911,  2949,  4469,  8249,  forsa-said  617,  ro-*it>  50 
2552,  ro-ao/oA  435,  nad-r6ig  512,  <fo-ynf  7914,  7919, 
dos-gnl  7951,  dia-fo-gnai  1211,  fo-grii  7423,  'mi-foilhgi 
7933,  com-mairni  7712,  drtOaissi  2539,  »?  *A*-roa  4023, 
5070,  no-do-sdi  3863,  tm-#di  284,  2077  (iimo*,  MS.),  «fo- 
thai-tni  183,  240,  249.   Deponent  nach/oichlidar  8050.  55 

Relative  —  carat  943,  3706  (/*#),  chomUas  1194, 
criathras  41,  7937,  dhrio*  914,/*r«  246,  ,?/«*<»  6506, 
&i&ra«  6225,  fotf&M  7932,  sdsas  485,  warn*  6505,  techtas 
768,  troethas  5067,  <?iw»*a  6126,  our**  (1.  yu/'ra)  7241, 
driehnes  8$3,  foides  1017,  ^uiVm  153,  243,  2735,  8354,  60 
reithes  260,  rethess  228,  316,  r«#A*«  154,  7242,  slles 
1006,  *i/<w  1012,  sires  1005,  afoeaV*  5177,  mm^m  2467, 
suiges  913.     In  compounds  dirges  1008. 

1  Rather  iadbain  to  rhyme  with  tahnain. 


12  x  THE  VERBAL   SYSTEM   OF  THE 

pi.  1  (a).  K$r-almit  2175,  guidmit  3597. 

65  (b).  fort-gellam  3581,  3611,  eosa-tiagam  7968,  n\  chuingem 

1219,  1728. 
pi.  2  (a).  fe[dfc]Ml  5530. 

(b).  con-dnaigid  3473,  do-fucaid  7984. 
pi.  3  (a).  <?ara^  609  (rel.),  7945  (rel.),  eoerait  3131,  derbait  1101, 

70  ka#  7280,   linait   7279,    mariaiY   7280,   *a*ai*  7279, 

urgait  7279,  wrnat*  552,  5186,  8134  (rel.),  sndit 
7260  (rel.),  trebait  7907,  Jriaflat*  747,  eanait  587, 
599,  610  (rel.),  623,  eanait  7912,  7948  (rel.),  shlr- 
canait  703  (rel.),   o*  reeait  3141,  ralAa#  259,  7922, 

75  rind-rethait  131,  tf apart  746,   748   (rel.),   754   (rel.), 

764  (rel.),  770,  772,  4899,  8351,  bethaigait  (sic)1 
7280,  JUlit  7909,  fiidit  4652,  4777,  4816,  5449,  5565, 
hittit  3483  (rel.),  rddit  50,  radait*  2970,  a/titnnt* 
6638,  migit  524  (rel.).     With  affixed  pronoun  bertait 

80  2981,  cestait    953,  segtait  459.      In  compound  forms 

tim-chellait  422  (rel.),  dUallait  8128,  taid-brit*  7731, 

/<x<?6art  7655,  /«*»  taw*'*  3488,  8285,  toVytt  8246. 

(fl).  im-thim-chellat    346    (rel.),  ad-cocrat  6045,  frisk  dalat 

8314,  frisin-dalat  7161.  nf  sechm-alat  926,  ad-fiadat 

85  862,    8389,    Im-d/al  8253,  im-rd*  7894,  7941   (rel.), 

im-rladat  8126,  8391,  »i  im-scarat  8035,  tin-scanat 
8033,*  artrebat  8350,  farf-foi*  4201,  do-aid-bet  750, 
do-thad-bat  238,  <?o  m-berab  8124,  for-berat  7275,  fattf- 
£r^  749,  00  ttwa<  1019,  <?<i  canatf  7897,  con-canal  2165, 

90  fo-chanat  706,  immo-canat  495,  noco-dlegat  4914,  no-s- 

freccrat  709,  do-gnlat  3849,  fogmat  1450,  7443, 
as-tecat  (=asa-tecat)  995,  tuarcat  903,  do-soat  1023, 
im-sdat  1013,  00  n-hettgat  710,  00  m-brtUt  8123,  «> 
com-raicet  390,  for-da-midet  108,  do-midet  99,  elichet  (?) 

95  4238,  dia-fethet  2646. 

The  3  pi.  relative  is  regularly  expressed  by  (a)  in  simple  verbs, 
by  (3)  in  compounds.  There  is  no  certain  instance  of  a  separate 
relative  form.     In  2363  1^01  may =segait-e  '  speak  of  him,'  cf. 

1  On  account  of  the  neighbouring  verbs  trail,  mar  bait,  etc. 

1  a  forms  appear  already  in  the  Old  Irish  Glosses :  cf .  Ascoli,  Gloss,  pal.  bib. 
clxxxrii. 

1  But  in  1.  749  taidbret. 

*  The  MS.  has  tirucanait,  bnt  the  rhyme  requires  tinscanat,  which  Stokes  has 
restored. 


SALTAIR   NA    RANN — J.    STRACHAN.  13 

ugtait  above;  so  wg&ai  4253  and  riltai  &65=rilait-4.  In  6787 
ierbdai  rainn  may  mean  'staves  confirm  it' =derbait-i.  But  it  100 
maybe  passive:  cf.  derbtha  treith  6917,  derltha  hi  4861,  baigthi 
Wk  2499,  noithi  mail  2585,  6681,  taircthi  riiin  4353.  In  4015 
rtgtai  is  obscure.  Perhaps  it  stands  for  regait  e  l  stretch  them 
out';  hekthi  3670  perhaps  =*b*irti=berit-l. 

Present  Subjunctivb. 
sg.  1  (a).  With  active   ending   (the  ending  is   the   same  in  all  105 
classes)  : — aeht  dober  1277,  nl  din  1539,  nd  dern  1583, 
cia  oslao  1273,  co  ro-marb  5828,  co  rucsa  1595,  co  tuo 
5827,  con-os-tuc  1665. 
[h).  With'  deponent  ending : — co  ro-badur  1667,  arnd  her- 

balur  1260,  aeht  co  torchror-$a  1533,  con-as-rucur  1666.  110 
In  1.  844  -ber  has  apparently  become  -biur  under  the 
influence  of  the  dep.  ending,  dia  n~am-thairbiur,  which 
rhymes  with  airniul  in  the  preceding  line, 
sg.  2.  ce  no-m-buala  4793,  cia  ro-n-d&ira-ne  3599,  co  ro-marba 

5856,  fta  fora  1274,  diam-bera  3319,  3341,  matt  ta-  115 
on*  2087,  co  ra-^fa  1311,  dena  (as  ipv.)  1577,  1581, 
1598,  1931,  6880,  7691,  dSni  1183,  1617,  4800,  5680, 
cuiri  1561,  nl-t-gtoase  1620,  ni-9-failgai-8i  8239,  mam- 
%-tar-laice  3833,  roinne  3348,1  nl-t-chum-scaige  1620 
(rhymes  with  cogle).  120 

«ubj.sg.3  (a).  m«  /iraitf  3355,  na  marbaid  1966. 

(J),  co  ro-her-ala-se*  1159,  ro-t-chnd  6975,  nZ  ^anfa  2727, 
<?//?^e  no-d-marba  1993,  ro-m-sdera  655,  2815,  7417, 
8175,  ro-n-saera  8100,  8146,  8363,  co  ro-n-sdera 
8224,  nach-for-fuca  1459,  ro-n-fdema  8223,  con-dar-  125 
cwtW  7827,  nl-bar-tdrbae*  2625,  na  fcoW  1659,  nd 
dernai  1547,  ajpAe  ar-dos-ci  4165,  nock- as-tathigi  4381, 
co  ro-r-cdem-chinni  1619,  manid-clde  7442,  wf  /ai7 
ro-airme  788,  arnd-ro-n-fuapra  6425. 
Deponent — cibhi  fris-aiccidar  (ad-ciu)  4173.  130 

Relative  * — c(p^  ^a&a*  809,  (»?  /ai/  .  .  .  »*<?A)  lAucat 

1  With  transition  from  the  a  conjugation.  rotwn*  rhymes  with  doimme  in  the 
preceding  line. 

5  Usually  a  verb  of  tbe  third  class,  as  aurailem  1157. 

1  'There  will  not  happen  to  you ' :  cf.  doforbiat,  Ml.  27*  10,  and  Thurneysen, 
KZ.  iui,  85. 

4  These  forms  have  been  put  as  subjunctive  for  syntactic  reasons.  They  are 
found  in  constructions  where  the  subjunctive  is  the  regular  mood.  Cf.  e.g.  m 
fsilrimeu  311  with  nifail  roairtne  788. 


14  THE   VERBAL  SYSTEM  OF   TUB 


335,  (nf  fail .  .  .  nach)  tuceas  2384,  (madhi  .  . .  ^^ 
ehingges  6125,  (riasiu)  g aires  7724,  (nlfait)  riwiea  €^ 


pi.  1.  adram1  1585,  ad-ait-trebam  8385,  trlallamm1  S62,1,^A 
135  caiUhennam    8387,     faw»l    2744,    tartan1    27^^ 

tiagum1  1697,  liagamm1  3628,  t\agamx  3971,  w»h    ^ 
^am  3979,  dSnam1  2742,  1150,  1573,  tern1  397. 
aur-alem1    1157,   frith-aUm1    2725,    eluinem1    3312 
^wiVfem 1  805,  8309,  ad-roillem  8386,  tui-rmem l  789 
140  aitchem1  1613. 

pi.  2  (a).  Atcti'ft  at-ckithi  2627. 

(5).  warn'  chuirid  5485,  ara-toi-mlid  1085. 
pi.  3  (a).  *wM  ma  rannait  4735. 

(6).  cachah-denat  4167,  co-r-guidet  1615. 

Impehativb. 

145  sg.  2.  ait  6111,  naeh-ar-len  1726,  far  1593,  2201,  6126  (fa-), 
<z£-fa>  1213,  2049,  3898,  for-beir  2731,  n<2  him-boir 
6971,  M&A-a[t]fair-ftfr  1148,  fofa'r  819,  837,  1153, 
1945,  2042,  3182  (nd),  3337,  3547,  5836  (*dfa-), 
5956  (nd),  6110  (na),  7799,  7823,  £/!**  1149,  6009, 

150  geib  1326,  1331,   tdcaib  2113,  2117,  tuar-gaib  6881, 

At'M  2907,  to-mai/  2905,  ^-ri>  2061,  2097,  ei-rg  1253, 
1587,  2062,  2482,  2926,  3801,  5010,  at-taig  1618, 
2073,  3252,  nd  Uig  1152,  5953,  tuc  1262,  2881, 
frith-ail  5011,    <foi*i(?  3313,    nd  laid  6011,   nd  fa* 

155  6010,  6029,  na  calhaig  2877,  cluin  2441,  coraiy  1597, 

2103,  daim  2114,  <fam  2882,  innis  3295,  sow**  1151, 
(*?-//>  7791,  7794,  7811,  7816,  7819,  dUaig  7804,  nd 
hUtraig  6018,  iar-faig  6976,  /<5t'^  2063,  nd  gndthaig 
6031,  $w$(?)  2327,  ^wirf  1607,  4555,  5500,  im-thdire 

160  4314,  innis  3295,  few  3844,  teitgc  6979,  M-fa*  1270, 

3199,  Ussaig  3843,  nach-am-luaid  3186,  rdtf  6847, 
rata <J  1332,  tairinn  6019,  ro-do-sumaig  2200,  nd  Idrary 
6020,  6021,  6025,  6027,  6032,  suidig  1605,  2115, 
2203,  5013.     In  petrified  phrase  aig,  thaig  2631,  3241, 

165  3477,  6305,  6539,  7087;  cf.  Windisch,  Wb.  798. 

Deponent— cluinte  1842,  2441,  3334. 
Bg.  3.  nach-amtaidled  2053,  orthad  6\59,  ferad  8073,  ndfinnad 
1961,    ta-brad  3884,    *d*rf    2067,    3911,    5991,    6159, 
gaibed  4397,  ynfo^    2743,    toi-mled   4487,    nd   anym? 

170  4383,  Uced  6160,  ml  cum-scaiged  1965,  7981. 

1  In  ipv.  j*onse  '  let  u*  .  .  .  .' 


SALTAIR   NA    RANN — J.    STRACHAN.  15 

pi.  2.  anaid  1422,  nd  hag  aid  7989,  cometaid  4853,  4860,  7981, 
derbaid  4332,  fegaid  3113,  llnaid  2612,  tin-olaid  1373, 
2624,  sernnaid  4409,  na-(=no-)bar-8ilaid  2611,  taircaid 
2624,  fertf  6235,  fuapraid  3641,  la-braid  1823,  3613, 
jutoTf  2729,  fo-m/tf  2624,  4739,  *V-fyiff  1369,  1445,  175 
3589,  3642,  4829,  tueaid  3499,  3585,  dhiaid  3114 
(»d),  4162,  4301,  4843  (n<2),  7841,  frith-alid  1457, 
3905,  t/fftntV  1822,  4841,  4872,  curid  1415,  taircaid 
2624,  nd  dermaitid  4869,  faihigid  3615,  totf  1229, 
2057,  teiWi  3590,  rai<f[itf]  3471,  tfturmttf  7961,  tetWrf  180 
7963,  tairinnid  7985. 1 

pi.  3.  tfo?o*  4389,  tome*  4394,  refotf  7829. 

Secondary  Present. 

The  so-called  secondary  present  comprehends  two  distinct  forms — 
(«)  a  past  tense  of  the  indicative  denoting  customary  or  repeated 
action,  {b)  a  past  tense  of  the  subjunctive,  cf.  Thurneysen,  KZ. 
xxxii,  68.  The  two  sets  of  forms  have  fallen  together  to  a  great 
extent,  but  they  can  clearly  be  distinguished  in  do-gniu,  sg.  3 
do-gntthf  and  do-gntth,  and  very  largely  in  verbs  of  the  first  class, 
cf.  ottered  with  eonerbarad,  but  here  syncope  often  produces 
confusion,  e.g.  eonepred  for  conaithberad. 

sg.  1   (b).  for-fimdinn  1338,  im-thegind  1337,  co  m-blmsind  1423. 

sg.  3  (a).  dlomad2  7035,  no-marbad  5808,  no-sernad  2957,  aisneided 

4609,  4613,  feimdeth*  3255,  at-fored  5903,  fuaprad*  185 
3857,  no-dechrad  6287,  ton  turcbad  5085,  for-coh-grad 
4597,  4620,  ^/eai  2830,  tesrtmf  4605,  *iW  4577, 
4581,  do-ticed  1116,  /%^*f  6682,  no-maided  5087, 
at-raiged  4601,  ton  %«*  4502,  no-chinned  4019, 
ro-cluned  4501,  ro-chluined  4540,  /**£  no-gndthaiged  190 
6151,  noco-laimed  4877,  na-luaided  (=no-)  6645,  no- 
©•«*[<*]  2844,  dou-Uced  5092,  no-8-ordaiged  1112 
(rhymes  with  cenchad),  no-dos-ordaiged  1504,  no-rdded 
4980,  tauferf  4514,  do-thairced  4521. 

1  A  peculiar  form  nach-as-creitiu  4700  probably  for  -creitibh. 

»  The  lacuna  may  be  supplied  ioft  *r&i  [*<*]  dlomad  eath. 

•  These  verba  have  the  form  of  the  secondary  present,  but  in  both  cases  an 
historic  present  would  suit  the  meaning  better.  Metrical  reasons  seem  to  hare 
led  to  the  use  of  the  forms.  Cf.  doa-fimed  8170  (rhymes  with  tened)y  where  the 
■cote  is  not  clear . 


[1    VKUHAL    BTOTEM    Of    I  (IE 

(£),  tnmi-s-hmnaehijd  6820,  ma  ro*n~crJnad  3619,  {nl  Jil  w$) 
no-m-warml  7719,  meni  wcntd  3134,  #0  tarddad  1636, 
2836,  co  ro-fhof/tid  4559,  00  n-ir-h<tmd  £642,  tabrad 
(-00  tahrad)  6860,  ro-f40mad  3133,  («7  /r*M  .  .  .} 
^fii/H/  47GO,  00  fur-gbad  2835,  (ill  /«Wr  art)  /orjtf- 
tarnmid  2.>,V2t  2572,  f0-rart-/*«W  27<j3,  (nt  frith  mch) 
d<-*-h»-id  3228,  3233,  do^ncth1  1409  (rul.)t  7852 
(it*)*  po  nd-r-choicled  4141,  M  m-ehlad  8018,  (nf  frith) 
m-hMrai§ed  2684,  ™  ro*Uktd  4127,  (*1  /fair  nodi) 
M-i-fOas-fafced  3311,  a?  Ur4amd  3831,  ro  rwluieed 
4719,  €-0  to****?  1631. 
pi,  I  (£)*  ew\tjlantnai*  1575,  £i4cA0»iitt0[j]*  {mat-efwmmeiit,  Stokes) 

2776t  <?*a  do-gnr.immU  8052. 
pi  3  (a),  tftftlAI  4409,  /rrrftfi*  4981  (rcl),  7209  (rel.)»  00  marhdai* 
3676,    mvllaii  4497,    rnonhua    5331    (rL«L)t    e<m-bcnd(ti* 

210  3672,  f&r-bartai*  3680,  Mlteu  4504,  fu-daimti*  3674, 

foftobtii  1089,  taftf  3427,  4575f  4306,  dvthtctU  1120, 
MtVyfa  1113  (reL).  do-fuctai*  4624,  ^witf*  4343,  wo- 
bruindit  4347,  oMn  4767,  tffffif  2277,  70.17,  7057, 
im**Cutt*  112  5,  no-wifdU*  4348. 

215  (A),  ara-comattis  1091,  co  ro~fi$daia  4657,  tfjVi  »0-/7wfaj*5O3A, 

co   nu-ro-marbtiiiK    1992,   00    ro-marblaU   3252,  MK 
tjakdatB   4783,  /c*A    no-^ftbtah    3251,    do-meidah    1084, 
PMWAMfrfA  3702,  cwnknidtais  4187,  cQ~r~mrgti*  677»i, 
GQ-r-§uiditi*  1645, 

CoKstnrnn»rNAL  F&kssnt.* 
220      Of  tliis  the  fallowing  instances  occur: — g|  thad-bann  303,  adnum 
3308,  MM  itmmiw  4607. 

*  FuTCTBB  AND   SUBJCKCTIVE, 

On  the  distinction  between  the  *  future  and  the  *  subjunctive- 
q£  Thurncjsen,  KZ.  xxxi,  72  eq.  In  the  following  the  forms 
have  been  divided,  as  well  us  I  could,  according  to  usage. 


1  In  5564  &*#»£  sewmi  to  tL&nd  for  d*§niih.    Cf,  domtk,  dm*mut  Atkitmnn 
»  t.  Uo-ymu.     In  Modern  Muu*ter  Iri»u  ita  3  ug,  pre*,  see.  a  nils  rr^ultLrly  in 

1  Mr  probtbh  Mttrffal  tio*nifffi§  a*  used  for  ttatildii  lor  tho  sake 

of  the  rhyme  with  RNtlliPNi 

1  Ol  tta  ioninliun  g  f.  Thuraejwo,  Ity,  JonM,  I,  329  *q+     Of 

the  iibo?c  exurnpU*  tadtoinn  m  el<  1  in  manning.     Admnn  boa  rftllus 

tUu  forco  of  a  jio*t.  For  rf«i  n-*dvaf*n  HQti  LBr.  1  IS*  fan  tbt  m,  jir^s.  */m 
n~44tru*l.  For  t««it^w*#  LUr  Ififl^  hus  %Min  the  tec,  pres,,  cf.  Stole*,  KMi. 
tu,  A, 


SALTAIR   NA   RANN — J.    8TRACHAN.  17 

FCTURB. 

sg.  1.  ad-flasa  1785. 

sg.  2.  nl-n-anai*  5999,  m  anais  6036. 

sg.  3.  fo-chicher  8205,  noco-ria  4729,  memau  4705,  tnebais  8320, 

af-rg  8269,  do-for-fua  5483,  5487,  do-t-rua  6177,  nf-r-  225 

fora  2747  (=«£   «rn-).     By  extension  nach-arndihi 

1551,  ttfM1  8267,  8273. 
pi.  1.  ro-fessamar  1265. 
pi.  3.  fo-chichret  8060,  8088,  ni-s-fdehat  8163,  8291,  do-fiethsat 

8289,  ld*lA**;  8161,  aUessat  8238,  aUrmut  8242.         230 

Subjunctive. 

sg.  1.  con-iarfus  7837,  ancondn-kis  1874,  (<n>*tf)  rowd  6123, 

aMtf  00  ro*  1271.     Deponent — <?0  fessur  2883. 
sg.  2.  »wm  adair*  5955,  nl  de-chats  5951,  tatr  (as  ipv.)  1261, 

1681,  3197,  3201,  frisan-eirreis  1172  (=*«-ro-r-),  tew 
1273.     Deponent— co /fw^r  1327,  6113.  235 

sg.  3.  mani-m-thair  1280,  (nl  fail-nech)  conni  652,  (00  nachfil  ni) 
com  3808,  10  rfo*  1600,  00  rl  2096,  00  tf  2074,  2076, 
con-omthl  2092,  <70-*i-o*-tt  1452,  dia  ti  3502,  m<?n$  Mi 
2075,  co  roa  1368,  8108,  nd  rda  6371,  00  tor*  1263, 
teis  1660  (rel.).  240 

pi.  1.  co  n-de-chsam  1155,  1217,  nd  de-chsam  1549,  acAtf  rmam 
2745.     Deponent — <w?M  con-d-essamar  1266. 

pi.  2.  00  n-de-chmid  1375,  tan  tissaid  3501,  (fra  n-d-essabair 
1232,  cofessabair  1089,  2022. 

pi.  3.  00  n-de-chsat   1161,   00   roi'*^   4281,    010;   thiasat   1845,  245 
co  n-heirset  8232. 
With  transition  to  £  future  forB-maidfid  6492. 

Secondary. 
The  usage  is  that  of  a  secondary  subjunctive. 

sg.  1.  co  tmatnn  1814. 
eg.  2.  mans  thorasta  6321. 


1   It  is  by  no  means  certain  that  this  is  a  future,    teiss  generally  has  the 
meaning  of  *  sits,'  and  it  may  have  so  here,  cf.  Thurneysen,  KZ.  xixi,  98. 
*  An  obscure  word,  but  probably  an  »  subj. 

Fhil.  Trans.  1895-7.  2 


18  THE   VERBAL   SYSTEM    OF  THE 

250  sg.  3.  no~8-ainse&  (rel.)  5568,  (conndch  beth)  di-gsed  4616, 
co  n-di-gaed  5623,  co  n-de-ch*ad  5643,  ro-fessad  7926, 
(nl  fail  neeh)  ro-das-fessad  562,  cofesnd  3847,  co  riueA 
2700,  *mad  6003  (rel.),  ("*  bai)  no-thiusA  1510,  co  tiueA 
1796,  5451,  tissad  1816  (rel.),  mtroi  Itmd  1864,  ar  U*nA 

255  6423,  n'a  no-m-thoirscd  3115,  (ni  &*<?)  cota-coimsed  5387, 

(nI/ri7A)/o/t7»^5776. 
pi.  3.  co  tistais  1807,  wJ  chdenuaitis  519,  m  choemtai*  932, 
fid  *?a«tet>  3407. 
With  transition  to  the  b  formation   no-maidfcd  5036, 

260  in  the  apodosis  of  a  conditional  sentence,  cf.   in   a 

similar  position  reme  nomaisted  7   ni  fair  nordinfithe, 
LL.  61b  14. 

Reduplicated  Future. 

Primary  . 

sg.  1  (a),  blrat-sa  (rel.)  3321,  manne'rat  1877,  regat  l-ta  5860,  5825. 
(b).  nochon-epir   1309,   nl   himmer  1541,  doUr  1173,   1272, 
265  2885  (gia),  dos-ber  2431,  nl  thibir  842  (rhymes  with 

nl  ehO),   nl  cUl  841,  2886,  do-gin  854,  1876  (rel.), 
3510,  3824  (rel.),  do-gem  (cid)  2050,  din-glh*a  5835, 
do-reg  1279,  nl  rag-sa  1847,  n#-*a  1663,  1588. 
sg.  2.  teni  8805,  toi-rchi  (to-reg-)  6128. 
270  sg.  3  (a),  gibaid  8263,  dig  el  a  id  6257.    In  compound  verb  fo-gibaid* 
1131. 
(ft),  alfcra  8133,  cum-geba  8091,  8107,  turcgeba  8105,  8089, 
con-gira   8229,    <ftl«   in-fagba  2551,   <%£na   4060,    ne£ 
</*>»*  6146,  dot-rega  3343,  »!  my«  6427. 
275  Relative — Jg/vi*    3345,    !&<w    1963.      Contaminated 

with  b  future  rir/es  1073. 
pi.  1  (£).  at-Ulam  1556,  *aiA  hepllam  2749. 

pi.  3  (ft).  <z*-*<f/al  8183,  nl  hsptlat  4168,  n?  cMa*  8181,  nl  gcbat 
4835,  5015,  do-glnat  1407. 

1  These  forms  hare  been  put  here  in  accordance  with  custom,  not  that  there 
is  any  reduplication  in  them.  Formally  rcg,  rtgat  etc.,  are  probably  sub- 
junctive* used  in  a  future  sense. 

1  After  an  historical  tense  the  secondary  future  fogebnd  would  be  more  usual, 
but  the  primary  future  seems  to  t>e  used  to  get  a  slender  final  consonant  to  go 
with  roHttir.  In  2551  the  future  follows  an  historic  present,  and  is  followed 
by  the  secondary  form  forwitarratad.  There  one  \*  tempted  to  read  dtmnfagbad, 
but  it  is  not  certain  that  a  change  is  necessary. 


SALTAIR  NA   RANN — J.    STRACHAN.  19 

Secondary. 

The  secondary  reduplicated  future  and  the  secondary  b  future 
have  in  our  text  the  double  usage  that  Thurneysen  has  pointed 
oat,  KZ.  xxxi,  68,  serving  both  to  express  an  imperfect  of  the 
future,  particularly  to  replace  the  fut.  ind.  in  oratio  obliqua,  and 
to  express  an  unreal  condition.  As  the  examples  are  few  and 
clear,  it  would  serve  no  purpose  to  keep  the  two  uses  separate. 
These  tenses  are  not  in  our  text  used  to  denote  purpose. 

sg.  2.  eia  do-bSrtha  6033,  dus  in- fo-glbtha  1563.  280 

sg.  3.  at-Ulad  4644,  no-bsrad  2806,  6396,  do-btrad  3192 
(cinna*),  5819,  na  tibrod  3846,  nl  gibed  3389,  na  gibad 
3387,  da-fih-gebad  5796,1  5820,  na  faicbed  4132,  dus 
in-  fagbad  2567,  2583,  gigned  7524,  (nl  fitir  eid) 
do-ginad  2924,  nl  foirbsi  no-taiscerad  3116,  co  1x2  285 
ragad  3132,  eid  no-tharged  2764. 

pL  1.  do-melmais  1564  (rel.). 

pi.  3.  for-b&rtaU  2807,  dus  infoigebtais  5563,  dus  in-fo- 
gibdais  5567,  no -rag  dais  4724,  no-ragtai*  6774,  na 
targtais  6775.  290 

b  Future. 
Primary. 

8g.   1  (n).   (a)  sloinnfi  1212  (rhymes  with  doirehi). 

(ft)  rannfat  1264,  fdidfet  3835,  muirfet-sa  5857.     From 
compound  verbs  ymo-d\lfat  3836,  dl-legfat  2429. 
(b).  nlfellub  Sm,fo-churiub  6121,  do-lecub  2428. 
sg.  2.   no-m-diultfa  7723,  nl  blasfi  1433,  nicho-m-crdidfe  1210.     295 
8g.  3  (*)-   Mhfaid   8028,    ftn/atrf    8032,    8095,    croithfaid  8104, 
erithnaigfid  8066,  >#<*  8203,  lessaigfid  2059.     From 
compound  verb  timm-airgfid  8080. 
(3).   no-b-saerfa  2732,   no>t-9aerfa  3806,  fcc/b   8025,   8029, 

to/*  8103,  do-t-icfa  2442,   fo-*t<?/a  6855,  con-gluaisfi  300 
8297,  ar-tuaisfi  8299. 

Relative — <fcj(/J?«  3318,  Uraigfes  4486.     From  com- 
pound verb  tuais-laicfes  3284  (rhymes  with  cfow). 
pL   1   (*)-   an/amit  1425. 

(3).   »*  fef#*m  3978.  305 

1  J  e#  jUnngebadh  from  di-in-gabaim.     See  Windisch,  Wb.  s.v.  dingbaim,  and 
cf.  din$eb9*  above. 


20  THB   VERBAL  SYSTEM   OF  THE 

» 

pi.  3  (a),  crethfait  8083,  ferfait  8315,  Ugfait  8061,  Vlnfait  8160, 
8288,   sergfait   8209,   beccaiehfit  8059,   /tUi^/ft   8207, 
Maigfit  8057,  rf/i/ft  8208,  «tyitt  8219.    From  com- 
pound verb  ticfait  1164,  8129,  8227. 
810  (&).  con-llnfat  8027,  co-cUefet  8217,  It;/***  8037,  8038,  8039, 

8040,    ticfet   8151.      By  extension    con-benfat   8070, 
fo-m-gnlfet  852. 

Secondary. 

8g.  1.  ni  aimeidfind  827,  956. 

sg.  3.  nl-n-baidfed    1506,  no-m-bifad1   5812,   riinnisfed  6440, 
315  m-n-loucfed  1505,  <ftu  in-rathaigfed  6152,  no-maidfed 

5036. 


Perfect. 

In  the  past  tenses  the  forms  are  divided  into  (a)  simple  verbs 
-without  ro-,  (J)  simple  verbs  with  ro-  prefixed,  (<?)  compound 
verbs  without  ro-9  (<J)  compound  verbs  with  ro-  infixed,  (e) 
compound  verbs  with  ro-  prefixed.  After  particles  like  ni  eon~9 
the  same  advancement  of  the  particle  is  found  in  O.Ir.,  but  in  our 
text  ro-  is  also  found  at  the  beginning  of  compounds  without 
any  such  reason. 

sg.  1  (a),  co  cuala  8333,  nl  filar1  3312;  with  transition  to  the 
s  pret.  nafuarus  ('what  I  got')  1758,   1762,  1766, 
1770,  1774,   1778.     Deponent— huair  nd  fetar  1335, 
320  hiiair  ndch  fetar  1579. 

(c).  co    facca*    1336,    do-de-cad    1817,    do-deo-chad    3097, 
atat-gln   (aith-gninim)    2887,    tdnac   1684,    gli-thdnae 
1695,  atethach  (ateoch)  817.      Deponent— co  tarrasar 
1819. 
325  (<*).  do^rde-ga-ea  8173. 

sg.  2  (b).  can  do-de-chad  3094 ;  with  transition  to  *  pret.  fo- 
fHarais  1751.  Deponent— forcoemnacar  1544  (rel.), 
haair  ndch  atamar  (=ad-dam-)  1406,  rofetar  3799, 
tarrasarsu  1861. 


«  O.Ir.  fris-hia,  dufShe,  of.  KZ.  xxxi,  85.     With  fc/arfcf.  W/W,  LL.  60.  28. 

*  On  thw  verb  see  Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1891-93,  p.  292. 

s  acca  from  *ad-cecha,  cf.  frutracacha-sa  l  fiperavi,'  Ml.  47*  8. 


SALT  AIR   NA   RANN — J.    8TRACHAN.  21 

*£•  8  («)•  «*»  ('went')  7185  (6  shunn),  Hair  net  cUala  2109,  co  330 
run/a  1365,  5805,  mar* t-chilala  5969,  cf.  1717,  /uatr 
1136   (rel.),    1567   (nf),    2107   (*>),   2553   (0),   2572 
(wf),  2871,  2933   (con-das-),    3037    (Aflair  nd),   3394 
(na  'what'),  3523   (feib),    3697    (cond-),  3737  («>), 
5654  (rel.),  6197  (rel.),  6435,  6447  (co),  gdid  1322,  335 
1421,  3249,  luid1  1134,  2157,  2310  (co),  2614,  2799, 
2947,    3023,    3053,    3129,   3140,   3205,   3439,    4005, 
4009,  4277  (co),  5692  (dio-),  5861,  6165,  6201,  6237, 
6352,  6407,  6445,  7066,  7147,  7153  (dia-),  7176,  7335 
(dia-),  7395  (dial-),  7658  (intan),  luid  is  2929,  luide  340 
5880  (rel.),  memaid  4765,  mebaid  6457,  sephain  2159, 
6063. 
(3).  rW-6!1  3049,  ro-chachain  4043,  ro-cechlaid  2234  (rel.), 
ro-dos-dedaig   6550,    ro-s-dedlaig   7958,    ro-fdid   1340, 
J884  (^dochdid,  LBr.),  ro-^attf  1629,  2833,  4125  (^0),  345 
4557,  5502,    5561,    6857   (co),    7189,  ro-giul*   6916, 
00  ro-ngiail  6957,  nocho-s-rala  4110,  dia-r-luid  7145, 
ro-memaid  5097,  6589,  ro-mebaid  5901  (o  shunn),  5928 
(5  iAunn),  6913  (u<i[r]),  6953,  00  rtfwwrf  5891,  ro-reraig 
2573,  7237,  00  ro-rdith  (rethim)  5717,  ro-do[f\selaig  350 
6549,  ro-tepkain  4042,  5061,  ro-thdig  7903. 
(*).  atas-com-aihg  5320,  ata-com-ong  6920,4  dian-ebairt  7639, 
7703,  con-facca  1067,  1304,  2123,  2127,  2129,  2133, 
war  ro-chuala  1661,  at-chuaid  3281,  3297,  3365,  6141 
(arf-),   6195,   <?0   n-hicaid    3875,    do-chdid  1529   (rel.),  355 
6072,  6417,  7737  (rel.),  7753,  7757,  do-chiiaid  2101, 
2592  (rel.),  3685,  3711,  3877,  (*mfl/)  3981,  4001,  4745, 
4776,   5333,    5625,    6040,    6129,    6143,    6149,   6169, 
6219,   6381,  6433,  6453,   6469,   7709,   de-chaid  1720 
(na),  4617  (ttw-)>  7315  (dian-),  deo-chaid  2797  (/a«in-),  359 

*  Cf.  Zimmer,  KZ.  xxx,  215  sq.  If  the  word  be  a  perfect  the  weak  form  of 
-the  stem  might  perhaps  be  most  easily  explained  by  equating  luid  with  a  middle 
+ptud*i.     Another  possible  explanation  is  to  take  luid  as  an  aor\8t*=*pludet. 

*  Cf.  Thurneysen,  KZ.  xxxi,  89.  The  form  also  occurs  in  a  poem  by  Fland 
Mainistrech,  LL.  132b  34. 

*  Perhaps  we  should  read  rogiuil,  as  there  seems  no  particular  metrical  reason 
for  the  anomalous  rogiul.  The  form  rodngiul  is  also  found  in  a  poem  ascribed 
to  Fland  Mainistrech,  LL.  133%  but  it  must  be  changed  to  -giuil  to  rhyme 
with  eiuin  in  the  following  line,  cf.  LL.  132*  31. 

*  The  inflection  is  neglected  for  the  sake  of  the  assonance  with  ehrddotin  in 
the  preceding  line.     For  the  verb,  cf.  Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1891-93,  p.  295. 


22  THE   VERBAL   SYSTEM   OF   THE 

do-de-chaid  1302,  1397,  2105,  3105,  3873,  4093  (rel.), 
5697,  5824  (rel.),  5961  (rel.),  6377  (dodecaid),  do-deo- 
ehaid  1179  (rel.),  3733  (rhymes  with  teched),  4170 
(rel.),    4749,    5442,    5653,    5801,    6222    {in    tr&th), 

365  6877,  mar  it-con-nairc l  2589,  mar  at-chon-nairc  3021, 

do/uaid  ('ate')  1287,  dua[%]d  1293  (dshunn),  do-duad 
1440  (dshunn,  rhymes  with  eath),  do-das-fnaid  3860, 
dia  tar-aill3  7643,  tarail  6675,  0  fo-fuair  1177, 
fo-fkaW  3091,  3809,  3812,  5151,  6349,  6470,  at-ge6in* 

370  3463  (amal),  3721  (0  khunn),  co  farnaic  3736,  r-dnie 

2801  (rel.),  cotr-anic  3717,  3752  (rel.),  cond-r-dnic 
7649,  dos-fdnic  1687,  tdnic  1711  (MoW*  rel.),  2025, 
2153  (co  ndeb-th-),  2265  (tan),  2306  («>),  2345  (fcw), 
2556  (»!),  2867  (*w;A-fA-),  3013  (tan),  4107  (MAtf* 

375  rel.),  4972  (onduair  th-),  6315,  6419,  6937  (dia-),  6996 

(oVa-),  7172  (dshunn),  7384  ((&*-),  7493  (oVa),  7509 
(thanic  rel.),  7517  (tAamV  rel.),  7525  (dia),  tar-blaihg 
7761,  dellig  1389,  oWuta*  1377,  1669,  2162,  2616,  2843, 
3017,  4781,  4785,  5569  (dolluid),  5577,  5873,  5957, 

380  6248,  6341,  6385  (dolluid),  6400  (rel.),  6964,  tarraid 

(^to-ar-rdiih)  864  (corns-),  3019  (con-das-),  3217,  3519 
(do-s-farraid),  4157  (db-tf arrant),  4184  (dia),  4666 
(nocho-s-),  5715  (do-farraid),  5720  («>),  6535,  nf 
thuaraid1  5071,  ind-roith  1078  (rhymes  with  croich)t 

385  aV*-*ta*  (=a*i-ew-«-)    1381,    1387,  2156   (con-),    3745, 

4447,  6131  (con-)t  6959  (con-),   7549,  7567  (forsn-), 

7783,  con-at-taig  7637  (cuintgim). 

(d).  do-ar-faid  326,  tdr-baid  3271,  tar  f aid  1243  (iiai'r  ltd), 

7659  (a*ta-),  frisin-trbairt  7689,  do-ro-chair  1296,  1353 

390  (Auatr),  2005  (Auair),  4079,  5414,  6484,  6931  (Auair), 

tor-chair  5401  (aYa-),  5895  (rfia-),  6398  (w),  6560  (♦-), 
do-s-roega  1070,  da-roega  7299,  do-rdega  3073,  5681, 
dordegai' 3436  (rhymes  with  J/cfi),  do-raiga  2785, 
3377,  4561,  7501,  7581,  do-s-raiga  7505,  7528  (rel.), 


1  From  *dedairc. 

1  Whether  these  forms  are  really  perfect  is  doubtful. 

3  In  1689  aithgen  seems  to  be  used  for  the  3  sg.,  aith-geoin,  unless,  indeed, 
we  are  to  translate  '  thou  didst  not  know,  Eve.' 

•  Cf.  -tarfuaraid  7627,  doruaraid  4985,  «/  deruaraid,  Ml.  31*  6,  cf. 
Thurneysen,  KZ.  xxxi,  74.  In  tuaraid,  -tarfuaraid  we  seem  to  hare  a 
confusion  of  the  particles  di-  and  to-,  due  to  the  fact  that  when  pretonic  they 
both  become  do-. 


8ALTAIR   NA   RANN — J.    STRACHAN.  23 

do-r-dnic  5339,  at-ru-la  5317,  %Uru-lai  6209,  at  rullai  395 
3213,  dian-erlai  (— «M»r0-fa»)  5349,  con-ruala  5970, 
do-ralal  (0)  6013,  do-nrala  (feib)  1214,  do-m-rala 
6188,  im-ru-laid  6270,  7605,  7678,  7735,  at-roebaid2 
3997,  do-rua-raid  4985  (rel.),  co-tarfuaraid  7627, 
con-r-otaig  *  5275  (rel.).  400 

(*).  ru-thdnic  7609,  <?o  ro-tkafind  (tosennim)  6405,  ro-thepi 
29,  ro-theipi  7869  («-fo-aftA-Sf),  <raa/  ro-deccai  1069. 
Deponent4— ^»>  2924    (nf),    3207    (nl),   4018  (nf),   6491 
(«riMk?<Mi-),   7967   (w),  £<ffw#r  5329,    7436,   2234   (con-),  nf 
chdem-nacair    1514,  for-tdemnacair  3288   (rel.),   condnanacair  405 
2798,  e<m~am-modair  (rel.,  ad-midair)   6761,  tarrasair  1633, 
2237,  2601,  2632  (/or*-),  4788  (At-),  5109,  5436  (00-),  7565, 
du-thracair  5941,  ro-^ir   563   (ma),  2029,  3725,  ro-damair 
7749,  roginair  2245  (nwo-),  2693,  2736  ((**«-),  3693,  3716 
(«-),   5392,  5638  (rel.),  57U3,   7522  (rel.),   7529,  7572,  ro-  410 
midair  (an-)   3121,    conid-n-dr-lassair    3791,   amii  drlastdir 
4791,  do-rde-maidir  2709,  do-roe-madair  7955.     By  extension 
targlatnmair  1637. 
pi.  1  («).  fZaramar  3888  (ni),  4681,  4701,  gddamar  1699. 

(<?).  niman/aafinar   1346,    1858,  cond-rdncamar   1348  (rel.),  415 
do-de-chamar  7965. 
pL  2  (a),  in  cUalabar-si  1393. 

(<?).  do-chuabair  1443,  can  tancabair  3472. 
(<*).  do-ro-chrobair  3608. 
pi.  3  (a),  faaraiar  3541,  gddatar  1649,  5525,  5526,  5550,  genatar  420 
2495,  2823,  fofor  1417,  3647  (an*-),  3549  (rel.),  50-10, 
5419,  5597,  6666,  6718,  fototr  3457. 
(3).  ro-gddatar  1641,  2171,  ro-mebdatar  2522. 
(<?).  al-chuadatar  5813,  6338,  do-chiiatar  816,  1478,  1701, 

2425    (AfiaiV),    3513,    3537,    4665    (0    *A«wn),    5400,  425 
do-chotar  2419,  3947,  5068,  00  n-deo-chatar  2407,  aVaVo- 
*Aa*ar  5453,   5495,   5524,   5609,   5640,   6616,   duatar 
('ate  up')  3328,  3332,  r-dncatar  3517,  3649  (5  ««wn), 

1  In  3668  m  tharla  seems  to  have  been  replaced  by  ni  tharlaid  for  the  sake 
of  the  rhyme  with  amlaid,  cf.  ru/  ar  do-t-ralaid  1307.  In  2189  for  fordoraUxd 
Mr.  8toke*  suggests  fo~da-r~dlaig. 

*  A  word  of  which  the  meaning  is  obscure.    Formally  it  might  stand  for 


*  Probably  from  couutgim  'build  up,  erect/  cf.  conutattar  .i.  turcebthar, 
IX.  188b  17,  adorotaxg  g.  '  adstruerct,'  Ml.  3db  13. 

*  Cf.  Tnu».  Phil.  Soc.  1891-94,  pp.  625-6. 


24  THE   VERBAL  SYSTEM   OF   THE 

4052  (6  shunn),  t-aneatar  4671,  5585  (dia),  tdr-naclar 
430  6939. 

(d).  do-ro-chratar  4769,  5912,  eon-irlatar  (=*M-ro«/-)  4471. 
But  im-ru-lat  3441. 

In  the  following  forms  the  «  preterite  has  taken  the  place  of 
the  perfect:— dia  m-ben  2002,  ro-ben  5871,  nl  ro-ehan  4BQ49fo-can 
435  2695,  ro-dec  6685,  ro-srig  191,  roscing  545,  co  ro-dig  5655, 
ro-tkeich  6912  (if  we  should  not  read  rothaich),  fos-ror-dingsetar 
5297,  do-ru-mensat  3689,  ro-rigset  5249,  dial9 maid  5582  and  ro-eirn 
7225,  7253,  7272  for  older  <wrtr. 

*   P&ETERITE. 

sg.  1  (<7).  am-ru-bart  1869  (i.e.  imrubart). 

440  sg.  3  (a),  nl-8-nacht  5635  (=n?-«-<moiAl),  (5  sAtom  JatfA  5265,  5385, 

or*  5305,  6203,  6227,  6228,  6781,  7121,  slecht  4189. 

(J),  ro-aft  7939,  ro-m-m-alt  (rel.)  2887,  /*t*A  ro-sn-alt  3527, 

ro  das-alt    7725,    nlr-n-anacht   (nl-m-,   Stokes)   3135, 

rfta   r-anacht   5671,    ro-don-anacht   6037,    ro-dn-anacht 

445  (rel.)   6101,  ro-^<ir<  1181,   1909,   4097,    4969   (ro-n- 

^artf),  5981,  romert1  3029,  ro-da-mert  (rel.)  2779, 
ro~t-mert  (rel.)  1712,  ra-artf  (orgim)  6729,  ro-*»-ar£ 
3454,  ro-sn-ort  4473,  5315,  6205,  6865,  6892  (rel.), 
«**--or*  6420,  rft«  ro-Aor*   7233,  dia  r-ort  6843,   rfia 

450  r-hort  7544,  <5  r-or*  5921,  dos-r-ort  3398. 

(<?).  <rt-foftA  2681  (onduair)  3661  (a  s'Awnw)  3692,  inid-apad 
5307,  **-£<?r*  1405,  at-bert  2805,  2925,  3845,  3881, 
3977,  4130,  6925,  co  for-bart  5721,  do-bert  2000,2  tm- 
for-bart  3212,  iar-facht  5529,  <?o  n-<ftrcr*  2559,  fo-cart 

455  (=fo-od-gart)  6777,  con-gart  5199,  for-coh-gart  3878, 

4797,  coforh-gart  3701,  feib  tharh-gert  6359,  ro-iiacht 
2099,  2528,  3089  (5),  4649  (5  JAwm),  4676  (5),  ro- 
*?<w?A  5673  (rhymes  with  amaliach),  6  riiacht  5409,  ro 
ridk?Atf  2760,  6408,  do-t-rlacht  2100,  <?o  ro-o<?A*  6446, 

460  w  r-<*A*  3106,  5872,  6043,  6945. 

(d).  im-r-acht  2641,  2825,  imm-us-r-acht  5506,  dia  n-er-bailt 
5344,  nahi  na  her-balt  5417,  at-ru-bairt  1325,  con-erbairt 

1  Cf.  ro-t-mera  1710,  nummeratsa  *produnt  me,*  Ml.  140c  1 ;  conumerad,  Ml. 
24c  20  ;  rodmert,  LU.  84»  8.     But  ro-mertsam  3623. 

3  The  pret.  of  do-biur  is  usually  as  in  earlier  texts  doral ;  do-bert  is  found, 
however,  as  early  as  the  Milan  Glosses,  23b  7,  cf.  Tur.  135. 


SALTAIR   NA    RANN — J.   STRACHAN.  25 

1399, 6495, 6879,  ad-ropart  2617, 5501,  fo-$-rdpart  6778, 
ar-rdet  7597,  cf .  2439,  for-for-con-gart l  1413,  frts-ro-gart 
3565,for-fuacart  3729,* do-r-im-gart 2019,3176,  (fo-r-ar-  465 
w^*r*289,  1071,3081,3164  (/«»),  7523,  to-ro-gart  2242 
(rel.?),  do-ru-malt  2909,  3683,  3783,  4953,  6989,  *> 
to-r-malt  6171,  rfm  to-r-mailt  2804,  7069,  do-r-id-nacht 
124,  1469,  2020  (rel.),  2672  (rel.),  4101,  6191,  6504, 
do-9-r-ind-nacht  6747,  do-r-imm-art  860,  2501,  do-n-r-  470 
imm-art   3485,  do-s-r-imm-art  6551,  atraracht  3765, 
6077,    6081,   6373,  7171,  as-raracht  1065,  2855,  <foi 
n-erracht  (=68s-raracht)  7360,  fo-rui-recht  6040  (yb- 
rigim),  do-rd-sat  (=*toro-vo-semto)  3,  657,  2437  (rel.), 
2534  (rel.),   4454,  7513  (rel.),   do-rO-satt  291,  8098,  475 
do-r6-8sat  7787,  do-n-r6-$at  7518,  do-s-rd-sat  258,  786, 
7278,  do-s-rO-ssat  1222,  1502,  do-dos-ro-sat  564  (rel.), 
1110,  do-riia-sat  832,   1037,   1981,  2174  (rel.),   6785 
(rel.),    7871,    7977,   do-doi-rua-sat   676,    do-n-ma-sat 
7972,  do-rd-sait  8278,  do-ro-acht  5512  (o  jAimji),  6364,  480 
do-ru-acht   5473    (o   Mwn»),    do-s-rocht  3397,    to-racht 
2230  (w),   2571   («>),   2597   (Auai'r  n<fcA),   3159  (*>), 
5700  (co),  6816  (*>),  nf  tho-racht  6139,3  do-ro-tacht* 
5200. 
(*).  ro-id-part  1803,  ro-iar-facht  3093,   3293,   3469,   5809,  485 
6133,    6174,    r-iar-facht    6175,   ro-for-coh-gart    2605, 
3793,    ro4h-ar-h-gert    3057,    r0-tA-air-!t-0w[i]    2780, 
ro-fuacart    1230,    <?o    rid-nacht    6083,    ro-th-id-nacht 
1977,  2793,  ro-J-w*  wo^A*  2633,  2657,  ro-as-lacht  («<*- 
sligxm)  1404.     With  ro  both  at  the  beginning  and  in  490 
the  interior  ro-d-r-6sat  2281. 

pL    1    (<*)•  rem-it-ru-larmar  7420  (rel.). 

pL  3   (fl).  ro-gartatar  3769. 

(<?)..  00  fopartatar  5601,  at-rachtatar  5881,  5900,  at-rachtdr 

4461,  as-rachtatar  7762,  00  ruachtatar  4667,  00  ruactar  495 


1  Yin  for-  cf.  Stokes,  Tripartite  Life  of  Patrick,  I,  lxxi. 

*  In  3514/o-«-rtt<fctfr  for  Josruacart  to  rhyme  with  dochuatar. 

*  tarecaeht  7213  may  be  an  analogical  formation  from  t  air  am  'make/ 

*  This  may,  perhaps,  be  a  *  preterite,  but  I  have  no  other  example  of  the 
compound,  unless  we  may  compare  tothocht,  Windisch,  Wb.  843.  Is  it  con- 
nected with  eonutgtm,  of  which  we  had  the  perfect  above?  In  4639  occurs 
a  form  dwomwo*  (which  ought  to  rhyme  with  formait  in  the  following  line). 
II  the  word  be  not  corrupt,  it  can  hardly  be  parsed  except  as  3  pi.  pres.  ind. 
of  dtrmoinim  (older  dertnoittiur)  '  much  of  evil  they  forget  her  fame.' 


26  THE   VERBAL   SYSTEM   OF  THE 

3540,  co  to-rachtatar  6483,  ro-tiachtatar  (6  ihunn) 
4033.  Here  may  be  mentioned  the  obscure  tluachtar 
3539  (according  to  Stokes  for  trOachtar^doruachtar). 

The  t  pret.  appears  for  the  older  perfect  in  diar-rochet  7533 
500  (canim),  ro-dst  6873  (damim),  megdatar  2521  (snigim). 

In  the  following  forms  we  have  transition  from  the  t  inflexion : 
— ro-thacru8  1865,  ro-dosn-airg  l  5415,  ro-s-tair-bir  1391,  rfo- 
r-im-gair  4930  (rel.,  rhymes  with  dihgnaib),  do-s-r-im-gair  6555 
(rhymes  with  inbaid),  (ni  sinn)  ro-th-im-gair  1731  (rhymes  with 
505  dindgnaib),  {hi)  ro-s-t-im-gair  2066,  ro-th-im-gair  247*7  (rhymes 
with  fingail),  2717  (/«#),  ro-th-air-n-gair  (feib)  3287  (rhymes 
with  samlaid). 


8  Preterite. 

sg.  1  (b).  nach  dot-ro-marbus   1908,   ro-scarusa   2031,   ro-gabus-sa 
1333;  an-ro-radius  823,  ma  ro-tdrugus  1403.     In  3103 
510  ro-doscar  seems  anomalous  for  ro-dosscarus. 

(c).  do-ratus*  1866. 

(i).  eon-ab-tor-lus  (=to-ro-lus  from  fo-te-  'I  drove  you')  1872, 
am-ror-fus?  1871. 
sg.  2  (£).  ro-t-marbais    1680,    ro-n-sldtais    1755 ;    ro-m-bdithigeis 
515  1320,  ro-n-baithaigeis  1724,  ro-n-gailaigei*  1723,  ro-tf- 

mudaigeis  1680,  /*#  rordflto  7803. 
(0).  do-n-rdlais  1756,  do-r-ra-laid  (do-ldaim,  metri  causa). 
(*).  dr-ad-rais*  1801,  ro-choem-cldis  1678. 
sg.  3  (a).  rf»a  m-£a*  4470,  </ia  m-bennach  7149,  7165,  /or  5303 
520  ((J/V*-),  7741  (m-  'with  whom'),  d  ^  3383,  huanduair 

thall  2557,  torraim  6828,5  nwn  7883,  conndch-as-cldi 
5259,  cruthaig  7879,  rft'a  «a»  2810,  dia-n-cursaig  7063, 
nis  gluais  5107,  (to  rd<tf  7495,  «w*<%  6661. 


1  Probably  on  account  of  dorochair  and  argabail. 

2  Though  this  verb  is  in  its  origin  probably  a  reduplicated  perfect  containing 
the  particle  ro,  it  is  already  in  the  Glosses  inflected  as  an  0  preterite,  e.g.  doratus. 
Ml.  103"  6,  rft»ra/M,  Ml.  66*  13,  80b  2. 

3  Seems  a  I  sg.  formed  to  the  old  perfect  of  \mm-for-fen-,  cf.  for-fen-t 
Thumeysen,  KZ.  xxxi,  85. 

4  In  Old  Irish  adraim,  borrowed  from  Lat.  adoro,  is  treated  as  though  it  were 
a  native  compound  verb,  adrodar,  Ml.  14b  4,  atrory  69a  3,  adnorfa,  81d  6. 

*  Cf.  *toromaimf  Atkinson,  Passions  and  Homilies.  931.  The  verb  seems 
a  denominative  from  torrunia  'attendance,'  1.  628.  Here  the  meaning  seems 
to  be  *  has  watched  over'  (Stokes). 


SALTA1R  NA   RANN— J.    8TRACHAN.  27 

Absolute  forms  i—delbais  5459,  ferais  2951,  3033, 
6089,   6093,    6317,  gabais  3545,   3861,  6461,  teceait  525 
7067,  clichis(?)  277,  fdidis  1917,   1957,  2565,  3085, 
3461,  6565,  ireeis  6073. 
(J).  ro-ci«f»  7573,  ni  r-ds  4809,  ro-t-ro-bdsth  3119,  ro-rt-W* 
4059,  ro-bennach  965,  6333,  7601,  7625,  7632,  7653, 
7701,   ro-m-bennach   3429,   ro-s-bennach   7192,  ro-rfi»-  530 
forfl    2846,    ro-*-Jia#    3409,    4621,    4817,    roehacht 
4675,  7075,  7980,  ro-8-cacht  4695,  5786,  6807,  ro-char 
2781,    7585,   7589,   7593,  ro  ro-char  2816  (rel.),  ro- 
%car  5047,   7473,   ro-das-car    2991,    ro-da-car   3173, 
3705,  ro-chart  3829,   ro-cte*   7359,   7769,  ro-das-crln  535 
3399,    ro-das-dder    5289,    ro-<fcft    21,    25,    37,     53, 
67,    186,   281,   570,    806,    1029,    1035,    1102,    1614, 
2637,    4812,    7875,   7959,    ro-t-delb    1055,    ro-n-delb 
7970,    ro-s-delb    148,     7864,    ro-s-derb    26,    54,    rfm 
ro-diult     7747,      ro-dlohg     3555,      5     ro-Ae*      1058,  540 
ro->r   3774,   4330,    6190,   6941,   6945,  ro-gdel  6167, 
ro-n-gdel    1341,    ro-gail     1291      (rhymes     with    /at"/ 
'wolf'),  3234  (00),  ro-^tf  5795,  ro-glan  7669,  ro-farf 
5580,   5967,   ro-hic  7641,  7645,    ro-8-hicc   7681,   ro- 
da*-hicc    7636,    rf/a    r-AtYw    7607,    <fra    r-Ai*?    7619,  545 
ro-ld  1565,  4715,  ro//a  7651,  co  ra-la  7226,  ro-m-ld 
1849,  ro-tf-/a  1745,  (to*  r-/aw  3815,  ro-hth  6161,  7913, 
ro  /l»  3880,  4747  (co)%  5789,  7873,  ro-l-ttn  1708,  6796, 
ro-d'lin   6479,   r-anlin    1911,   ro-n-hn  4059,  ro-s-ttn 
1354,  1439,  3400,  3425,  3445,  ro-das-lin  5049,  5547,  550 
ro-das-lan-lin  5076,  ro-marb  1984  (<?o),  2845  (^0),  3724, 
5627  («>),  6592,  6596,  6714,  6740,  6804  (rfta),  roW 
7557,  twtfaw  ro-m-mol  4030,  rc-mim  205,  but  ro-raind 
5121,   ra-romn   2650   (rhymes  with   dot  mm),   ro-r6en 
7425,   7444,  ro-*nV  2809,    6103,    7297,   7301,   7305,  555 
7309,   7313,    7317,    7321,   7325,   7329,    7333,    7337, 
7341,    7349,    7353,    7357,    7361,    7365,    7369,   7373, 
7377,    7381,    7385,    7389,    7393,    7397,    7401,   7405, 
7409,  7413,  7424,  7465,  7484,  ro-sder  6099,  ro-da[s]- 
$der  5257,  5299,  7345,  7392,  7419  (feib),  7477,  ro-sas  560 
7621,    rO'do[s]-8ds   2541,    4065,    ro-scar   3216,    7059, 
7221,    8156,    ro-t-scar  1735,    1743,    roirscart1  7669, 

1  The  word  must  mean  '  cleansed ' ;  it  refers  to  the  purification  of  the  Temple, 
Mfttt.  ui*  12,  cf.  urncartadh  'a  cleansing,'  O'Reilly.  The  verb  appears  also 
ia  &mseortaim  '  entferne,'  and  W.  ysgarthu,  dysgarthu  '  pur  <r  a  re.' 


28  THE   VERBAL   SYSTEM   OF   THE 

7696,  ro-ulb  2638,  feib  ro-sern  2987,  ro-$il  317, 
ro-thcht  6995   (at   3467   read   ro-tlechUat),  ro-smacht 

565  6891,  7214,  7979,  ro-da-unacht  7155,  ro-s-tacht  3453, 

ro-thecht  2503,  2919,  2536  (in-),  rotriall  4693,  6947, 
ro-thrlall  7767,  2848  (co)t  3011  (co),  ro-da-trtM  7197, 
feib  ro-$-triaU  3525,  ro-thraith  1289,  ro-thrdeth  6793, 
ro'dat-trdeth    4995,    6553    (rhymes    with    ros-glacd), 

570  %    7050,    ro-das-traeth    4993,    ro-yafl    1313    (tf),     1729, 

1733,  1744,  2545,  3372,  4007  (<?*),  5545  (o  thunn), 
5789,  5865,  5949,  6024,  6512,  6557,  6570,  6612, 
6621,  6653  {tan),  6919,  6929,  6997,  7028,  7056, 
7093,     7108,    ra-gab    5605    (d)t    6636    (co),     6927, 

575  6  r-gab  3438,   ro-m-gab  7811,    ro-s-gab    1299,    1639, 

3445,  4641,  4753,  5783,  ro-h-gab  1707,  ro-n-gab 
6229,  rah-gab  6087,  ro-das-gab  2688,  ra-gaib  2016 
(*>),  2181  (w),  rd-gaib  (co)  6202,  ro-ainmnig 
2651,     ro'9-anmnig      272,      ro-bdid      2594,       4755, 

580  ro-t-baithig     1320,     ro-bidgc    6076,     m    ro-t-brathaig 

1317,  ro-ft/aif  8184,  ro-3n>  5261,  5606,  6737, 
ro-brits  5533,  ro-do-bris  5573,  <fra  r-£r*>  7355,  <?o 
ro-dm-brdel  5469,  ro-chaith  6196,  ro-chathaig  6085, 
ro-chichlaig2   7765,   ro  chind  1343,  5675,   7739   (<fra), 

585  *0    ro-chinn    2411,    ro-das-cinn    4231,    ro-chl6i    6087, 

ro-chldi  3027,  ro-i-cldi  2111,  ro-d-cldi  5470,  ro-i-cndi 
5787,  ro-t'COraig  221,  5127,  ro-choimsig  677,  ro-choinc 
6374,  rfm  r-choisc  7615,  ro-chrithnaig  7766,  ro- 
chruthaig    33,    ro-s-cuibdig    87,    4713    («'a),    cor-d<u- 

590  cuibdig  7862,  ros- cut  brig  88,  4714,  ro-chuimnig  7861, 

ro-chuimrig  7773,  ro-t-chuir  1730,  ro-chursaig  6689, 
ro-(foS/  2813,  2912,  3991,  7157  (rfia-),  ro-s-dechraig 
1925,  7877,  rodechraig  2773,  ro-digail  4465, 
ro-t-dihig     5325,     ro-dluig  3     4045,     w/tfrtf     2177, 

595  ro-m-fdid  1683,  ro-n-fdid  1855,  <fw  r-/atrf  1797,  1809, 

rf/Vi  r-/(W  1805,  ro-/d(?rf  7071,  7229,  7617,  ro-/M  7053, 
ro-/y  6831,  ro-foiUig  713,  ro-t-failhig  7281   (rhymes 

1  From  Ariiro,  cf.  corobrtii,  LL.  73b  12.     It  rhvmes  with  -dtfi. 

*  A  verb  of  which  I  have  no  further  example.  Stokes  takes  it  an  a  re- 
duplicated perfect,  but  we  should  then  have  expected  *cechlaig.  0*K.  gives 
eiochlatgim  4 1  change,  I  weaken.* 

8  A  new  formation  for  dcdlaig,  which  we  had  above,  '  he  cleft  the  back  of 
H  rthe  Red  Sea].'  With  the  pi.  drmmne  from  dtuim  (cf.  Stokes,  F61ire  of 
tub,  cvii,  20),  cf.  r»ra  faActanf?.     With  ro-dluig  cf.  diarfodluig,  7764. 


SALTAIR   NA    RANN — J.    STRACHAN.  29 

with  taidbsin),  ni  ro-s-foilhig  7895,  ro-s-fouaig  429, 
549,    co   r-fothaig    6660,    ro-fuaig    2849,    ro-fuathaig 
146,  ro-s-glaid  1290,  cona  ro-gluais  7563,  ro-grii  277,  600 
329,   625,  3943,  6147,   6895,  7872,   7973,   ro-da-gnl 
163,  ros-gnl  7878,  ro-das-grii  7269,  ro-gnid  (rhymes 
with    Dauid)    647,    ro-lathair    2853,     r0-/e/<?     1288, 
1300    (00),    nacha-rei-lio    4787,    -r*-/*o    2761    (n&*-), 
4054   (nachan-),  6429  (nf),   6465  (nf),   6724   (nl-%-),  605 
6965   (^0),    7115   (m)9   ro-s-lessaig    2603,    00    r-letair 
6379,  ros-loisc  4467,  ro-/bw  6420  (00),  7123,  7127, 
ro-m-hi$c  3310,  nl  ros-luaid  5112,  ro-s  mathig  6663, 
ro-n-miU  1344,  ro-miscnig  2478,  6213,  ro-oentaig  5701, 
ro-ordaig  45,  585,  593,  605,  993,  ro-9-ordaig  65,  4229,  610 
ro-sn-ordaig  3789,    4921,    5433,   ro-rdid    1104,   1401, 
1468,    1525,    1673,    1813,    1825,    1837,    2030,   2440, 
2480,    2610,    2941,    3111,    3177,    3509,    3757,   3797, 
3870,    3897,    4061,    4409,    4429,    4456,    4825,  5009, 
5621  (co),  5641,  5668,  5677,  5983,  5985,  6145,  6185,  615 
6233  (co),  6827,  6845,  6853,  6977,  7727,  ra-rdid  4428, 
ro-rathaig    2547,    ro-t-rathaig    1318,    rortidig   5037, 
ro-rim  114,  ro-ruithnig  7537,  rosainig  6347,  rosdraig 
1523,  ro-t-hdraig   1308,   5661,    5    r-sdraig   6542,  rfw 
r-sdraig   5672,    ro-scdil  5098,   ro-da-sidaig   5203,  ro-  620 
*fowrf  7491,  ro-tndt  2292,   ro-*fc  7379,  r0-*to*  4641, 
r0-[*]-*/t«0  4468,  ro-srethaig  269,  577,  6701,  ro-suidig 
101,  162,  2187  (<5),  5975,  7438,  7439,  7779,  ro-suidig 
323,  ro-tkroisc  7573,  /**0  ro-thuir  7611,   ro-t-uaslaig 
2479.     With  <fo-  for  ro-,  do-das-sder  4818,  <2o-<fci[*]-  625 
«<2«r  3985,  do-dilsig  1225  =  i'*Ae  rodtlsig,  do-gait  5556 
(gataim   'steal').       Deponent  —  ro-s-biathastar   3413, 
ro-emnastar  2767,   ro-smachtastar    1121,    ro-oirdnistar 
5005,  5048,  5541,  7129. 
(<?).  do-sn-arm-chell  6552,  <fa*#  4328,  ro-Aw  2639,  7040,  r0-/f«{j  630 
7164,  7685,  ro-«-./w0  (tfm-)  7339,  rw<?  1897,  2920  (wten), 
3269,   3285    (rel.),    4971    (*w-),    5262,    6199,    6312, 
6391,    6451,    6508,    7141,    7241,    7542,  7771,  co  rue 
1934,  2236,  2839,  5716,  6082,  6387,  con-ot-ruc  1799, 
do-fuc  1285,  3658  (sic  leg.),  7777,  rf0-/iu?  4068,  da-fuc  635 
3645,  6707,  da-fuc  6571,   <?*'<*  do-t-fuc    1714,   (fo-tfAi*; 
2235,  /*•&   <f0-*-/w   3529    (feib),    3988,    4426,   5073, 
5197,   5689,    das-fuc   3961,    do-n-fuc   4055,   do-forfuc 


30  THE    VERBAL   SYSTEM    OF   THE 

4679,    tuc    1323,    2965,    3016,    3151,   3990   (triasa-), 

640  4029,   4048,   5339,    5663,    5664,    5917,    6329,    6725, 

co  tuc  1811,  2185,  2575,  5291,  5335,  5723,  5875, 
6727,  dia  tuc  6803,  6844,  7227,  7311,  7367,  7371, 
dian-tuc  7646,  thuc  2868  (maw),  4625,  5505,  7273, 
fdcaib  6168,  fo-facaib  1201,  do-for-gaib  531,  do-s-for- 

645  gaib  4230,  dos-ro-gaib  503,  tor-gaib  46,  feib  thor-gaib 

5847,  do-fuar-gaib  1883,  do-s-fuar-ggaib  4773,  do-$- 
fuar-gaib  5201  (rel.),  5258,  6677,  7464,  7469,  das- 
fuar-gaib  5389,  dosn-uar  gaib  7445,  tiiar-gaib  2698, 
2911,  4805,  5581,  6764,  6901,  7559  {dia-),  iuar-cgab 

650  7438,     ihHar-gaib     1973,    do-s-fuit     1719,    for-failtig 

3715,  utt-A  6326,  Manw  6367,  for/emid1  2140, 
3209  (AitaiV),  cotnar-laic  3659,  con-ar-laic  3035, 
ter-fow  2540  (rel.),  4021,  7217,  thar-laic  2513,  7252, 
7577,    tarm-laic  3259,   as-os-laic   4801,    do-n-fuas-laic 

655  7519,  fo-n-rathaig  3489,   adchosain   1718,  con-at-tail 

7613,  era  for-maig*  4095,  rfo-ra*  210,  949,  1031, 
1518  (rel.),  1997,  2009,  2653,  2817,  2821,  2921 
(Aflatr),  2765,  3025,  3080,  3172,  3652,  3704  (ttatr), 
3780,    3813,    3821,    3840,    3879,    3927,   3929,   3941, 

660  3944,    3963,    3974,    4449,    4553,    4821,  4837,   5017, 

5381,  5508,  5509,  5554,  5629,  5684,  5889,  5933, 
6177,  6250,  6409,  6507,  6533,  6609  (dordt),  6710, 
7046,  7061,  7076,  7143,  7429,  7433,  7555,  7561, 
7849,  do-Urat  1737,  1750,  do-nrat  1319,  1342  (rel.), 

665  4053  (rel.),  do-9-rat  93,  2535,  352K  (feib),  4425,  5022, 

5280,  5281,  5785,  6797,  6739,  6788,  6794,  6808, 
7201,  7940,  dodos  rat  5867,  co  tarat  2193,  2856, 
3767,  6691,  7772,  dia  tarat  1789,  2661,  nl  tharat 
6218,  co  tart  1921,  dia  tard  2811. 

670  (<*).  ad-r-ann    2919,    7921,    3303  (?),    do-r-air-chel   6797, 

do-r-kell  2619,  fo-t-r-oir-gell*  3385,  do-rtiacett*  3148, 
fo-t-ro'chesi*    1746    (rel.),    ad-r-ell   (ad-ellaim)   7631, 


1  If  it  be  not  for  fo-ro-fhnid. 

2  '  So  that  he  increased,1  if  it  be  not  rather  an  historic  present,  ci.formagar 
.i.  tormaigther,  O' Donovan,  Supplement. 

*  From  for-gellim,  for-cellim,  cf.  forrorbris  from  forhrissim,   Ml.   34b  18, 
67b  24. 

*  In   3174  written  doruacel  for  the  sake  of  the  metre.     Cf.   darucellsat, 
Ml.  126d,  doritagell,  Irish  Charters  in  the  Book  of   Kells,  iii,  1. 

*  Cf.  Ascoli,  Suppl.  Period.  Archiv.  Glott.  Ital.,  ii,  129. 


8ALTA1R   NA   RANN — J.   STRACHAN.  31 

ad-r-eth  (ad-ethaim)  5877,  do-r-in-61  6485,  6897,  do-r- 
inn-scan  6885,  7498,  c6lna-da-r- inn- scan  2244,  (fo-ro- 
sern  5030,  do-i-r-im-thos l  6331,  do-r-im-thas  5973,  w  675 
jar-gaib  6991,  do-rkar-gaib  7109,  7140,  do-a-f-er-gaib 
7293,  fo-t-ra-gluais    1741,  fo-n-r-dlaig   3579,  /o-*-r- 
tffo^a    6541,    do-r*raic    (taireim)    7193,    7216,  /«£ 
do-t-r-im-thairc  5406,  5430,  dia-n-fars-laie  7319,  rfia- 
n-fora-laic   7399,    00   nas-ton-Iaic   5287,   do-ro-diiisaig  680 
6893,  6936,  /*i£  im-ro-raid  1915,  7231,  /*i'S  do-8-ro- 
rann  (-rainn,  Stokes)  4422,  do-ro-rainn  4213,  do-s-ro- 
rainn   152,    do-rigni  285,   293,   305,   337,   573,    869, 
960,  961,   1394  (rel.),   1653,   1953,  2065  (rel.),  2071 
(rel.),    2724,    2769,    2869   (rel.),    3015,    3853,    5113  685 
(an-),  5164,  5274,  5354,  5411,  6105,  6164  (rhymes 
with  fl),  6397,  6800,  6817,  6869,  7173,  7245  (ah-), 
7732  (rhymes  with  bl)>  do-rigni  1080  (rhymes  with 
rofigli),  do-m-rigni  2060  (rel.),  do-8-rigni  7286,  a»-<fo- 
riftfit  1428  (rhymes  with  linni),  do-rigne  13,  17,  301,  690 
313,    2386    (rel.),    5608,    7697,  do-rOni   1530   (rel.), 
do -rone  656,  do-8-rdna  295  (rhymes  with  cdra),  -derna 
1982  (noco-),  3190  («5),    5977   (*w-)>    7604  (rfwn-), 
7683  (rfian-),  8005  (*a),  co  n-dernai  6968.3 
(*).  (fa*  ro-8-tarm~chell  7387,  ra-dl-all  428,  ro-to-gaeth  3120,  695 
ros-tatr-mese  2762,  ro-thair-mesc  2770  (rel.),  ro  thin-61 
5971,   6906,   6951,  ro-tascair   858,   ro-thai-sdb    1929, 
ro-ait~treb  6241,  6561,  ro-chai-treb 4  6562,  ro-aiUtreib 
6413,  co  ro-n-erail  3707,  tffo  r-erail  7327,  00  ro~8-ath-in 
2196,    cf.    6245,    ro-imm-chomairc  7553,    <5  ro-air-chis  700 
1913,  ros-con-gaib  547  (rel.),  ro-f&caib  1315,  ro-him- 
elde  4697,  4716  (rhymes  with  £01),  ro  cldem-clai  1295, 
ro-ehlaem-ehlai    5412,    ro'chdim-chlai    7657,    ro~di-lig 
1657,  <ftVi  r-fo-dluig  7764,  eia-ro-n-tdraig  1524  (tdircim, 


t  Cf.  timmthasta,  Wind.,  tim-ta*tay  Atkinson. 

*  From  fo-dlgim,  cf.  Ascoli,  &&>««.  Pa/.  Ai6.  clix.  In  7203  Stokes  reads 
/om-dlaig. 

*  Here  may  be  mentioned,  though  the  analysis  of  the  word  is  not  clear, 
tmrmmrt  4123  («>),  4744,  6900  («>),  tarmairt  1688  (re),  4717,  6444,  6923  (w), 
tmrmmairt  3260.  The  word  may  in  its  origin  have  been  a  £  pret.,  but  the 
poeerre  tarmartad  shows  that  *  was  no  longer  felt  to  be  a  termination. 

*  According  to  Stokes **ro-choitreb  from  co-trebaim.  The  LBr.  version 
gives  no  help.  It  has  simply  $rafom  fra  DawiW  ri^i  /or  to*  Juda  aaithls 
c*thm  Oil**  .L  «l  mlt  7  *«?A*  m-bliadna  d6  amlaid  tin  7  in~Ebron  ro-aittreb 


32  THE   VERBAL   SYSTEM   OF   THE 

705  to  rhyme  with  s&raig),  ro-o*-laic   1281,   eo  r-oa-laic 

2151,  6  ro-fuaS'laic  7324,  ro-fe-mid  6308,  ro-8-aisneid 
5337,  ro-im-raid  6221,  ro-tairinn  859,  00  ro-n-dusaig 
6690  (rhymes  with  rochhrsaig),  ro-tho-ditu-aig  7673, 
ro-daS'der-scaig  4423,  cor-thin-coUc  1923,  /*<?*&  ro4huir 

710  7611,  ro-at-tlaig  2593,  3521,  3532  (rel.). 

Forms  ending  in  1  (0).  From  t  verbs : — ro-s-bade 
1437,  rodas-bale*  5279,  war  rodeirce  'looked*  1705, 
ro-ddili  (ro-ddil,  MS.)  5359,  ro-heige  3215,  ro-steti 
(rhymes  with   #)  4840,   ro-s-heitte   4817,  ro-i-indre* 

715  5607,    ro-8-plage    1438,    ro-fdidi    2600,    3166,    3825, 

ro-Zy/i  1079,  ro^k  7599,  ro-s-leice  7870,  ro-rdidi 
845,  849,  1989,  2481,  3566,  3795,  3928  (rhymes 
with  <ri),  4161,  4441,  5662  (a»f),  5833,  6109,  7705, 
7713,    7721,   ro-rddi   1441,   1821,   2389,   2416   (rel., 

720  rhymes  with  /it),  2621,   3181,   3817,   6981,  ro-rdvds 

■     834,  2417,  2512  (rel.,  rhymes  with  gU\  3868  (rel., 

rhymes  with  gle),  4185,   5537,   ro-rade  1081,    1841, 

ro-rlmi    105,    do-aitne    5105,    dorui-rmi   830    (rel.), 

do-r-aittni  7531,  ro-thaitni  4492,  ro-thmtne  (in  truth) 

725  6509.     From3  other  verbs:   nis-derbai  8006,   sernai 

5965,  ro-das-blathdi  (rhymes  with  #)  4636,  rofallnai 
2630,  /*#  Mr  ro-d-gellai  (rhymes  with  (?wini)  5816, 
ro-gellai  5817,  5837,  <?o  ro-legai  5063,  ro-samlai  1178 
(rhymes  with  adbai),  rO'da[»]-sds8ai  (rhymes  with  #) 

730  2564,    roscmtai    3189,    3193,     ro-rfa[«]-«a<?rf    5276 

(rhymes  with  crl),  connd  ro-thallai  7168,  do-r-im-nai 
4153,  do-rucai  7983.* 

Present  with  ro  in  a  preterite  sense5 : — nir-ath-rucha 
7754  (rhymes  with  erucha),   ro-d-asta  7527  (rhymes 

735  with  dosrdiga),   ro-delba  331,  ro-8-delba  363   (rhymes 


1  Read  probably  ro-das-bdde. 
1  Cf.  ratiudriicm,  LL.  100b  7. 

3  Here  may  be  mentioned  the  forms  tarcai,  targai.  In  1.  6  targea[x]  seems 
ss  *  made '  pret.  of  tdiieim  *  efficio ' :  similarly  targ\ea]  654,  866,  363 ;  perhaps 
targai  4498  {cf.  7193).  In  7002  targeai  seems  to  mean  *  surpassed/  so  tartai 
7163,  and  perhaps  targeai  161,  tareai  8174.  In  6679,  where  it  is  followed  by 
©#,  the  meaning  is  obscure. 

4  In  3777  ro/attai  may  have  a  suffixed  pronoun  ro-fa*t-6. 

6  If  they  are  not  preterites  formed  after  the  analogy  of  verbs  of  the  third 
class,  e.g.  ro-asta:  -a*ta**ro-liici:  leici.  In  verbs  like  sernai  we  seem 
certainly  to  have  an  extension  of  i  from  the  third  class ;  the  a  before  i  indicates 
that  the  preceding  consonant  preserved  its  original  timbre. 


SALTAIR   NA    RANN — J.    STRACHAN.  33 

with  remra),  ro-gaha  (?  ro-gabai)  6383,  nl  ros-liuna 
6531,  ro-t-mera  1710,  r6-riagla  6699  (rhymes  with 
bliadna).  With  the  ending  of  the  simple  verb  ro-«- 
dder-aid  5557  (to  rhyme  with  dubrdenaib).1 

pi.  1  (J),  ro-rtaam    3624,    6"    ro-chradsam    1486    (rhymes    with  740 
forfilesam),    ro-chrdidsem     1537,     AuajV     rosdraigsem 
1517.     Deponent  —  ron-b&idsemmar    3621,    ro-crdid- 
semmar  3622. 
(<?).  titt«M»  6319. 
(<*).  for-facsam  1485,  ncf  dernsam  1853.  745 

pi.  2  (3).  ro-rsesabair  3636. 
(<?).  do-rinmid  3616. 

pL  3  (a).  /*r«al  2945,  marhat  6598,  wararf  3953,  «?&<**  2011  (rel.), 
trlaUnat  3253,  4478,  00  n-dos-sdersat  5295,  y*0*a£  3459 
(con-),  4677,   5743  (aw-),  5829,  *»i*>*  3639,  gnlsset  750 
4197,  yn&^l  5081.    Deponent — eamatar  4039,  liunsatar 
5267. 

Absolute  forms  i—dolbsait  3852,  ^/fctf  3466,  £»btf 
4077,  6513,  sinsit  5741,  <»i^  6514,  timit  3465. 
(*).  ro-fer*at  1643,  1881  (0),  3047,  5725,  6909,  dia  r-legsat  755 
7347,    ro-lethsat    5244,    roliumat    2686,    ro-marUat 
3068,    ro-rehat    3609,    ro-scarsat    5277    (0"    «Atw»), 
5312    (0*    *Mrt»),    ro-sermat    2143,    5053,    ro-dechtsat 
3610,    ro-dos-slechtsat    5491,    ro-thechtsat    3403,    ro- 
yafoa*    3003,    4696,   5242,  /*#    ro-delgnaisset    174,   (5  760 
ro-Uset  4081,  ro-dos-terbaiset 2  4653,  ro-chdinset  7760, 
ro-chinnset  5937,  <w  r-chinmet  6047,   ro-chUset   3640, 
ro'chummaiscset  2421,  ro-das-faidset  4655,  ro-leicset  3945, 
rO'8-leic*et  4028,  ro-loi$C8et  2147,  r0-<fo[«]-«m<wAtatyw£ 
3637,  ro-miicnigset  5551,  ro-dentaigset  2406,  ro-rdidset  765 
3969,  6253,  6357,  ro-sdihet  7759,  ro-m-sdraigset  2423, 
ro-scdihet  7768,  ro-ainwtf  5176,  00  rosJrset  5051,  r0- 
suidigset   5095,   ro-gnlsset    5175.      Deponent — ro-dos- 
ddirsatar    3665,    ro-das-ddersatar    5293,    ro-diultsatar 
5268,  Au<«'r  ro-figsatar  4669,  00  rdUatar  5603,  5  ro-  770 
scarsatar  1725,  nir-leicsetar  6421,  ro-misctiigsetar  2409, 


1  In  216  read  probably  ro-s-derbaid.  ro-thairg\d  2953  belongs  to  tarcaid, 
"Wind.,  cf.  fatrpuf,  LU.  83b  37,  farowf,  LL.  93»  2,  and  may  be  perfect  in 
form,  cf.  Stokes,  Trip.  Zi/if  0/  Pa*n<?#,  ii,  647. 

*  Cf.  Atkinson,  s.v.  terbaim,  rotherba,  BB.  15»  46. 

Wl.  Tnuu.  1895-7.  3 


34  THE    VERBAL   SYSTEM   OF   THE 

ro-m-nmcnigietar    3127,    ro  dintadaigsetar    2401,    ro- 
rdidsetar  5497,  ro-suidigsetar  4084. 
(*).  tin-tint  3109,  4761,   5077,  5120,  6613,   6632  (rel.), 

775  6765,    6792,   con-gabsat  2145,  ro-fuctat   3515,   rucsat 

5637,  6600,  do-fuc*at  5041,  tuctat  1360,  5457  (co), 
5749,  tfAe/Matf  5780  (rel.),  dos-raUat  3664,  5489, 
6617.  Deponent — tin-6katar  5617,  <fo*  rucsatar  5405, 
<fm  tucsatar  7539.  do-ratsatar  3401,  3405,  3508. 

780  (rf).  do-s-r-im-chehat  5059,  for-ro-gelhat  6773,  do-r-in-dhat 

5479,  do-8-r-in-6hat  5439,  00  fdrgsat  6459,  do-ru-r- 
gabsat  7133,  do-rigset  3533,  3660  (a«J),  3957,  4073, 
5126,  5746,  do-rdnsat  5093,  fo-s-ru-gentat  3690. 
Deponent — do-rin-dlsatar    2757,   do-ri-gensatar    5929, 

785  fo-8-ru-gensatar    5251.     "With  transition   do-ri-g&ntar 

6052,  cf.  ro-slechtatar  2169. 

(<?).  ro-for-gelhat  1839,  ro-thin-6kat  5729,  5748,  ro-diulUat 

2685,    ro-chom-ar-leicset    2780    (rel.),   eo   ro-thui*miset 

2403,  ro-at-tlaigset  3638,  4034.     Deponent — ro-thin- 

790  o7*afar  5476,  ro-chom-ar-leicsetar  2737. 


Passive  Voice. 
Present  Indicative. 

8S»  3  (a).  dUgair    262,   derbdair    (rhymes  with    serntatr)    4235. 
From  compound  verbs  for-muchthair  8164,  /<?#  immur- 
churthir  2119,  for-tuigthir  8192. 
(£).  ad-fladar    1987,    2014,    2511    (rhymes   with   brlathar), 
795  ranar    (rel.?,    rhymes   with    cwW)    1028,   nad-chelar 

6295,    nacha-Ucar    1250,    dlomthar    8329,    do-rlmther 
236,  do-g?iither  1580,  wi  derntar  8,  toimsideir1   (rel., 
rhymes  with  foir)  172. 
pi.  3  (a),  ierntair  4236,  suidigdir  4297. 
800  (3).  ainmnigter  216  (rel.),  grdnaigtcr  8307,  sdraigter  8305. 

Present  Subjunctive. 
sg.  3  (i).  00  r-faillsigder  3349. 


1  From  toimsim,  a  denominative  from  tomus,  cf.  Meiugud  Uilur,  ed.  K. 
Meyer,  125.  The  same  verb  may  be  found  in  1901  friataimsidir  (rhymes  with 
$oi/Uidir)}  but  the  meaning  of  the  line  in  not  quite  clear  to  me. 


SALTAIR   NA    RANN — J.    STRACHAN.  35 

Imperative. 
sg.  3.  canar    673,    7833,    tur-gabar    4163,    at-nagar    2223, 

dentar  2443,  3899,  4401,  gaibther  6369,  se inter  1367. 
pi.  3.  ta-bartar  2219,   i-eortar  2222,    tester   3357,   auidigter 

4317,  dUgitei  7808.  805 

Secondary  Pbesbnt. 
sg.  3  (a).  irc/Aa  5513. 

(ft),  co  nd-tuctha  5645,  <?o  tuctha  6567. 
pL  3  (a),  for-dingtis  3679. 

(6).  a$  nd-luctai$  5651,  10  m-bruiBsitis  3968,  «*u  do-gnltti 

7853.  810 

*   FUTUBE. 

pi.  3.  fo-chichritar  8324. 

*  Subjunctive. 
sg.  3.  <*  fwter  2055. 
pi.  3.  co  n-kiciitar  (ad-eiiaid)  3771. 

Secondary. 
eg.  3.  <?J0  /*<&*  7840. 

Reduplicated  Futubb. 
(a),  cobb-thair  (cobraim)  1949.  815 

(ft),  doberthar   1463,    1996,    8179,    nf  £lfttf*r  1995,   6980, 
do-gintar  1535,  3504  (intan),  conscerthar  2529. 
pL  3  (a),  ftfrtotr  444,   8325,   scirdair   443,   Kirfoir   8327,   con- 
girdair  453. 
(ft),  con-glrdar  8367,    cosceraitar  8084,  consceraiter  8140,  820 
con-8-cMar  8152. 

ft   FUTUBE. 

sg.  3  («).  trdethfaidir  8317,  cinnfidtr  8143,  //{ftfrr  8141,  ri^/Wir 
4727,  scailfidir  7715. 
(ft),  no- t-ndebf aider  3803,  no~t-86erf aider  3804,  no  t-mairfider 

6496,  co  m-bruifider  8144,  croithfider  8091  (rel.).  825 

pi.  3  (tf).  cl6(fitirS2l5fJillfitirS2S2y  menmaigfitir  8216,  roinnfitir 
8213,  luaidfitex  8054,  dechraigfiter  8328.  From  com- 
pound verb  08-laicfitir  8189. 

Secondary. 
pL  3.  do-d\-lgfiLi*  1411. 


36  THB   VERBAL   SYSTEM   OF   THE 

Pebfect. 

830  sg.  3  (<*).  intan  breth  2263,  nl  frith  1361,  2683,  3227,  3229,  4759, 

5367,  5775,  6999,  7008,  frith  3592,  goit  7756  (rel.), 

in-fe$8  7865,  connach  fe*8  8115,   dia-cess1  7866,  dia 

n-mert  5361,  cota-mert  3071. 

(h).  ro-alt  707,  3491,  3709  (6  iunn),  eo  r-alt  7547,  ro-clos 

835  795,  813,  973,  1079,  1189,   1221  (feib),   1321  (feib), 

1489,  1723,  1969,  2385,  2715,  3027,  3135,  3469, 
7055,  7221,  7675  (feib),  ro-chlo*  455,  1375,  2098, 
2141,  3940,  6289,  ro-Mus  769  (rhymes  with  exereitus), 
feib  ro-d-det  1627,  feib  ro-dlecht  1301,  ro-ellacht  3551, 

840  6  shunn  ro-hort  7546,  ro-rith  3153  (intan),  3169,  ro-«fo* 

6889,  ro-chalcad  395,  ro-chertad  196,  ro-clannad  2239, 
ro-chomallad  3272,  ro-chomolnad  6360,  ro-crochad  4172, 
ro-chummad  5767,  ro-damnad  2679,  6731,  ro-domnad 
2675  (rhymes  with /opnam),  ro-delbad  1050,  1060  (*©), 

845  1792,  ro-delgnad  1791,  /*•»  ro-dlglad  2719,  ro-flrad 

3164,  6899  (/*#),  ro-hiccad  5665,  7375  (eft*-),  7612, 
7648  (dw-)>  ro-tai  3695,  6988,  a>  m-/a<*  5100,  ro-Jaa<* 
7181,  ro-n-lad  1483,  1859,  /«$  5  ro-linad  2509,  ro- 
wiariflrf  1988  (<?o),  6432  (<*w-),  6516,  6921  (d  *Atmn), 

850  ro-rannad  173,  5150,  ro-riaglad  6640,  ro-scarad  4973 

(d  shunn),  6501,  ro-sernad  1385,  ro-gnid  384,  529, 
6471,  ro-ainmniged  1053  (m),  2756  (0),  ro-bdided  4013, 
00  ro-cldad  7579,  ro-cdraiged  81,  d  r-fdided  6809,  ro- 
/dwfoj  6836,  rfi'a  ro-t-chruthaiged  1793,  ro-oirdned  4493, 

355  rosined    2149,    ro-suidt'ged    6345,    ro-thuietiged    1146 

(rhymes  with  calA),  ro-dat-tuietigad  1780  (rhymes  with 

(0).  /*uft  lai-oa*  976,  do-breth  3995,  6449,  <5  «'Atmn  al-iA** 
3125,  at-chuas  3728,   5493  ((5  «At<nn),   do-chiia*  6301, 

860  co  forcon-grad  6215,  <k£/e£  6823,  cetna-air-necht  2705, 

rwrarf  2857  (ten),  6573  (eo),  7743  («w-  =  cosan-), 
7744,  ro/«*i(*  7745,  *u*w*  3289,  7358  (rfia-),  7545, 
7687  (€?«a-),  tar-gbad  (rhymes  with  tardad),  2915, 
7307   (<&*-),    tare-bad   7751    (rhymes    with    tardad), 

865  for-^ad  5103,    tuar-gabad  2759,    3039,    4037,    4171, 

5425,  6657,  do  fuar-gabad  6696,  co  tarmartad  6735, 
co  tun-scanad  6232. 

1  Of.  r«*tM  inyecti  sunt.  Ml.  114*  16,  arrockeu  gl.  expansum  est  39c  19, 
and  Ascoli,  Supplement*  Periodici  dell*  Arehivio  Qlottologico  Italiano,  ii,  127  sq. 


SALTA1R   NA   RANN — J.   8TRACHAN.  37 

(<*).  im-r-acht  2847  (?),  2913,  4209,  do-dr-faB  3225,   3265, 
3376,  4089,  4108,  do-thar-fas  1941,  cinnas  do-tdr-fas 
3316,  an-do-mm-dr-fas  3317,  tar-fas  3309,  3325,  5301  870 
(<#<*-),    do-r-ar-brad   6922,   rfw*    n-dr-brad    1795,    ar- 
rant1 1249,  for-feimdes  4808,  /«4  do-rumat*  4243, 
do-n-ra-lad  1787,  00  tarddad  2916,  fonfcw*  5397  (<fra), 
6251  (rfia),  7308  (<#*),  7752  (/or#-)»  7755  (dia),  <fc- 
r<5*»«*  (?)  234,  do-r6nad  82,  782,  do-rigned  3727  (/«»  875 
&*>),  4111,  6985,  do-r-airned  4495.     In  6801  Stokes 
would  change  r or  dined  to  ro-dirmed  (ad-rimim).     The 
ending  -*f  has  spread  to  radical  verbs   in   do-rair- 
bered    6362,   ro-air-bered  4496,  do-rairn-gered  4828, 
<i»    do-r-arh-gered    6361,    y<?*£    ro-tharn-gered    4712.  880 
Cf.  dorairngerad,  Ml.  113d  5. 

(*).  $0  ro-ad-nacht  2228,  00  r-had~nacht  5271,  ro-thin-6lad 
3393,  ro-turcbad  4266,  7044  (rel.),  ro-thurcbad  7029 
(rel.),  co  ro-th-immart  3071,  00  ro-chum-scaiged  6231, 
ro-ind'led  5735  (rel.).  885 

pL  3  (a).  WAa  1969,  5313,  6604,  6760,  tcribtha  603,  cuibdigthe 
5430,  atitAtf*  (?)  185. 

(J),  ro-berrtha  6720,  ro-gerrtha  6719,  00  ro-marbtha  5101, 
ro  8-delbtha  418,  00  ro-scartha  7048,  ro-iochta  2135,  00 
ro-cldithe  5083,  ro-cruthaigthe  204  (rhymes  with  y/e),  890 
ro-chumrigthe  5429. 

(0).  r««tf&i  7206,  fo-fuctha  3263,  tfwrfAa  3559,  3561,  7633 
(00*-),  7668  (00*-),  do-ratta  6745. 

(</).  targlamtha  2714. 

In  the  following  cases  the  old  perfect  has  been  replaced  by  the 
passive  participle,  cf.  Zimmer,  KZ.  xxviii,  363  sq. 

sg.  3.  ro-ainmnigthe  3052  (rel.,  rhymes  with  aidbligthe),  cluithi  895 

(?  rfoiro)  3685,  ro-do[i]-8uidigthi  5158. 
pi.  8.  ^n^i    4283   (rhymes  with  sithbi),  ro-chrochdai  6752, 
ructhai  5328  (rhymes  with  cuchtai),  feib  ro-ldthi  2716, 
r0-0T0[t]f hligthi  3558  (rhymes  with  foichligthi),  6  for- 
facaibthi  1358,  ro-hirgaibthi  3261,  ro-dirgnaithi  3262.    900 

1  Cf.  Zimmer,  KZ.  xxviii,  348  sq.,  and  for  for/eimdet  350.  corodabddet  2182 
fteems  to  be  used  mWri  r««#a  for  ro  ro-da-bdid. 

*  Stokes  takes  this  as  passive  of  do-midiur,  and  this  would  suit  the  sense 
excellently.  But  the  form  causes  a  difficulty,  for  the  perf.  pass,  of  do-midtm 
would  rather  be  *do-ru-mass  cf.  me*e  g.  examinatum,  Ml.  31*  28.  If  dorumat 
»  to  be  explained  in  this  way,  it  would  seem  to  be  a  momentary  formation  to 
rhyme  with  cubat.    But  does  it  come  from  do-moinim  ? 


38  THE   VERBAL   SYSTEM   OF  THE 

Passive  Paeticiple. 

is  bennaeht a  2167 f  nem-desctha  4352,  dlomtha  903,  emnaide 

7144,   80-gabtha   64,   lobtha    1347,   mesctha    3579,   ni 

sechnada  2307;  foirbthi  4857,  fir-fuirbths  1938,  fkwf- 

«Mftf*  451,  5771  (MS.  rii'tAt),  6875  (MS-  elithi),  tad- 

905  chrethi    3250,    aur-gairths    1324,     aur-gairthi    1158, 

S/ntVfe  1612,  /o»-flri»  840,  <*[*]  timm-arta  8131, 
cf.  8154,  cum-reehtai  (rhymes  with  rostechtai),  3562, 
warn  491,  foi*  fo*[*]-*r*ifo  4887,  aidbligthe  3051, 
botlnaigthi   (leg.    boltnaigthe,   rhymes   with  ^/e)   488, 

910  cinte   33   (MS.   0m£»,   rhymes   with  firmiminte),   698 

(rhymes  with  gne\  cinti  (rhymes  with  inti)  6351, 
cuibdigthe  5430,  cumnigthi  (rhymes  with  gle)  6156, 
deligthi  (leg.  deligthe)  4112,  nem-descaigthe  (rhymes 
withyte)  3914,  <foi7M[*]  4331,  nibtar  foichligthi  3557 , 

915  isligihe  (rhymes  with  w)  3482,  nem-loohtaigthe  (rhymes 

with  gle)  592,  for-loi&cthe  (rhymes  with  gnS)  4312, 
messraigthe  156,  158,  160  (rhymes  with  dt),  orddnide 
4130,  sainigthe  4583  (MS.  sainigthi),  5846,  Mdtb* 
(rhymes  with  yfc)   4316,   Mat/It   (leg.   scdilte)  1601, 

920  tessaigthe   159.      In    cinntf    133,  ^«t££   3491    we  may 

have  abbreviated  forms.  Some  of  the  chevilles  cited, 
p.  13,  may  be  referred  to  this  heading;  cf.  also 
derbtha  sloig  4275.  These  participles  have,  for  the 
most  part,  the  force  of  adjectives.     I  have  noted  no 

925  examples  of  the  participle  of  necessity. 

The  Infinitive. 
The  infinitive  in  Irish  is  simply  a  verbal  noun,  inflected  like 
any  other  noun,  and  governing  the  genitive  case  where  the  case 
follows.  Thus  the  discussion  of  it  belongs  rather  to  nominal 
than  to  verbal  inflexion.  But  as  certain  of  these  verbal  nouns 
attach  themselves  to  certain  verbs,  performing  the  part  that  tho 
infinitive  performs  in  other  languages,  a  brief  enumeration  of 
these  verbals  may  not  be  out  of  place  here.  The  details  of  their 
inflexion  will  be  found  under  the  noun.  Except  in  the  case  of 
the  rarer  forms,  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  give  ail  the  occur- 
rences of  each  form. 

(a).  Ail  6304,  innarba  (ind-ar-benim)  6907,  7101,  ad-chosain 
1718,  tairchtl  (rhymes  with  «*/,  tair-chellaim)  5798, 


SALTAIR  NA  RANN — J.  STRACHAN.  39 

cocairt  4567,  cor  3219,  cf.  1551,  1763,  1810,  dial 
(rhymes  with  biad,  dUellaim)  1559,  fag  ail  (==/b  gail) 
1753,  im-guin  3046,  dul  2095,  4116,  6903,  dula  1395,  930 
2393,  2791,  3505,  3871,  3998,  6088,  im-for-dol  2458, 
tin-fed  606,  1789,  im-liiad  126,  268,  306,  594,  2130, 
3054,femiud  6448,  6456,  dol  1893,  1944,  com-rac5758, 
rod  3333,  fui-reeh  1815,  r«/A  (rethim)  3107  (rhymes 
with  6tW),  with  different  inflexion  indred,  ind-red  935 
5736,  5351,  6772,  7086,  tindriud  7085,  com-ait-treib 
1168,  tdr-mach  3124,  anw*  (ad-rlmim)  6810,  toirtt?» 
(do-ri/nim)  512,  932,  cow  4126,  5830,  itiiMM  4104, 
*r?a//  1960  (^na/,  rhymes  with  ciar),  2841,  torroma 
686,  1626.  940 

(6).  ailAnt  (ath-enim)  2216,  in-gaire  2968,  /wt»*  3903,  AtfA* 
1914,  3907,  3910,  3917,  4119,  nigi  2936,  com-eirge 
6952,  tfeift  5358,  5365,   6097,  6473. 

(e).  for-cetal  1627,  tidnacul  4105,  toA*/  6219,  /rata/  2154, 

^aAai/  3568,  air-gabdil  5416,  coh-gbail  4258,  dl-gbail  945 
3124,  5788,  fres-gabail  7801,  com-t  hoc-bail  854,  858, 
1749,   2742,    tar-gabdl  (rhymes  with  /dr)  3620,   for- 
yodtV  4272,  6702,   tur-cbail  2432,  2631. 

(rf).  wratr  680,  3096,  3100,  3112,  7551. 

(*).  acallaim  1184,   1185,    1609,  tern  am  2620,  4035,  4050,  950 
ascnam  (ad-scannaim)  5038,  sessam  3917,  tairisem  1276, 
frith-alim  1187,  1200,  1202,  5058,  aunom  2840,  yfltm 
2758,  (fcft/MK  694,  3921,  fog  nam  1940,  tindrem  5230, 
5999,  6280,  fog  I  aim  4134,  mnm  6060. 

(/).  imrcsain  1408,  argain  5644,   5376,  imsergain  (=imm-  955 
ess-org-)  894,  3718,  tcs-argain  4170,  7512,  frith-orgain 
1334,    timm-areain    1338,    3754,    4128,    4549,    7096, 
im-thuargain  5884,  imm-din  (imm-agim)  3739,  im-ditin 
1356,  5564,  raAtfaw  3082,  tfeAlu  1123,  1322,  tffcA&w 
1323,    3500,    3531,    3808,    5988,    im-rHachtain   5883,  960 
scarthain   (searaim)    1350,    d/^tVt    (dywr)    5960,   faitf- 
A*tw   2207,    2578,   2584,   3818,  for-aicsin  (bo  Stokes) 
5624,  tfeuitft  2118,  2122,  2137,  3197,  m-aus*  2115, 
2140,    2578,    5440,    tin-fimn    {doAnd-fethim)    2108, 
8caxchsin  (tcuehim)  2904,    tairsin  2903,    5959,   tuistin  965 
2818,  tuicsin  8012,  dl-lgenn  1548  (dilgen,  rhymes  with 
kn),   2514,    2724   (dilgen,   rhymes   with   **»),    5737, 
MrffafM  7220. 


40  THB   VERBAL  SYSTEM   OF  THE 

(l).  breith    2215,    3455,     tair-bert    4123,    id-pairt    3900, 

970  3906,    coim-pert    7520,    ta-bairt   4484,    4743,    6184, 

com-gUith  7224,  to-r-mailt  1248,  fecAt1  2040,  2740, 
8195,  6120,  6904,  im-thecht  3092,  3748,  cdem- 
thecht  (^com-imm-)  1716,  2068,  2124,  2772,  tarm- 
theeht  864,  1530,  tuidecht  2607,  2609,  3798,  tuttacht 

975  2330,    4415,     tauttaeht    4420,    tfito*A*    7793,    7805, 

frith-tuidecht  1302,  1851,  fri-tuttacht  (=  frith-)  6894, 
airchissecht  (tair-,  MS.)  1684,  cloUttcht*  2837,  coistecht 
4593,  6068,  «tow?A*  4977,  follomnaeht  696,  tim-thirecht 
3422,  tWAw*  (=*imme-to~ved-tu-)  2095,  4964,  &>-,?&»* 

980  (do-gdithim)  1246,  2896,  imarbos  (=*imme-ro-med-tu-) 

814,  /tourf  2432,   2678,  otnfeoi  5680,  *«?A«*  1398, 

2926,  3734,  7542,  *«*#«*  6430,  iwn^  3699. 

(A).  ofaK*  1834,   1836,   2083,  teelammad  5054,  <wwi  5098, 

5673,    annad    4535,    bennaehad    1128,    farof    5362, 

985  ib^oi  6840,  brtcad  4680,  toto/orf  4789,  6485,  eeUbrad 

4442,  0&>rAa<i  7360,  comollad  3360,  <**?/««*  4511, 
^rino^  6770,  7284,  crochad  2815,  3572,  3576,  cruthad 
2046,  <fo*m<w*  927,  1932,  4025,  derbod  7327,  rfttt&tu* 
4117,  dlomad  1418,  <*/u*A<irf  187,  <fo/foi<*  (rhymes  with 

990  ollblad)   3324,   <fa/0<w*  (to  rhyme   with  adrad)  1835, 

domnad  1932,  5426,  dl-dnad*  481,  7283,  /«y<wf  2619, 
2962,  6503,  figrcd  1048,  fromad  1254,  im-gabud  1066, 
^/amu*  2093,  2220,  gndisad  2907,  fa&rarf  2084,  5832, 
lamachtad  2882,  lamnad  3028,  AmmmZ  4369,  7785,  tom<* 

995  6376,  lommrad  2932,  6302,  mallachad  4784,  mandrad 

1144,   7100,  martarf  1531,   5292,   6844,  mo/a*  2212, 

5905,  n*rW  5032,  com-nertad  6450,  jtrfanarf  908,  re/arf 

3475,  ath-rigad  6900,  *dW  499,   1000,  1493,  warmf 

1454,   2094,  taUcelad  3476,  4652,  tttAmu?  642,   674, 

1000  *ellad  4164,  serggad  7394,  *e*<w*  651,  tHuf  2818,  5159, 

sluagad  5729,  6486,  sderad  2595,  6858,  *fytfA<k*  2443, 

4512,  4544,   5031,  trebad  1928,  4633,  irdethad  2627, 

5779,  6808,  7086. 

(t).  aimtigud  7580,   anmnigud   1176,  air-jitiud  684,   1492, 

1005  6058,  airmitnigud  1846,  WW  877,  1042,  3629,  3696, 

7394  (rhymes  with  cruth),  bddad  (to  rhyme  with  rath) 


1  Cf.  fofAfe  3072,  tocht  BB.  479*  44,  LL.  279*  22,  23,  from  to-tochim. 
n  Seemingly  an  analogical  form*  ' 
Cf.  donmj  1127=  don  ad  1922. 


8ALTA1R   NA   RANN — J.    STRACHAN.  41 

7326,  dl-bdud  1648,  5588,  air-di-bdad  (rhymes  with 
didiuid)  4372,  bdnugud  6255,  thath-beogud  (=ath-beogud) 
7120,  in-beogud  1044,  breud  887,  brimud  3904,  for- 
brissiud  5348,  bruithi  (brUim,  n.  sg.  $r«ttrf,  Ml.  34*  27)  1010 
2690,  buiriud  877,  cainiud  3604,  der-chainiud  3400, 
cairigud  5830,  cat  hug  ud  3975,  5758,  cathugod  (to 
rhyme  with  <?/o*A)  4916,  cenmagud  5986,  certugud 
5042,  cinniud  967,  ciunniud  4824,  comclaidbed  5888, 
<r/w«W  5347,  c/d<*  5638,  cldem-chlod  2037,  im-cldem-clod  1015 
2397,  iwyitt*  5042,  euibdigud  4547,  rfdfywrf  6259, 
<totti«t  6098,  ##W  6840,  >A«rf  8204,  /zrwywi  5844, 
fledugud  8257,  faihigud  736,  yfcorf  7839,  etar-gleod 
4563,  air-liud  1464,  forptuf  880,  M  880,  im-thelgud 
5420,  6352,  fuas-lucud  3356,  tuas-lucud  3924,  4490,  1020 
ift-fyurf  1608,  1647,  1662,  e*-/»t«rf  598,  «w<*  4647, 
Wui  880,  3920,  4262,  tath-lugud  8117,  mesrugud  44, 
ad-milliud  1170,  mudugud  6984,  mudugod  (to  rhyme 
with  «>/)  6712,  ath-nugud  6723,  8119,  oentogud  1052, 
3210,  ordnigod  (to  rhyme  with  *©/)  1142,  ordugud  2056,  1025 
4430,  4545,  7268,  im-rddud  5832,  6858,  ^%w^  879, 
907,  ro^wi  619,  *flt>tV*  2379,  6439,  sdmugud  6095, 
sdrugud  6088,  6096,  jJfyittZ  3764,  6256,  ath-mrgud 
1546,  scdiliud  6050,  cum-scugud  126,  1668,  2058, 
sidugud  1982,  *f»tu<*  4274,  5172,  sznW  3036,  *m<wA-  1030 
toyto?  700,  srethugud  8259,  midigud  425,  taidbtigud 
735,  tathigeid  4420  (rhymes  with  &*7A),  (cf.  athigid 
4416),  toebthugud  1051,  /rd^Mrf  880,  im-thragud  2548, 
fo-thrucud  1598,  tlrmugud  1686,  frwrwrf  1043,  tuistigud 
1848,  2424,  un^wrf  7284.  1035 

The  Substantive  Verb.1 
The  substantive  verb  falls  into  two  great  divisions — the  copula, 
which  is  unaccented,  and  the  verb  predicating  existence,  which 
is  accented  like  any  other  verb.  For  the  division  cf.  Atkinson, 
JPamoru  and  Homilies,  s.v.  Idtm.  This  distinction  is  still  strictly 
©beerved  in  the  spoken  language,  though  there  may  have  been 
certain  shiftings  of  boundary.2  In  the  following  lists  in  the  present 

1  Cf.  8tokes,  The  Old-Iriih  Verb  Substantive,  KZ.  xxviii,  55  sq. 

*  An  Irish-speaking  friend,  who  read  through  the  Wurzburg  Glosses  with 
no,  ferr  often  found  difficulties,  from  the  modern  standpoint,  in  the  usage  of 
tile  nbstantiTe  verb  there. 


42  THE   VERBAL  SYSTEM   OF  THE 

indicative  the  copula  forms  are  put  first,  and  are  followed  by  the 
verbs  of  the  other  class;  in  the  other  parts  of  the  verb  the  two 
sets  of  forms  are  in  each  person  given  side  by  side. 


Present  Indicative. 
1.    The  Copula. 

This  consists  of  forms  from  the  Idg.  *esmi,  supplemented  by 
certain  others. 

sg.  1  (a).  Hair  am  aithrech  7724,  am  sclth   3099,  ciam  toebnocht 
1540,  am  triamain  3099,  ar  im  siniu  842,  huair  iml 
siniu  1848,  nlm  dana  2069,  am  fer  ecraite  3800. 
(b).  orsam1  edlach  1786,  isam  aithrech  7789. 
1040  (c).  ntdam  snimach  2382. 

sg.  2.  at  bennachta  7692,  at  gliccu  1147,  orat  noisechu  1145, 

a[t]  saindil  (corr.  Stokes)  1147,  it  foimsid  6969,  ar  it  % 

fiadu  7800. 

sg.  3.  is  annsu  171,  is  deride  159,  is  mdr  ind  run  3335,  is  c6em 

1045  a  ll  2563,  similarly  242,    1211,    1916,    2043,    2045, 

2167,    2748,    2895   {less   is  gtt),  3643,    5531,    6363, 

7139,  7248,  with  plural  subject  archangeil  is  nessam 

536,  cf.  538,  540,  542 ;  is  /err  dun  an-deligud  2988, 

is  f err  duit  dul  3796,  is  diles  duib  1088,  is  reil  foirn 

1050  .  .  .  condrancamar  1347,   is  derb   lat   2051,    is   truag 

linni  1427,  is  derb  is  lam'  choimdid  4811  ;  is*  chlan  clu 

255,  is  riid  dreimrn  470;  is  mdrbuaid  158,   is  fossud 

8257,  is  adaig  imldn  20,  is  cuairt*  chdir  198,  similarly 

19,  4835,  7786;  is  tu  int  engach  Iacob  2876,  is  hisin 

1055  *nd  Olimp  125,  is  he  sain  intaear  109,  similarly  117, 

135,  287,  558,  744,  752,  756,  781,  4840;  is  me  Issau 

i  s  orisam.  Here  we  seem  to  have  an  impersonal  use  of  the  3  sg.  with 
an  infixed  pronoun,  an  explanation  which  Stokes,  KZ.  xxviii,  105,  applies 
to  n'xdam  snimach  and  to  darstiina,  nidarglainy  nidarmdain,  p.  43.  Cf.  also 
ni-for-gliccu,  ni-fw-n-intliuchtach  ni-bar-troig,  p.  44,  from  which  negative 
forms  the  positive  ar-trbig  seems  to  have  developed  itself;  further,  nip-for- 
cetludatg,  ni-burn-ecniigid,  nar-bar-durcridig,  p.  47,  tuibdat  (=nabad-at) 
dolum,  p.  47,  bid-for-coscraig,  p.  49.  Stokes,  I.e.,  has  pointed  out  some 
beginnings  of  this  usage  in  Old  Irish.  I  have  not  as  yet  sufficient  collections 
of  matenal  to  trace  its  development,  but  I  hope  on  another  occasion  to  deal 
at  length  with  the  substantive  verb  in  the  Old  Irish  Glosses. 

*  These  are  simply  varieties  of  spelling,  such  as  may  easily  arise  in  a  proclitic  ; 
cf.  the  variation  between  it  and  at  in  the  3  pi. 

3  Read  dan  and  c6ir.  I  have  shown,  Bezz.  Beitr.  xv,  114,  that  is  does  not 
affect  a  following  consonant. 


SALTA1K  NA  RANN — J.  STRACHAN.  43 

2879,  is  me  Oengus  8009,  bess  is  he  Issau  2893,  hissl 
meit  fU  298,  is  hi  arn-armdas  1030,  similarly  2531, 
2599,  3838,  4427,  4953,  4985,  6415,  6431,  7796; 
is  mi  ehometas  1194,  cf.  1529,  1530,  2869,  2896,  is  ta  1060 
rommalt  2887,  is  hi  rosuidig  323,  is  hi  rotmert  1712, 
issed  robae  inaes  2262,  similarly  195,  1523,  1986, 
2267,  3151,  5203,  7708,  7977;  is  messe  rorecsabair 
3636,  is  mdr  nArenn  rocechlaid  2234,  is  mdr  dogrii  1694, 
issed  tlagait  748,  754,  764,  766,  774  ;  m  fir  forstd  1065 
1840,  is  maith  robai  1905;  is  frit  dogen  1876,  is 
domchorp  forcOemnacar  1544,  cf.  4156,  7029,  7044, 
7192;  is  fdil  dodeochaid  1179,  cf.  1871,  is  heirs  nacha- 
leear  1250,  isamlaid  atdid  1243,  issann  tiit  232,  246. 
In  a  relative  sense1  with  tan: — tan  is  dyoencrann  maid  1070 
is  uilc2  1247,  tan  is  tussu  rognl  6147;  with  fair: — 
Hair  is  glandil  1207,  Hair  is  mac  diles  1964,  huair  is  leis 
.  .  .frith  3591  ;  further,  ca  luag  is  mo  1173,  atd  nl  is 
messu  1349,  issi  is  diliu  3595,  cia  de  is  mo  7925, 
eia  de  is  lethiu  7929.  1075 

Relative — as  nessu  662,  as  dech  3973,  nl  as  sia  6031, 
as  md  7998,  8004,  intan  as  trdig  7904,  assa  '  whose  is ' 
4485.s 

eonid  cuicfer  742,  conid  hed  canthus  ('chant')  711, 
cf.  7152,  7431,  conid  foidreich  8270,  conid  crannchor  1080 
roscdraig  5127,  conid  huad  sllsat  2011,  cf.  3075,  conid 
ann  fuaxr  1136,  cf.  6592;  dianid  ainm  110,  119,  128, 
2148,  2206,  5438,  6410,  dianid  comainm  872,  1061, 
2944,  3588,  7774,  in  same  sense  dianainm  6112,  dian- 
comainm  6694  ;  manid  gau  2866.  1085 

masofir  3497,  maso  maith  la  tuaith  3872,  massa  thu 
ind  Eua  1189. 
pi.  1.  ar-trdig  1482,  dar-slana  3612,  ni-darglain  1609,  nl-darn- 
idain  3626. 
pi.  2  («).  atib  trdig  7986.  1090 


t  The  confusion  between  it  and  as  has  already  begun  in  the  Old  Irish  Glosses. 
Cf.  smsmi  «•  Ml.  17*  2,  22*  13,  26b  10,  31*  12,  31*  7,  33b  5,  40b  9  with  aw*/  t« 
27*  13,  33b  2,  38*  5,  38d  15,  huare  as  21°  3,  31b  24,  48c  18  with  huare  is 
17«  17,  S7*  10,  604  7,  55e  23.  Note  also  17b  8  u  rfo  doinacht  mate  is  nomen 
JfgMt,  36*  26  issamlid  is  inset  Jirinne,  similarly  44a  1 1,  49a  27,  etc. 

*  *  Since  from  one  tree  is  good  and  evil ' ;  for  uilo  by  ok  cf.  risluate  uile, 
fT_  306*  45,  and  cf .  maith  and  math  '  good.' 

»  Cf.  ZtUstkrifl  fur  Celtische  Philologie,  i,  8. 


44  THE   VERBAL  8YSTEM   OF  THE 

(&).  nT-for-gliccu  1235,  nl-forn-intliuchtach  1238,  ni-bar-trOuf 
3641  (subj.  ?). 
pi.  3  (a),  it  cosmaile  7277,  hit  imsldin  194,  cid  at  icsamla  7277 ', 
cid  at  mdra  446,  at  mdra  3625,  at  direcrai  5116,   a* 

1095  febda  696,  a<  fc»  7291,  ciat  serba  4071,  a*  s6er  8195, 

a*  timmarta  8131,  tlAe  *rf  ^rau*  666,  cf.  257,  692, 
atd  batar  ann  2937.  In  364,  4368,  4396,  5428,  tte, 
aU  have  the  sense  of  'and  they,'  e.g.  rl  rosdslha  .  .  ., 
ite  remra,  lit.  '  the  king  formed  them,  and  they  thick.' 

1100  (6).  nldat  soirchi  64,  cf.   1571,   1611,  7976,   8055,  eondat 

cdra  296,  cf.  8154,  indat  glain  •  are  they  pure  ? '  6176.1 

2.  Atau. 
sg.  1.  itu  iofrithalim  1187. 

sg.  2.  nocon-alalnd  mar  atdi  1305,  a«  t»  folk  altfi  4799,   eta 

for -atdi  iarair   3096,   mased  hitdi  'con   iarair    3102, 

1105  cid  tdi  diar  fagail  1753,  is  dan  atdi  i  truth  1676,  cid 

'moatai  diar  lenamuin  1722. 

sg.  3.  aid  sunn  5995,  atd  ni  is  tnessu  1349,  feih  aid  meit  1174, 

nt-m-tha  samail  391,  cf.  2663  (?),  3481,  7290,  7825, 

8000,  8012,  8016,  nocho-m-thd  labia  2088,  nl-p-td  1444, 

1110  nl-s-td   4734,   nocho-s-td    1451;   atd  fo  chorbchi  2007, 

atd  .  .  ./or  cacA  senisteir  184,  a£d  /or  o^n  rt'M  203,  atd 

didu  (dlgu,  Stokes)  for  rlaguil  1224,  atd  a  comddl  fri 

Moisi  4180,  im  thrl  nitni  atd  ctntair  193,  atd  sin  charcair 

3283,  atd  hi  tariigeire  3305,  matd  nech  icon  cloich  6157, 

1115  atd  Did  ic  for  togdes  1246,  atd  ic  triall  1960,  cf.  3764, 

3975,  4680.     In  relative  sentences  da  luag  no-m-thd 

1165,   cia   dath  atd  for  each  gdeth  7948,  ishe  atd  for 

1  Even  after  Ascoli's  interesting  discussion,  SuppUmenti  Ptriodici  delV 
Arch \v io  Qlottologieo  Jtaliano,  ii,  113  sq^,  the  most  probable  explanation  of 
these  forms  seems  to  be  that  they  are  simply  forms  of  taim  weakened  by  the 
proclisis  of  the  copula.  For  the  sinking  of  tenuis  to  media  in  proclisis  cf  dar 
oy  tar,  gach  by  each,  etc.  Theprocess  of  degradation  goes  on  before  our  eyes  in 
the  Glosses,  cf.  nitaat  cosmuli  Wb.  9b  7,  with  nitat  cosmili  34d,  nldat  chummai 
Ml.  116b  3;  for  further  examples  cf.  Gramm.  Celt.  489  sq.,  KZ.  xxviii,  105, 
Bezz.  Beitr.  xv,  116,  120.  As  to  the  survival  of  t  forms  by  d  forms,  that 
is  no  more  wonderful  than  tar  by  dar,  each  by  gach  in  Irish  texts;  historic 
spelling  must  always  be  reckoned  with.  As  to  olddos,  etc.,  where  the  sinking 
takes  place  in  an  accented  syllable,  Zimmer's  explanation  from  *olntds  seems 
to  me  still  the  most  convincing.  As  to  the  forms  \tidds,  etc.,  on  which  Ascoli  lays 
so  much  weight,  they  are  found  first  in  the  Milan  Glosses,  where  they  mostly 
replace  oldds  of  the  earlier  Glosses,  and  afterwards  they  become  the  usual 
forms.  May  not  indds,  etc.,  be  new  formations  for  oldds,  etc.,  with  substitution 
of  in-  for  ol-  ?    Cf .  im-boi  Ml.  63d  6  by  olmbii  Wb.  9«  10,  olmbatar  Ml.  123»  8. 


SALTA1K   NA   RANN — J.    ST  R  A  CHAN.  45 

drochsiis  7708,  atfd  6s  bith  8014,  aVwo  Ja*7*  atd  in  crann 
7931,  <?ia  'cala  ind  drim  7885,  cf.  7845,  cia  ycoatd  drim 
7887,  cf.  7953,  is  fir  forstd  Lucifer  1840,  immad  \\20 
n-ohgalar  fortd  1453.  Here  may  be  mentioned  indd 
'than'  1236,  2248,  5772,  5904,  6984,  8136,  indds 
3892,  cenmotha  140,  785,  3425,  4017,  7622,  6tha  2284, 
2297,  2313,  2317,  etc.1 

pi.  1.  brdthir  sinn  huile  martdm  3493,   itdm  hi  eacht    1727.  H25 
With  adj./*tf  atdm  nocht  1347. 

pi.  2.  isamlaid  atdid  1240,  al<2/<?  *  n-imgdbud  3630. 

pi.  3.  <rfd*  /o  n(?*m  467,  cf .  3925,  atdt  fo  erithfeidm  7775,  atat 
im-thdebaib  3104,  alal  /n»»  hi  cotarsnai  1520.  In 
relative  sentences  co  h-gili  cinnas  atdt  7949,  rl  fotdt  1130 
Atiife  na  sloig  3837,  otrm  t&f*  7893,  cf.  7941.  Here 
may  be  mentioned  ndt=*inddt  'than'  935,  cenmothdt 
521,  3417,  3421,  cenmthdt  399. 

3.  BIu. 

(a)  denotes  the  orthotopic,  (b)  the  enclitic  forms. 
8g.  2  (3).  narA  bUsiu  fri  eete  2035. 

sg.  3  (a).  6ii  ^rifl»  t»   Caprieornii  256,  <?d   eAwfotf — bid  il-lethet  1135 
cechden  chldir  4240. 
(J).  «wn-M  'na  chrichail  8120,  tuftm  noi-fa  ^<fcwn  Ai/o«  1193, 
cf.  1199. 

Relative — amal  bis  rothmol  for  luth  199,  cf.  2602, 
bis  fo  grdda  ecailse  264,  mairg  bis  f6  erithfeidm  958,  H40 
amal  bis  a  bldesc  imm  og  165,  amal  lasc  bis  hi  trethain 
8198,  bis  o  chathraig  do  chat[K]raig  3478.     With  adj. 
nl  chuingem  flaith  bis  mdfus  1219. 
pL  3   (a),  do  blastaib  bit  (leg.  blit)  cen  blaid  7259  (rel.). 

Relative — amal  bite  'na  comsreith  4898.  1145 

4.  Fil. 

ag.  3  (a).  Positive— fail  ann  eathir  353,  fail  ann  rig  937,  fail  ann 
nisdsas  485,  similarly  373,  481,  491,  500,  504,  505, 
513,  645  ;  fail  sunn  sire  2861 ;  fail  soilsi  482,  fail 
bethu  buan  648,  fail  mdr  do  sostaib  489,  similarly  490, 
492,  638,  641,  3184;  da-dot-fail  f ode  in  toimdig  1747,  1150 

*  III  7791  occurs  the  form  romthe.    Is  it  a  momentary  formation  to  rhyme 
"Hi  triemrtt    But  it  might  be  explained  as  coming  from  tiagaim,  diiig  dam 
A  mm  rs-m-thi  *  forgive  me  every  sin  that  may  come  to  me.* 


40  TUB   VERBAL   SYSTEM   OF   THB 

at-ar-fail . . .  in-etarUn  3761,  con-dat-fail fo  deilb  diabuif 
1739  ;  sossad  . .  .fit  for  lar  526,  fail  mor  do  muirib  *moa 
tnur  905,  fail  int . . .  set  355,  fail  crois  d*6r  incach  dorus 
361,  fail  i  n-nim  do  fochraicaib  522,  similarly  510,  777, 

1155  3336,  fail  lets  seckt  nimi  629,  cf.  628,  637,  639,  640. 

(b).  Interrogative — in  fail  tall  mac  n-Iesse  5984,  in  fail  uaib 

rofessad  7926. 
(c).  Negative — nifail. . .  nech  tkucas  333,  ni  fail  roairme  788, 
similarly  311,  562,  652,  2383,  7720;  hl-m-fail bith  2562, 

1160  nlck-ar-fail  1560;  ni  fail  maith  fo  ar  h-dalaib  1553, 

conach  fil  nl  .  .  .  fo  nim  3807,  nl  fail  nach  nach  rl  for 

talmain  332,  nifail  crick  for  a  saegul  2388. 

(d).  Relative— fail  9,  don  mit  fail  each  airfortuig  392,  eia 

airm  sunn  fil  mac  Bathuail  2942,  nem  ki  fail  Fladu 

1165  636,  cf.  1834,  6135,  6137,  fail  dara  rath  7947,  fil  for 

slUag  7886,  ben  is  me  fil  for  togdes  2896,  in  lith  fail 
frinn  273,  hissl  meit  fil  i  n-escu  298,  cf.  7952,  issed  fil 
o  thalmain . .  .co  fudomnaib  1 43.  With  relative  las-fail 
trU  591,  a  fail  do  maith  Idr  n-Dia  649,  nan  fail  do 

1170  maith  i  Pardus  1220,  na  fail  d'ihgnud  lam9  rigse  336, 

mad  nofail  d'ilpklanaib  ann  933. 
pi.  1  (c).  nl  failmet  dar  tKairmitein  6320. 

pi.  3  (a),  failet  ann  tri  mair  345,  cf.  477,  493,  497,  501,  failet 
foraid  502,  failet  i  n-iffurn  927. 

1175  {&)•  failet  imon  prlmchathraig  400. 

Subjunctive.1 

sg.  I  (a).  («)  ciabed  i  n-gortai  (ciam  tdebnockt)  1540,  rem  bed-sa 
coa  dindiiasad  1844. 
(/*)  inked  bam  bed  3187. 
(£).  (ft)  ndrbam  crimnack  3202. 

1180  *g«  ^  (<»)•  (rt)  ^  *e  n*  *oss  16°7. 

(*).  (/*)  wl  foi  </i>A*>*7  2197,  wlr-foi  trOag  3295. 
sg.  3  (<•).  («)  eia  6<~'/A  *%  wicV  foib  1237,  na  6ei7A  <fo  lam  dear 
drockmae  5997. 
(5).  (a)  mani-tH-be  stt  2086,  t«  y<?n*  nVi  5c  cm  fcraM  ri  robde 
H95  e/4T  ar  erutkad  2045,  menibe  istig  3909,  cona-raib  accaib 

1  (•>  denotes  orthotonir  forms,  (^  denotes  enclitic  forms  of  the  verb  of 
txvtvace  and  corresponding  forms  ot  the  copula.  («)  denotes  forms  of  tha 
mb  of  existence,  •$)  form*  of  the  copula. 


8ALTA1R   NA    RANN — J.    STRACHAN.  47 

tFintliucht  1252,  nd-raib  form  essbaid  1584,  arnd-raib 
digal  for  sUig  1743,  co  rob  linni  buaid  5499,  dia  for- 
raib  'if  there  remains  over*  3919. 
(/8)  nlba  huathad  1374,  duit  rop  sdsad  2908,  acht  corb 
doll  2900,  menip  cian  6127,  menip  eel  5987,  cipM  gnim  1190 
1172,  eib  he  galas  809,  cf.  1209,  1993,  4165. 
pi.  1   (a),  (a)  «!  ruibem  cen  rig  5540. 

pi.  2  («).  (a)  eia  ielAt  commeit  for  m-bla   1233,  «nA*<Z  bethi  sin 
dlthrub  4062,  *>w  bethi  for  druihg  2400. 
(J).  (/3)  riip-for-cetludaig  4872,  nl-bum-ecnaigid  4871,  war- 1195 
bar-dkreridig  4842. 
pi.  3   (tf).  («)  A*rf  &etf  nwk/o  yrw  1435,  cia  beitfri  brig  2669. 
(a)  luttfal  attreba(?)  8219. 
(6).  (/J)  »f  &a£  luamnaig  4395,  diarnat  glain  1461,  ciambat 

ilardai  na  sluaig,  ciamtar  imdai  ind  rig  roriiaid  4833,  1200 
4834.1 


Imperative. 
*§>•  2   (a).  fttY  impu  5014,  ftf  At  foatf  1603;   nd  bl  for  snim  3282, 
na  bl  istsruth  1682,  nd  bi  ic  hilddlaib  1698,  na  bl  ic 
imrigi  2873. 
(£).  ndtofcrf  (&/am  1253.  1205 

sg.  3  (a),  ndbld  for  n-aittreib  .  .  .  eterchrann  caihgil  is  griin  4417, 
&?<£  amm  4421. 
(£).  ^rf  forf/fl*  (MS.  bae)  2464. 
pL  2   (a),  nd  bid  for  bat's  ndfri  brig  7988,  na  bldfri  bdisi  3890. 

(fl).  nd  ftttf  uamnaig  4830.  1210 

natfr'6  &wo  7843. 


Secondary  Pbesent  and  Subjunctive. 
(a)  denotes  indicative,  (b)  subjunctive  forms,  cf.  p.  15. 

•£-  **  (*)•  (a)  ^*  ^  ^w  ^  na  cdemthecht  4588,  f«*%  £ntf  ifus 
frifeis  4537. 

(0)  In  one  or  two  instances   ba  is  found  parallel  to 
secondary  presents  ba  sainigthi  4583,  ba  ceim  comldn  1215 
4603,  ton  ba  sclth  lets  5089,  bafirrden  5092. 


*  Thft  mum  seems  to  require  the  subjunctive  here,  though  I  hare  nothing 
tmtm llr1  to  the  me  of  eiamtar  as  a  subjunctive. 


48  THE    VERBAL   SYSTEM   OF   THE 

(£).  (a) l  riariu  no-bkth  bith  7851,  cia  no-bith  cU  mlli  fer 
929,  cia  ro-m-bet  (1.  beth)  cU  tengad  955,  connach  beth 
...  digsed  4615,  forsm-beth  duiltrath  1364,  na  6elA  d6 

1220  <#»  3731,  *ma  beth  fo  chUth  1999,  nfi  beth  for  erich 

6216,  6908,  na  no[m~\-beth  cet  tengad  .  .  .  fri  slrlahra 

825,  ama/  no -beth  fri  idnu,  amal  mnai  beth  ie  lamnad 

3028. 

(/3)  arnd  bad  essel  1328,  iai  glan    1567,   &a<?  chdimiu 

1225  2247,    £d<J  adamrii    6628,    ciatn-bad    londbrass    3617, 

Immad  beeht  4795,  ro-pad  ferr  dun  2739,  cia  fonJ  w<5 
w*r£  3847,  cf.  6001,  las  mad  buide  3184,  mar-bad  gemen 
190,  n?  3a^  (?Aw  1144,  &<*<£  airniul  843,  corn-bad  beim 
forais  6468,  cf.  6896,  diam-bad  athirge  dognith  1409, 

1230  m^itt  W  J/bwi  *  but  for  Moses '  4129,  so  menbad  4643, 

4741,  manbad  1472,  4181,  6393,  cia  bad  hi  do  dais 
1857,  corn-bad  me  tomch  tmad  1816.  The  form  ba 
seems  to  be  used  in  the  same  way  in  ba  sonmech  duit 
. . .  tnani  tmed  1863,  ba  comadas  3618,  ba  cdir  . . .  cia 

1235  nochlad  8017,    cf.    8052,   ba   I6r  d'huathaib   4183,  so 

wtrfo  oArfir  3629.2 
pi.  3  («).  (a)   com-bltis  ardreich   1124,  forsm-bltis  secht  sutralia 
4347,  *!tt<  /n  gartgldir  4527. 
(£).  (a)  *tu  no-betis  mdini  arbes  7855,  oond  fcetfw  cwi  oenrlg 

1240  5528,  cf.  4628,  5549,  arnd  beth  for  imluad  4482. 

(/3)  cia-btis  cosmaili  2892,  wmlu  /e»r  2808. 

Future. 
(a),  (A),  etc.  are  used  as  on  p.  46. 

sg.  1  (a),  (a)  blam  tigerna  855. 

(/3)  5am  rl  851. 
sg.  2  (a),  (a)  amalblae  1599. 
1245  (/3)  &0  *«^A  5955,  fo  tfww**  1599. 

1  With  amal,  bid  is  used  in  the  sense  of  tamquam  esset,  amal  bid  mile  3554, 
amal  bid  bed  7184.  Cf.  Ml.  2Ub  18  amal  bid  neck  immcchomairsed,  24c  16 
amal  bid  hi  frrctidairc  nobtth,  25*  12  amal  bid  annumothaiged,  cf.  34b  11, 
36c  21,  44b  8,  46*  23,  49*  11.  But  what  bid  is  here  formally  it  is  hard  to  aay. 
Except  in  this  formula  I  have  no  example  of  bid  as  an  imperfect  subjunctive. 
On  the  other  hand,  apart  from  syntactical  considerations,  it  can  hardly  be 
a  present  indicative  or  subjunctive,  for  amal  is  followed  by  the  relative  form, 
cf.  Ml.  37*  12,  31b  25,  etc.,  and  bid  in  the  indicative  is  not  the  copula,  which 
with  amal  is  as,  cf.  p.  43. 

*  ba  immaireide  eid  fosodin  nogabad,  Ml.  35*  9.  Perhaps  we  have  an  idiom 
of  the  same  kind  as  Lat.  lonaum  e*t  *  it  were  tedious.' 


SALTAIR   NA    RANN — J.    STRACHAN.  49 

(b).  (a)  nl  blafo  griis  2047,  noco-bla  .  .  .  sunn  i  ph'n  2043. 
Bg.  3  (a),  (a)  blaid  fogur  8021,   ftiatf  m   MA  fo  crithur  8202, 
ilaitf  n^A  imbdnugud  De   6255,  £?«</  (1.   blaid)  araili 
...  i  n-grddaib  3275,  foata*  wo  My  Wy  forassa  5859, 
&7<zi<?  c*fA  d*w   warn  dit1  dgreir    1076,    faaia*  racA  dib  1250 
tnmi  tkegdais  1952. 
(/J)1   Wrf  «w?A  i/tlay  «Y£  fo  leith  ....  'haw   airfortach 
437,  Aitf  an»  .  .  .  c o  aimsir  na  hesseirge  2207,  bid  for 
comdal  in-Galail  7728,    bid  bann   buada  for   arn-ddil 
3633,    bid  lib   huili  4707,    bid  do  gres  arn-anmnigud  1255 
1176,   bid  amarsech  2900,  bid  brdnach,  bid  brainechda 
8185,   bid  Ian   3307,    3339,   bid  marb   3603,    forf  fcy 
7672,  bid  denbreo  8093,  £*'<£  sodamna  6118,  6f<?  fr*M*a» 
3892,  bidhe  int  sdsar  1843,  WAf  an-drim  51,  bi  (1.  ittf) 
Ac  cdra  ar  cardine  5858.  1260 

(Jb).  (a)  ro-m-bia  mac  1967,  (df  chair  eter  olc  is  maith)  ro-t- 
bla  1256,  ro-t-bia  limm  airmitiu  intsldig,  ro-tbla  grdd, 
ro-t-bia  on6ir  3353-4,  ro-t-bia  Urn  greim  Be  3361, 
ro-t-bia  myordan  3362,  ni-t-bia  .  .  .  rkgdomna  6007, 
noco-t-bia  armitiu  847,  nochofor-bia  airchra  4064,  1265 
ram-Ma  nem  4175,  ro-dm-bla  nem  811,  nl-8-bla  grdd 
la  Lia  1163,  n?-&?a  fuirech  fort  1275,  m  faa  dil  for 
W  airmitein  3320,  »?  £ta  ri  uasum  856,  for-bia  log 
1448,  for-bia  for  neitteire  3503,  tftiteA  Auatr  /or»t- 
bda  for  n-ddil  Haimm  duib  3511.  1270 

Relative— rJ  faa*  5045. 
(/J)  «I  £a  doirchi  1211,  wl  3a  gldrach  8187,  wt  ta  grddach 
3274,  ft!  3a  cft'm  «frr  8283,  ow#  .  .  .  nl  ba  cele  6016, 
diam-ba  comainm  1968.2 

Relative — bas  hUasal  1843,  has  maith  6859,  nl  bas  1275 
eVwt'r  3114,  bas  dech  7823. 
pi.  2  (a),  (a)  ftrtAt  .  .  .  irrichtain  lessa  3083,  bethi  mairb  1232. 

(£)  bid-for-coscraig*  4706. 
pi.  3  (a),  (a)  &tart  fdt  835,  faai*  /otVwtf  /riV  airitein  840,  ieM 

tW  aitgeil  fo-m-trdig  853,  foM  adhuatha*   8150,   tetf*  1280 
(leg.  to»0  rforiAai  8157. 

1  Th*«e  first  instance*,  though  they  have  heen  put  here  ou  account  of  the 
form,  belong  in  meaning  rather  to  the  verb  of  existence  than  to  the  copula. 

*  In  6375  hadcchrad  probably  stands  for  baddechrady  though  a  fut.  ba  might 
be  defended  on  the  supposition  that  the  sentence  is  in  oratio  recta. 

»  Cf .  p.  42  note. 

*  Am  •  substantive,  ( there  will  be  horrors.' 

niL  Xnuu.  1895-7.  4 


50  THE    VERBAL   SYSTEM   OP   THE 

(p)  biat  {bit?)  sldna  4167. 
(0).  (a)  rd-t-btat  Urn  anige  int  sluaig  5845,  ni  biat  i  n-dentaig 
1951. 
1285  (£)  lattom  ni-pdat  duthaine  8355. 

Secondary  Futurb. 
sg.  3  (a),  ram-blad  tlr  2792,  no-Mad  cen  anmain  6324. 

(/3).  corn-bad  sainierc  sochaide  (*  he  promised  that  she  should 
be '),  eombad  tadcrethe  (?)  3250,  deithbir  bad  chose  4997. 

'    Preterite. 

(a)  denotes  forms  of  the  verb  of  existence,  ($)  forms  of  the  copula ;  [a),  (b),  etc. 
indicate  subdivisions  of  these  classes. 

sg.  1  (0).  nl  raba  cen  chith  1779,  nl  maith  ro-m-ba  1400. 

1290  sg.  2  (0).  rosat  glechert  3574,  ndrbsat  firgdeth  1318.1 

sg.  3  (a),  (a)  fat  u4<fam  tritrath  cen  ten  1041,  similarly  fat  6734, 
fa*  6265,  fat  1473,  1885,  7114,  comMi  2577,  7223, 
bai  2017,  2272,  2274,  3009,  3069,  bai  in  bangleo  3038, 
used  bai  in  des  2267,  2918,  bai  slind  a  gae  .  .  .  secht 

1295  cit  uhga  do  iurn  5761  ;  ni-sm-boe  sdere  3662,  m-m-fai 

suide  6399,  ni-m-bai  samdi  la  Sephi  6384 ;  m  fat  ddere 
bad  teinne  3675,  similarly  6628,  nl  bai  1509,  m  bae 
4975  ;  'coam-bai  in  cil  3090,  diam-bai  in  mass  7868, 
im-boe  Dauid  6104,   similarly   im-bai  6336:   fat   cHt 

1300  garb  dar  corp  5893,  fai  ddib  7085,  tfrt*fa  e?<5  <f*ro  bai 

2023,  com-baidd  3171 ;  <fo  rei'r  2>e  *&»  fa*  2)auitf  6472, 
baieter  Eua  is  Adam  1480 ;  bdi  .  .  .  eter  7081,  7082, 
fat  .  .  .  fecht  fiad  in  rig  6053  ;  bdi  a  thoirm  fo  secht 
nimib  2160,  diam-bai  fo  thonnaib  2544,  bai  .  .  .  fo  ddere 

1305  5309,    similarly   com -boe   3168,    bdi   6802,    fat   2327, 

diam-bai  7312,  fa*  3277  ;  bai  indarc  for  cuclaigi  .  .  . 
oca  tabairt  6673,  bdi  for  talmain  1930,  bae  for  t6eb  in 
conaire  7608,  ce'm  fa*  Dauid  for  Iuda  6601,  com-bdi  for 
longais  6715,  fat  a  m-bennacht  for  3552,  fat  toirsi  for 

1310  deichtreib  7089,  diam-bai  for  a  larair  7552,  similarly  *o/w- 

fa*  5876,  fa*  7089,  com-bdi  6150,  diam-bdi  7396,  «f- 
fat  7288,  fat  1686,  6577,  diam-bai  5304,  fa*  6545,  row- 
fa*  7372 ;  urn  itach  bai  im  Saul  6380 ;  fa* ...  f  n-Egept 

1  A  new  formation,  cf.  nirsat,  LL.  64*  11.     Cf.  mrsa  eolach,  LL.  70b  7,  with 
present  meaning. 


SALTAIR   NA    RANN — J.    8TRACHAN.  51 

3993,  bai  ifus  6464,  bdi  'sin  chath  6963,  bdi  coicer  inna 
comgndis  7640,  diam-bai  itroga  7390,  similarly  diam-boe  1315 
7603,  bdi  1639,  2004,  2192,  2270,  3158,  4011,  5945, 
6354,   6481,   7167,   7541,  bde  1692,  3789,  bai  1525, 
com-bai  2576,  3208,  3292,  diam-bai  5357,  7366,  7492, 
anhed  bai  5260,  bae  5019,  6961,  din  bae  (in  repetition 
bdi)  6401,  diam-bui  7740,  &a»  /«ry  at/*  /a  J)ia  6841 ;  1320 
diam-bai  icon  glanaltoir  7558,  6<ft . . .  ocna  sethraib  2973, 
&O0  ttf  Ionoddn  6706,  tnfan  £d»  w  deicsin  2137,  similarly  * 
com-bdi  6344,  diam-bdi  5922,   7065,   tnW  foft  2841, 
to'  2837,   2865,    3046,    5714,  diam-bai  5355,   7342, 
intan    bai    2125;     eom-lai    Joseph    6b    Egeipt    3380,1325 
diam-bai  in  teduar  os  cech  maig  7543.     In  this  usage 
the  form  ba  diam-ba  imbrait  3151,  intan  ba  denmile  .  .  . 
oc  Saul  5909,  etir  fir  7  mndi  ba  col  6711,  inna  n-adbaib 
ba  slUag  mdr  2506,  uair  narbo  leu  6839. 

(b).  rl  robai  9,  rl  robai  ria  m-betha  bann  5273,  6n  chetna  duine  1330 
robui  7789,  robae  rl  riana  aihgleib  2438,  cia  mit  ree 
• .  .  robui  in  rl  7848,  robae  ann  secht  mis  5423,  robai 
ann  fo  thromthur  2229,  robai  long  as  2378,  tW  inbaid 
robde  in  dlgal  6556,  ited  robae  in  des  Nde  2262;  cia 
robai  do  anble  a  rdd  821 ;  ro-m-bdi  mdr  dom'  gdes  1907,  1335 
ro-n-bde    blad   ro-n-bai  tlacht   1557,   Pardus  ro-n-bai 
1487,  ro-sm-bdi  cennach   3544,  cosin  ro-sm-bdi  4028, 
ro-sni-bai  inna  tass  5107 ;   roW*  t"»  dlgal  for  imluad 
2510,  roto*  snlm  for  Saul  6490;  roftcft  ...  friaiducht 
2027,  m  m<wM  roWt  Dia  rind  1903;    roto'  »  n-nim  1340 
<t     814,    a*A*<Z  robai  Moisi  isHsleib  4109,    cf.    4136,    do 
nech  robai  i  m-bethaid  2533,  robae  inna  comthrumma 
6760,  similarly  robai  6181,  roto'  1100,  3653,  4109, 
5467,  ro-m-bai  7210,  robae  6389,  7515 ;  roto*  icfognam 
1939,  roto  .  .  .  coafortacht  3678,  similarly  ro&wi  7704,  1345 
robd  4640;   rota'*  tria  meddn  6080. 

nlr-m-bai   bin   (nism-9   Stokes)   3279,   nocho-r-rubai 
forlaith  lain  {forflaith  Idn?  Stokes)   1241,  nod  robae 
*na   muinteras   7748,    6na-rabi    ifus    3194,    ifors-rabi 
Rachlal  3030,  irabi  tallann  6728.      With  adj.  corabe  1350 
lomnocht  1316. 

(/J).  («)  Jo : — combo  frith  3144,  fififoi  <artf  3673,  nlpu  Mirge 
meraige  3776,  nJio  chUthaib  robatar  6528  (m£ 
o  ehlethaib?). 


52  THE    VERBAL   SYSTEM   OF   THE 

1355  (b).  ba:  +  adj.  baformtech  diabul  1105,  ba  lainn  in  mod  1129, 

ba  feochair  ftig  ...  in  beist  1 1 29,  ba  m6r  in  guassacht 
1141,  similarly  1292,  1707,  1935,  2211,  2601,  2759, 
2931,  3233,  3268,  3280,  3331,  3563,  3669,  3709  (comba), 
3743,  3749,  3819,  3820,  3869,  3896  (anhtd  ba),  4039, 

1360  4113,    4118,    4121,    4159,    4268,    4457,   4480,  4513, 

4541,  4572,  4620  (huair  ba),  4803  (Hair  ba),  4930 
(huair  ba),  5334  (huair  ba),  5444,  5446,  5471,  5472, 
5669,  5688,  5772,  5907,  5927,  6092,  6328,  6474, 
6595,    6656,    6676,    6688,    6833,    7125,    7170,   7398, 

1365  7412,  7557,  7570,  8006,  with  plural  ba  dimdaig  5519, 

ba  huamnaig  5619,  ba  cuin  intsluaig  3959;  ba  buidech 
d'Ablal  1979,  cf.  1980,  5393,  ani  ba  deck  do  cech 
threib  3651,  feib  ba  gndth  ddib  6511,  feib  ba  derb  his 
147,   ba  maith  led  4631,  similarly  2860,  3374,  3543, 

1370  5089,  5924,  6065,  ba  dubbreoc  dath  2955,  ba  amra  duis 

4333,  ba  truag  scil  6809,  similarly  3143,  4133,  4703, 
6593,  7455 :+  substantive  ba  ihgnad  a  bith  imnocht 
1298,  ba  laech  hack  2255,  ba  buaid  2821,  ba  sliucht 
n-gle  3055,  ba  brlathar  rig  ror&ide  2512,  issi  ba  erri 

1375  3150,  ba  maidm  torainn  for  cech  maig  3931,  ba  Uor  pldg 

4814,  ba  6g  im  gnim  cert  6833,  similarly  2367,  2831, 
2832,  2947,  3078,  3146,  3163,  3169,  3211,  3385, 
3439,  3492,  3522,  3653,  3811,  3856  (comba),  3895, 
3999  (uair  ba),  4450,  4816   (huair  ba),  4837,   4910, 

1380  4977,    5007,    5043,    5133,    5243,    5366,   5377,   5378, 

5379,  5384,  5391,  5648,  5706,  5708,  5711,  5752, 
5780,  5979  {feib  ba),  6062,  6064,  6078,  6098,  6346, 
6391,  6403,  6457,  6861,  6923,  6943,  7003,  7024, 
7037,  7057,   7070,   7169,  7230,  7254,  7323  (comba), 

1385  7394,  7490,  7661  (tan  ba),  7684  (comba) ;  comba  forba 

d6  2795,  don  banscdil .  .  .  bdhirc  1691,  dond  eclats  ndeb 
ba  masse  4531,  bagrilm  truag  d'aes  taith  5319,  cf.  7159, 
6834,  ba  mac  don  Otha  2366,  cf.  3302,  3247,  led  ba 
ceist  3455  :  +  preposition  ar  ba  d'Egept  a  athair  3256, 

1390  cf.  3490,  3720,  dar  lia  ba  dia  airchisecht  1674,  ba  in 

slUag  do  Idndailli  7 ISO,  ba  de  bai  a n-dlth  5363 ;+ pronoun 
ba  he*  rigsuide  1381,  comba  hi  ddib  ba  prxmfaith  7132, 
ba  he*  in  grtidgemm  2264,  similarly  8370,  3723,  4588, 
5464,  5575,  5735,  5822,  6276,  7132,  7594,  7738. 

1395  (c).  ni  D\a  robo  lochtach  rind  1521,  ited  ropo  sldn  d'AbUtf 


SALT  AIR   NA    RANN — J.    STRACIIAN.  53 

1986,  robo  trin  for  iltuathaib  2696,  ropo  hergnaid 
ilgrdda  2704,  robo  serccach  la  Issdc  2826,  ropo 
inmain  lid  mdthair  2828,  robo  llach  6195,  ropo  mi  lid 
2701,  dia  brdithrib  robo  gdbud  a  lair  ad  5833,  lasin  sldg 
robo  tn0rehei8t  3864,  rop  foglainntid  ropfelsam  2702.  1400 
(d).  eiarbo  gle  do  ehruth  1677,  3677,  3693,  6185,  ciarbo 
deoda  doss  6799,  eiarbo  bin  5791,  corbo  thldith  7615, 
nWbu  mall  1283,  cf.  1287,  5899,  nirbo  dimdach  1471, 
cf.  2021,  6943,  6958,  7654,  nochorbo  choimsech  6091, 
nurbo  trin  3721,  cf.  6407,  6451 ;  gorbo  mdl  3431,  1405 
nirbo  drechrothail  4226,  diarbo  chomainm  1936,  cf.  2820, 
5704,  eiarbo  airfitiud  la  each  6069,  ciarbo  chrdd  ria 
menmanrad  6854,  nlrbu  dinnim  la  Dia  4207,  nirbo  bis 
led  3031,  nurbo  mac  oVingin  Foraind  3712,  orba  mac 
sldn  5683,  oiarb  focus  7374,  ciarb  olc  leis  6571,  nlrb  1410 
dimmain  1137,  cf.  3206,  5702,  5779,  6230,  6937, 
do  Achimelech  nirb  folith  6189,  cf.  6903,  nlrb  hanad 
dib  5099,  diarb  gnath  4469,  nir  firda  6903,  nar 
imgann  3038,  ciarb  immargu  2852,  nlrb  fer  suairc 
5751,  nir  firda  6903,  nir  bunad  3304,  cf.  4111,1415 
<frar&  ainm  5750,  (for*  iai  6353,  nlrb  fri  sld  6951, 
<w£  he  ba  hdrdrl  5007,  conifl  I  in  rlanfeth  7616. 

pi.  1  («).  tfem  fowtfr  em  tarimthecht  1558,    £ew   fam^r  /o  recht 
3286,  ^dfRar  •  cumriuch  3286. 

pL  3  (a),  (a)  aU  batar  ann  2937,  cf.  5437,  eom-bdtar  lunaib  lergaib  1420 
6779,  com-batar  flad  inn  air  rig  3564,  batar  fo  chircholg- 
gaib  7415,  batar  font  1734,  fcw  War  <ir  fit  maig  3553, 
6a/ar  .  .  .for  na  dd  thir  2369,  com- batar  huili  im  Adam 
1640,  isleib  Sfina  .  .  .  batar  4088,  flafor  .  .  .  na  chardess 
3245,  similarly  3161,  5480,  5620,  batar  ic  Me  2490,  1425 
batar  ic  adrad  2788,  similarly  3237,  5888,  6517. 
(b)  robatar  sind  amsir  sin  2348,  robatar  ann  3753,  feib 
robatar  3788,  in  lln  robatar  3081,  nibo  chlethaib  robatar 
6528,  ir  robatar  1499,  robatar  i  n-h-Ericho  6724,  ro- 
fa&ir  . . .  i  comlepaid  2977,  hkair  ro-m~hatar  i  m-bochtai  1430 
1477,  robatar  la  Iafeth  2666,  hid  robatar  ic  Solmain 
7010. 
(fi).  (a)    batar    debthaig    6264,    batar   daingne    1928,    foifar 
firdruine  2163,  tatar  toirsech  in  tuath  3885,  dfiibseom 
batar  somhlassa  4072,  6/?far  buidig  do  Dia  4049,  tuzrr  143.5 
fcfcar  mogaid  7427,  gia-batar  ilardai  5781,  cia-btar  nemi 


54  VERBAL  SYSTEM  OF  THE   SALTAIR  NA    RANK. 

4070,  co-mtar  add  sechtmogat  2768,  co-miar  mairb  51 
cf.  7652,  cia-btar  glain  2421,  cia-mtar  amrai  5800,  in 
ilerda  4659,  cf.  4660,  4661,  4662,  4663,  4664,  nl-j 
1440  amra  6540,  cf.  6544,  6337,  nl-bdar  dimdaig  3550, 

3557,  5322. 
(&)  bat  hem-eiths  4887,  bat  hdmrw'g  7763,  nlbat  cliihti 

5515. 
(c)  ro-ptar  snimaig  3449,  ro-bdar  dimdaig  4051. 
1445  (<J)  wail  triuin  3983,  ciapsat  glain  8007. 

Impersonal  Passive.1 
tnA*2  ro-m-bds  'con  baitheis  7564. 

Infinitive. 
1447  Ktt  1107,  1137,  1336,  2562,  4306,  5943,  etc. 

1  Cf.  Zimmer,  EZ.  ixviii,  349. 


INDEX — J.   STRACHAN.  55 


INDEX. 

A  bare  number  refers  to  the  line  in  the  preceding  lists ;  a  number  preceded  by  1. 
refers  to  the  line  of  the  Saltair. 

adair  233,  ba  teeth  meni  adair  run,  nd  tabair  tdeb  fri  Saul 
*  you  will  be  foolish  if  you  do  not  suspect  (?)  treachery,  put  no 
trust  in  Saul.9  The  construction  requires  a  subjunctive,  and  adair 
could  be  a  subjunctive  only  of  the  s  aorist.  Perhaps  it  may  come 
from  ad-arr-icim  in  the  sense  of  *  find  out,  scent  out,'  but  I  have 
no  other  example  of  this  shade  of  meaning. 

ad-ann*imy  eta  lin  na  rltlann  adrann,  cain  adrann  cacktucht 
rothecht,  int  Abram  adrann  o  ehein  670.  The  meaning  of  these 
passages  is  not  very  clear ;  the  first  may  signify  '  what  number 
of  stars  he  lighted/  I  would  suggest  doubtfully  connexion  with 
adannaim  '  light,  kindle,  excite,'  cf.  annad  984,  Ascoli,  Gloss,  xxxix. 
Cf.  roand  btdnbrig  inian  rodall  mdrrig  Jfide,  LL.  184*  15,  baithis 
Patraicc  prlmda  adr  annad h  i  n-Ere  .i.  rotinmcanadh,  O'Davoren, 
s.v.  ra»n=Fel.  Oeng.  Ap.  5.  Another  possibility  would  be  ad- 
rannaim  '  divide,  portion  out/  which  may  be  found  in  adba  in  rig 
ri  adranna  forsnddiUe  fin  cofinne,  LL.  28b  17,  but  this,  so  far  as 
I  can  judge,  suits  the  context  less  than  the  other. 

ad-ethaim  'attain/  adreth  673. 

ad-bath  '  died'  451,  cf.  bath  440.  PI.  atbuthatar,  LL.  251*  31, 
eeu-apthatar,  LL.  19*  44,  cont'd- apt  hat  ar,  LL.  249*  25. 

ad-cocraim  '  conspire,  agree  *  (?),  adcocrat  83.     Cf .  cocraim. 

aidbligthe  '  wonderful '  908,  formally  pass.  part,  of  a  verb 
aidbligim,  a  denominative  from  adbul.  Cf.  sens  aidbligthe  ihechtas 
g.  intentiuum,  Sg.  221b  3,  aidbligod  216a  3. 

ad-f'iadaim  'relate/  adfit  16,  adflad  23,  adflasa  222.  Cf. 
*dfes,  LL.  132b  7,  adfessam,  LL,  lib  48,  131b  34  ;  pf.  pass,  adfessa, 
JAJ.  59*  7=adfeta,  LL.  62*  21. 

ad-midiur,  conammodair  406.  Cf.  Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1891-4, 
pp.  467,  468,  492,  494,  adromadair  a  tnarbad,  Ir.  Text,  iii,  1,  190. 

md-sligim  'tempt,'  roaslacht  489;  with  transition  to  *  pret. 
roaslaig,  LIT.  51b  6. 

md-teoch  'beg,  entreat,'  aitchem  140,  attaig  152,  atethach  323. 
Cf.  pre*,  adeochosa,  LU.  67a  12,  ateoch,  LU.  40*  14,  67*  13,  perf. 
oonmtlaig,  LL.  20b  14,  conatchetar,  LL.  9*  11. 


56  VERBVL   SYSTEM   OF   THE   SALTA1R   NA   RANN. 

airbrigim,  nomirbrig  47.  The  word  may  be  a  denominative 
from  airbre  'host,'  feib  nomirhrig  'as  he  marshalled  them,'  cf. 
arbharaim  '  I  array,'  O'R. 

dgur  '  fear,'  digsiu  961. 

aig  thaig  164,  used  as  a  petrified  phrase  with  prepositions  in  the 
sense  of  to  and  fro. 

air-chusim  '  have  pity,'  roairchis  700. 

air-ciu  '  I  ece,'  ardosce  127.  Cf.  airciu,  LXJ.  77*  9,  nimair- 
cechasa,  LTJ.  74b  3,  ar  cia  follaither  no  cia  areas  tar  .i.  uair  cia 
follaither  no  cia  firdechar  oec  ice  fiach  inraith,  O'Davoren,  s.v. 
arcastar. 

air-icim  'find,'  arrancas  871,  cetnaairnecht  860.  Cf.  Wind. 
Wb.  s.v.  airnecht.  In  370  farnaic,  if  /  be  not  the  prothetic  / 
of  Middle  Irish,  may  be  referred  to  fo-air-icimt  cf.  Ascoli, 
Gloss,  xcvi. 

aith-cuaid  'related*  353,  con-iicsitar  813.  Cf.  co  n-£aem, 
LL.  182»  24. 

aith-cuirim  'arrange,  put,'  ecortar  805.  Cf.  ecor,  Wind.  Wb.t 
whence  comes  the  denominative  ecraim,  see  do- ear  aim. 

aith-enim  '  commend/  rosathin  699. 

aith-gninim  'know,  recognize/  atatgen  322,  atgedin  369.  Cf. 
p.  22,  note  3.  In  the  last  passage  for  ni  haithgen  Eua  eo  gle  Lucifer 
LBr.  112b  28  has  niraichin  Eua  comb  ad  he  Lucifer  'Eve  did 
not  know  that  it  was  Lucifer.' 

air-fo-emaim  '  take  to  myself,'  arrdet  464.  At  1.  1058  is  found 
orphet  Adam  anmain=on  uair  arrdet  Adam  anmain,  LBr.  H0a, 
similarly  diaroet  chorp  n-d6inachta  1.  7510,  in  which  passages  it  is 
to  be  noted  that  roet  is  disyllabic,  whereas  in  the  other  passages 
it  is  monosyllabic.  Have  we  to  do  with  corruption  for  arrdet  ? 
Cf.,  however,  roet  which  glosses  adreth,  Fel.  Oeng.  Prol.  120. 

angim  'protect,'  anais  223,  nosainsed  250,  nimacht  440, 
rodnanacht,  etc.,  444.  Cf.  rommaint  LL.  32a  33,  nltain,  LL.  46» 
37,  42,  43,  44,  nochonotain  48,  ratain,  39,  40,  45,  47,  rotaincfe 
51,  romanacht,  LL.  32a  32. 

arco  fain  5,  a  traditional  pious  expression.  Cf.  Cormac's 
glossary,  s.v.,  canid  pater  arcofuin,  23  N.  10,  R.I. A.  (corrupted  into 
arcech  fain  in  the  corresponding  passage  LBr.  262a  1),  arco  fuin 
domrigt  LU.  119*24. 

ar-tuaisim  '  am  silent,  listen,  give  heed  to '  (?),  drtilasni 
each  th-brtg  each  m-brait  '  who  listens  (gives  heed  to  ?)  everyone 
high  and  low  '  53,  artuaitfi  '  it  (the  world)  will  listen1  301.     Cf. 


INDEX— J.    STRACHAN.  57 

uUi  ardatUassi  'he  who  listens  to  it,'  Ml.  129b  2,  artuaisbet  '  they 
will  be  silent,'  Ml.  126b  12,  ardomtUaissi  'who  listens  to  me/ 
Fel.  Oeng.  Ep.  374,  is  hen  aurthuasaeht  a  brethre  ind  fir  sin  '  it  is 
necessary  to  listen  to  the  word  of  that  man,'  LU.  88b  26. 

fti-r-d*,  nirds  nach  h-duine  dalbda  commas  huili  a  aurlabra  528  = 
conid  desin  is  follus  nach  la  duine  fen  comus  a  erlabra  acht  la  Dla, 
LBr.  123*.  The  explanation  of  nirds  is  not  clear.  If  it  come 
from  aiaim  '  grow,'  it  involves  a  construction  of  which  I  have  no 
further  example.     Mr.  Stokes  conjectures  nirfast. 

tu-renim,  ernim  '  give,'  roeirn  437,  cf.  roernisat,  LL.  27b  15. 

at-bailim  'die'  1,  atbelam,  nachepelam,  etc.,  277-8,  erbailt  461. 
The  enclitic  forms  here  point  to  composition  with  aith-9  so  epil, 
Wb.  30*,  spelltaisy  Ml.  99b  2.  But  aith-  has  become  mixed  with 
•&;  as  is  shown  by  apail,  Ml.  91d  2,  ai pleat,  Ml.  104b  1,  apaltu, 
ML  30*1  14.  The  compound  ad-bath  of  kindred  meaning  may  have 
helped  here. 

tthigim  'frequent,'  athigid  1012.  Cf.  in  tipra  tall  ina  thaig, 
bnbenand  coa  athigid,  LL.  153»  21. 

dhruchaim  'change,'  asa  thoil  nlrathrucha  'did  not  turn  from 
aw  purpose,'  733.  Cf.  Ascoli,  Gloss,  cci,  athruigh,  -ughadh 
*  change,  remove,'  Coneys. 

ttrdebaid,  atrdebaid  Gdidel  co  m-buaid  dula  d6  i  n-degaid 
**hlkaig  S9$  =foremdes  Had  dul  inh-degaid  mac  n-Israhel,  LBr. 
H8b,  BB.  250b  54.  If  uamon  be  the  subject,  the  meaning  would 
naturally  be  '  the  fear  of  the  God  of  the  children  of  Israel  kept 
Goedel  from  going  after  the  host.'  I  have  no  other  instance 
<tf  the  word. 

ttdiin  'dip,  drown,'  bdid  154,  nimbdidfed  314,  robdid  579, 
**tak  711,  robaided  850,  corodabddes  p.  37  n.,  bddud  1005. 
8ome  forms  belong  rather  to  Class  II,  robddur  109,  bddad  1006. 
Cf.  conubddaitis,  Ml.  96c  14. 

Uethaim  '  befool/  rotrobaeth  528. 

l&ethaigim  'befool,'  rombdithigeis  514,  515,  rotbdithig  580. 

tyaim,  nd  bdgaid  nual  171,  'utter  proudly';  —'promise' 
LU.  75*  25,  bdgais  Cuehulaind  eondingned  samlaid. 

hdnaigim,  biaid  nech  imbdnugud  Li  1008.  Cf.  rasbdsaig 
mbanaig  LL.  112*  13,  bdnaighim  O'R. 

titaim  'slay,'  bus  519,  ronbds  528. 

Ueeaigim  '  roar,'  beceaichfit  307. 

ttmm  'strike,  slay,'  combenfat  311,  cf.  noben/ad  LU.  58b  20, 
nmbl/ad  314,  bhias  .i.  gonfas  O'Clery;  rodbi  343,  cf.  LL.  31b  3, 


58  VERBAL  SYSTEM   OF  THE   SALTA1R   NA   RANN. 

132*  10,  20,  132b  2,  etc.  With  transition  to  s  pret.  ben,  roben 
434,  cf.  comben  LL.  250b  12,  bensait  LU.  97*  17. 

bethaigim  'quicken,'  bethaigait  77,  cf.  bethaigend  LL.  266b  35, 
robethaig  LL.  132*  23. 

berbaim  4  boil,'  rodmberb  530.     Cf.  beirbid  in  broedan  BB.  236b  5. 

bUraim  'roar1?  bldraid  12.  Cf.  bldrach  'noisy'  O'R.,  $for  .i. 
glor  O'Davoren,  bldr  .i.  guth  no  gUr  O'Clery. 

brathaigim  '  betray,  deceive,'  rotbrathaig  580.  Cf.  oosbrathaig, 
LL.  162*  27. 

bricaim  'deceive,  beguile,'  brecad  985.  Cf.  curasbre'e  da  puic 
pecda  'she  beguiled  them  with  her  sinful  kiss,'  LL.  151*  17, 
Mod.  Ir.  breugaim  'beguile,  coax.' 

briiim  'crush,'  combruet  93,  rodmbrde  583,  brUifider  825.  Cf. 
briiifet  LL.  67*  3,  bruis  LL.  67*  12. 

bruindim  'flow,  spring,'  nobruindis  213.  Cf.  K.  Meyer,  Voyage 
of  Bran,  Index,  curach  nobruinned  dochum  tire  LL.  108*  19,  brunnid 
fuil  LL.  100b  41,  dubrdinn  g.  influxerit  Ml.  81c  14. 

bruissitis  810  seems  to  belong  to  brissim. 

bualaim '  strike,'  nombaala  114,  bualad  985,  cf.  bualaid  LL.  207*  23, 
imbualad  19*  16.  The  modern  form  is  buailim  inf.  bualadh,  cf. 
Atkinson,  Passions  and  Homilies  s.v. 

cachtaim,  roscacht  532. 

ftft  '  went'  330.     Cf.  aracae  '  goes  before,'  O'Don.  Suppl. 

calcaim,  mur  do  chriad  chaim  rochalcad  395.  Cf.  calc,  calcaigh 
'harden,  fasten,  drive,  caulk,  beat,  ram,'  Coneys. 

canim  •  sing,'  rochachain  343,  cf.  rochachain,  ML  43b  7,  rochan 
434,  Cl.focan  434,  forrochan  for  forroichain,  Ml.  68b  8,  roiAel  499, 
a  form  which  I  have  not  noted  from  the  Glosses,  but  which  must 
be  old  if  it  have  any  historical  connexion  with  W.  cant.  To  this 
verb  Stokes  would  refer  cachnaith  in  the  somewhat  obscure  line 
2694.  But  such  absolute  forms  are  not  otherwise  found  in  the 
Saltair,  and  I  know  of  no  instance  in  which  a  secondary  future  is 
used  to  express  repeated  action  in  past  time. 

cart  aim  'send,'  rochart  535,  uaib  nocartaid  'send  him  from  you' 
LL.  212b  4,  cartais  Ifananndn  mac  Jir  techta  Had  dia  ind*aigid 
'  Manannan,  son  of  the  sea,  sent  messengers  from  himself  to  him' 
LL.  152b  19,  where  for  cartais  BB.  396*  34  has  fuidis,  atbert  a 
char tud  for  cul  LL.  153*  7,  cartf aider  a  Pardus  immach  tat  'they 
shall  be  driven  out  of  Paradise'  LBr.  110b,  cartf  ait  clanna  lareoil 
dia  cdille  dia  cldr  LL.  147*  39,  Mod.  Ir.  cartaim  'cleanse  out 
(dung,  etc.),  cast  out.'     Cf.  Meyer,  Mae  Conglinne  s.v. 


INDEX — J.   STRACHAN.  59 

cmnsaigim  'placate/  eennsagud  1013. 

eertaim  '  adjust,  settle,'  roehertad  841.  Cf.  certaim  dg  LU.  76*  2, 
roehertusfor  Lagniu  laneraic  LL.  147a  49. 

mm  832:  see  fotroehess. 

ro-chichlaig  584,  '  every  creature  shook/  Stokes,  Lives  of  Saints, 
8.v.  cuclaige,  , 

etrrim  'tear,  mangle/  cirtis  213.  Cf.  dabarrd  in  ck  cirres  each 
**m  'there  will  come  to  you  the  Dog  that  tears  every  raw  (flesh) ' 
LL.  58b  18,  cirrfitir  colla  'bodies  will  be  mangled'  LL.  254b  24. 

ciunniud  'completion'?  1014.  Qtforcennim  Wind.,  Ml.  69b  9, 
94«18,  132c  11. 

daidim  '  dig/  roeechlaid  343,  cf.  eechlaid  LU.  64»  45,  cechlatdr 
LU.  65b  3. 

cknnaim  'plant/  clannaid  12,  roclannad  841. 

dichim,  tri  eldir  fichet  in  each  sliss  clichet  94,  rl  rognl  clichis  een 
wfcg  iarna  fithi*  firmimeint  526.  Both  passages  are  of  uncertain 
meaning.  Stokes  compares  cliehidh  .i.  tiondilidh  O'Clery,  for  which 
O'Davoren  has  clith  .i.  tindl,  atnail  ata  sochla  triar  ara  clith.  There 
is  a  compound  verb  airchligim,  intan  batir  heseom  uile  dobictis 
t»  poU  arachliched  som  a  denur  ondteged  cid  den  Viathr6it  ind  '  when 
they  all  were  throwing  at  the  hole,  he  would  ward  them  off 
himself,  so  that  not  a  single  ball  should  go  into  it'  LU.  60b  8, 
**  chumcaitis  in  mate  a  ersclaige  LU.  60b  7,  araclichsom  onachranca- 
Mr  U  LU.  59»  33,  gilla  araclieh  claideb  LU.  74b  28,  araclessid  .i. 
irdlige  g.  in  quo  possitis  omnia  tela  nequissimi  ignea  extinguere 
▼b.  29*  18,  areliehside  (.i.  cumdaighidh  no  eircillidh  eside)  criocha, 
Macht  Mdrain  R.I.  A.  23  N.  27 =cohgb  aid  side  a  ehricha  LL. 
294*  45,  arelich  arclechar  .i.  eirchilUdh  7  eirchilltear  ib.^oclich 
*k*ir  LL.  294b  1,  ocliehfe  in  dam  allaid  fortsu  LU.  63»  6, 
but  these  compounds  give  little  help  for  the  interpretation  of 
the  passages  in  the  Saltair. 

diirim,  clissiud  1015.  Cf.  clessim,  Wind.,  clissis  Ciichulaind 
f«*dinberaLU.  69b  13. 

d6im  'overcome'  manidclde  128,  eocldefet  310,  nuchasclai  495, 
**Wi,  etc.  585-6,  cM  1014. 

endim,  rotchnd  122,  roscnai  586.  Cf.  ced  rosend  eo  cromehoserad 
LL.  28*  16,  and  cnaoidhnn  *  to  consume  or  languish,  also  to  gnaw 
Wchew'  O'Brien,  cnaoc  'consume,  eat,  swallow  ....  waste,  pine, 
taguish,  gnaw  '  Coneys.  O'Brien  is  doubtless  right  in  comparing 
Gr.  KptUw.  In  cnaoidhim  dh  is  purely  orthographic.  Further 
Mokes,  Trip.  Life  Index,  Lives  of  Saints  Index. 


60  VERBAL   SYSTEM   OF   THE  SALTAIR   NA   RANN. 

eocraim,  cocrait . . .  a  brath '  they  conspire  to  betray  him*  69  {coerait 
7  eindit  iarom  a  fostad  LBr.  I15ft),  cf.  rococrad  led  Tth  do  marbad 
•they  conspired  to  slay  Ith'  LL.  12a  23,  rocograd  Refulair  (?  le 
Refulair)  a  c[K]liamain  do  marbad  ....  7  rdinig  a  fi%  sin  do  Mac 
Bile  .i.  a  ehogar  da  c[K]ftamain  'Jtefulair  plotted  to  slay  his  son-in- 
law  ....  and  Mac  Bile  learned  that,  to  wit,  that  his  father-in-law 
was  plotting  against  him/  BB.  18b  43-45,  cogradh  'whispering 
conspiracy'  O'R.,  issl  comairli  tuccsat  assa  cogur  7  asa  comairli 
BB.  237*  15. 

coiclim  '  spare,'  con&rchoicled  202. 

coimsigim,  rl  rochoimsig  na  grdda  '  arranged  fittingly'  ?  587.  Cf. 
eomse  Windisch.  Modern  Irish  dictionaries  give  coimhsighim  in  the 
sense  of  c  perceive/  but  that  does  not  suit  the  context. 

eoitchennaim,  liar  eoimdid  cocaitchennam  'may  we  be  together 
with  our  Lord'  135.  Cf.  coitcensa  fri  each  g.  communionem  Ml. 
37*  19,  %  comlabrai  7  %  cotchennas  LL.  122*  50. 

comitaim  '  watch,  guard/  cometas  56,  cometaid  171. 

eommairnim  '  betray/  commairni  53.     Cf.  mairnim  Wind. 

com-midim,  eatacoimsed  '  who  could  equal  him'  255.  Cf.  Phil. 
Soc.  Trans   1891-4,  p.  510,  n.  3. 

eoniccim  'I  can/  conic  43,  condnlis  231,  conni  236,  ni  chdemsaili* 
257,  condnanacair  404,  cf.  oanacuir  Ml.  119d  7. 

conrkala,  mar'tchuala  Michol  in  th-breis  conr&ala  in  sluag  ymon 
tegdais  396  '  when  Michol  heard  the  noise  that  the  host  raised  (?) 
about  the  house.'  The  verb  seems  to  be  a  compound  of  Idaim 
'throw/  which  is  used  of  noises.  Cf.  Wind.  Wb.  650*,  rold 
a  ulaig  commaidmi  i  he  raised  his  shout  of  victory '  LL.  258»  15. 
In  a  different  connexion  LL.  10 lb  15  cid  odrualaindsea  mo  charpat 
7  En  ara  Conaill  a  charpat,  7  giarathiasmdis  i  n-dib  carptib. 

con-trebaim  'dwell/  rochattreb  678. 

con-tuilim  i  sleep/  conattail  655. 

conutgim,  conrotaig  400. 

cdraigim  l  arrange/  roscdraig  587,  rocdraiged  853.  Cf.  cdraigmit 
LU.  59b  34,  cdraig  LL.  66a  49,  cdraigis  LL.  66b  3,  roacdraigset 
LL.  152*  22. 

crdidim  'torment/  -crdidfe  295,  rochrddsam  740,  rochrdideem 
751,  rocrdidsemmar  742. 

crethaim  '  tremble/  crethfait  306.     Cf.  creathaim  O'R.,  O'Brien. 

criathraim  '  sift/  rl  crlathras  usee  n-dn  n-uar  57.  Cf.  criath- 
raigh  'sift,  filter/  Coneys.  For  the  application  of  criathraim 
to  rain,  may  be  compared  Aristoph.  Nub.  373 — xairot  Trpdrepo* 
rov  A/*  aXijOwv  u'fitjv  $ta  kogkivov  ovpziv. 


TNDKX — J.    STRACHAN.  61 

crinaim  '  wither,'  roncrfnad  195,  rodascrin  535,  crinad  987.  Cf. 
mhrin  na  tiiatha  LL.  106a  15. 

critknaigim  'tremble/  crithnaigfid  297,  rochrithnaig  588.  Cf. 
mthnaigset  LU.  79b  24,  rocrithnaigset  LU.  101b  2. 

erothim  '  shake,'  noscroith  31,  croithfaid  296,  croithfider  825. 
Cf.  ovIAm  LU.  77b  32,  <?ro#A  inf.  crothadh  'shake,  sprinkle,' 
O'Brien,  Coneys,  but  crath,  crathadh  High.  Soc.  In  the  compound 
fa-erothaim  a  forms  are  found  in  the  Glosses  fucrothad  Ml.  23b  14, 
foerothamu  64a  4,  focrothtae  68a  5. 

croichligim,  rocroichligthi  899  =  mcrothlaigit  7  roglaceait  7 
roergabait  7  tuecait  for  cula  don  chathraig  LBr.  116b,  rocroclaighid, 
etc.,  BB.  238b  52.     I  have  no  other  example  of  the  word. 

cruthaigim  'form,'  cruthaig  522,  rochruthaig  589,  rotchruthaiged 
854,  rochruthaigthe  890.  Cf.  cruthaigedar  Ml.  140b  5,  rochruth- 
iigethrlAJ.  115*  16,  roneruthaig  LL.  133b  4. 

cuintgim  '  ask,'  conattaig  387.  The  £  preterite  is  the  usual  one, 
eg.  «MMttoAM[ar]  Ml.  49d  27,  cf.  90b  16,  conatecht  LU.  97b  1. 
M  cunnius  LL.  71a  45. 

cknaigim  'blame,  reprimand,'  cursaig  496,  rochurmig  591. 

cuibdigim  'harmonize,  fit,'  roscuibdig  589,  cuibdigthe  912, 
tfAtytrf  1016.     Cf.  ardotchuibdig  LU.  46b  30. 

cuibrigim=*cuimrigim,  roscuibrig  590. 

cuimrigim  'bind,'  rochuimrig  591,  rochumrigthae  891,  comrechtai 
906.  In  the  two  first  instances  cutn-rigim  (cf .  Ascoli,  G/om.  ccxiv) 
w  treated  as  though  it  were  a  simple  denominative. 

flUHmw'm  '  shape,  form,'  rochummad  843.  Cf.  in  chdinsin 
M&mmad  and  LL.  206a  6,  tie  umorro  celna  ni  rocumad  7  rocumdaigit 
*«LBr.  120M. 

rfd/am  «  come  together,'  frisinddlat  84. 

<Uft»  '  portion  out,'  dalfas  302. 

d%*f  1016.     Inf.  of  ddlaigim  '  assign,  apportion '  O'R.  ? 

i*mim  «  grant,'  rodet  500,  roddU  839. 

&sww»m  'subdue,'  rodamnad  .  .  .  d'adrad  idol,  rodamnad  .  .  . 
<ff**tt&  843,  rodomnad  .  .  .  do  fognam  Demuin  843,  /r*  damn  ad 
fohuil  927,  <2ma  ...  a  n-domnad  a  n-degdamnad,  iarna  n-damnad 
988,  for  di  debde  cen  domnad  991  =Jor  da  n-6cbuaib  eddamna  l  on 
two  young  unbroken  oxen '  LBr.  128a.  In  Ir.  this  native  word 
k*  become  mixed  with  damnaim  from  Lat.  damno. 

kchraigim    4  separate,    distinguish,'    rodechraig  592,   dechraig- 

ft#m. 

itHaim  '  separate,'  nosdedlai  21,  cf.  nosdedland  truth  Danai  aniar 


62  VERBAL  SYSTEM   OF  THE   8ALTAIR   NA   RANK. 

LL.  135*  43,  rodedail  gled  %  n-uar  collaib  LL.  257b  20,  rodedlad  ra 
ddenmige  LL.  191b  24,  dedail  'separation'  LL.  21b  14,  216b  28, 
deadlaidh  .i.  deilighidh  O'Don.  Suppl. 

delgnaim,  feib  rodelgnaisset  auetair  760,  rodelgnad  fri  each  dud 
tind  845.  Meaning  uncertain.  The  general  signification  of  the 
former  passage  must  be  '  as  authors  have  determined.' 

deligim  'differ,  surpass,'  deligthi  913.  Cf.  feib  radeligetar 
a  n-d&r  7  a  mogaid  de  dderaib  7  mogadaib  fer  h-hErenn,  deligfit 
a  n-degldich  7  a  n-degdic  de  degldiehaib  7  de  degdeaib  fer  h-hErenn 
LL.  57*  16,  certgai  delgthi  LL.  87*  25,  eona  cimsaib  deligti 
LL.  402b  21,  deligid  friu  amlaid  LL.  303*  7,  deligud  hngphoirt 
ra  rig  hErenn  303*  3. 

dellig  378,  dellig  ind  [f~\idbad  for  lar  Parduis  '  the  trees  sank 
upon  the  ground  of  Paradise  '=w  ann  diu  roloigset  croind  7  fidbuid 
Parthus  eo  lar  thalman  ar  oirmitin  in  duileman  LBr.  lllb.  Cf. 
is  fairsin  ....  dellig  iar  din  ceim  eo  m-blait  in  gerrdn  buadach 
Patraic  LL.  204*  28,  bid  Nemed  dano  nomen  ind  poirt  ind  drUeehuir 
in  gerrdn  Trip.  Life,  240,  andstn  deilligh  a  n-ech  leu  BB.  396*  15 
=laigid  in  gerrdn  oceo  andsin  LU.  39b  4,  for  maig  Ailbe  dellgetar 
'fell  on  Ailbe's  plain'  LL.  43b  22,  deillidh  a  meanma  fair  .i. 
doluigh  no  dolean  O'Clery,  dellaeh  .i.  luighi  .  ut  est  airlem  acht  nd 
deUset  .i.  eric  air  lime  orra  acht  nd  roluigit  ann  O'Davoren.  The 
word  is  evidently  a  compound  of  laigim  'lie,'  nocolessed  lige  liuin 
LL.  153*  6,  and  its  form  resembles  that  of  dessid  'sat  down.' 

dednaigim  '  permit,'  dednaigi  9. 

dermaitim  'forget,'  dermaitid  179,  cf.  rodermatad  LL.  122b  24. 

dessid  '  sat,'  385,  cf .  Ascoli,  Gloss,  clii,  3  pi.  forndestetar 
LU.  83b  31. 

di-chelim  'conceal,'  dosceil  30,  cf.  duceltar  Ml.  lllb  11. 

di  churim.  To  this  might  belong  formally  nodechrad  187,  ba 
menie  nodechrad  ddil  im  ehethraib  aidblib  Nab&il,  but  the  precise 
meaning  is  not  clear. 

di-donaim  'console,'  didnad  991.  Cf.  Ml.  86d  3,  8,  62*  18, 
W.  diddanu  '  solari ' ;  danad  and  donad,  p.  40,  n.  3,  seem  to  be 
used  in  the  same  sense. 

di-emim  'cover,'  dosfeim,  dodfeim  32,  dosfemedj).  15,  n.  3. 

di-ellaim  'go  aside,  deviate,'  dlallait  81,  dorhell  671,  radlaU  695, 
diallfri  claind  mac  n-Israhil  630 =ba  cosmaile  sa  cosmaile  fri  maccu 
lsrahel  hi  LBr.  117*,  dial  928,  cf.  dureill  Ml.  54*  8,  doreU 
LL.  204*  21. 

digalim  'avenge/  digelaid  270,  ro  dig  ail  593.  Cf.  digilaid 
LL.  303*  15. 


INDEX — J.    STRACHAN. 


63 


il-gOim  'go,'  2,  -dechaia  233,  cf.  241,  243,  245,  251,  docMaid 
etc.,  355  sq.  Cf.  rodassed  im  na  heochu  and  dlchtim  seeeu  'the 
bones  have  become  wild  bo  that  I  cannot  pass  them '  LTJ.  63a  8, 
Hi  dlchtim  dano  seek  in  dam  LU.  63a  10,  and  dichtheth  carpat  frim 
iiiiu  nach  anall  LU.  38*  31,  odcochus  LU.  70a  19,  md  docdiset 
LU.  57b  31,  ducoistis  Ml.  34*  9. 

di-in-gabim  'ward  off,'  dinglb  267,  dafingebad  283.  Cf.  rat- 
iingeba  LL.  102*  20. 

dihigim  '  make  over  to,  abandon  to,'  rondihig  594,  dodihig  626, 
ct.  rodilsig  dd  sired  na  saceraige  LBr.  1 14b  20= conairlaic  SR.  3035. 
As  to  ndcharhdilsi  226  (=condrodihigea  in  coitndiu  sinn  do  demnaib 
i  fudomain  iffirn  LBr.  117a),  either  it  is  a  momentary  formation 
(or  the  sake  of  the  rhyme,  probably  on  the  analogy  of  the  s  future, 
or  it  must  be  derived  from  a  parallel  verb  dilsim.     In  the  former 
caae  might  be  compared  perhaps  diasldi  LL.  132b  39  from  sluindim. 
dk-neuaim  'sperno,  despicio,'  donessai  21.    For  further  examples, 
see  Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1891-4,  p.  295  n.,  and  cf.  forneasa  ceardne 
**ieti  ,i.  dobeir  tainsimh  for  eladhain  na  n-ecis  O'Davoren,   s.v. 
firnua,  tiesa  .i.  tainsium  ut  est  fornesa  ceard  neicse  donessa  ard 
mmiut  Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1858-9,  p.  170. 
dingim  'oppress/  rodosdedaig  344,  cf.  rodedaig  LL.  21 b  10. 
dirgnaim  (?),  rodirgnaithi  fo  dimbrig  900. 

dligim  '  I  have  a  claim  to,'  rodUeht  839,  sec.  fut.  pass,  nodleatea 
LL.  69*  24. 

dkmaim  'warn  off,  reject,  refuse,'  lob  tren  [»d]  dlomad  cath 
'mighty  Job  who  did  not  refuse  battle,'  184,  dlomthar  lat  drong 
b»naehda  796,  dlomad  989.  Cf.  dlomthair  dosuidib  Ml.  59d  7, 
fomaid  ddib  assin  feraind  *  he  warns  them  out  of  the  country  * 
LU.  39*  8=*dlomais  ddib  da  thir  diles  LL.  152b  45 =dlomais  friu 
BB.  396*  10. 

ftmgim  l  cleave,'  rosdedlaig  344,  rodluig  594  ;  sec.  fut.  pass. 
totiUmtdis  finna  for  usciu  '  hairs  would  have  been  split  on  water ' 
LU.  96b  28.  The  original  paradigm  in  which  »  forms  must  have 
***&  confined  to  the  present  stem  (cf.  asdloing  g.  intercidentis 
*L  48*  82,  indlung  findo  sg.  15ft,  indloingtis  g.  disecabantur  Book 
of  Armagh  175b  1),  seems  to  have  split  up  into  two  verbs  dlongim 
•■4  dluigim,  cf.  Atkinson  and  Windisch  s.v.  dluigim,  gorodluigut 
7  prodloingset  a  *c&ith  LL.  86b  43,  eordluig  7  cordelig  muir  robuir 
IBr.  H8b  14. 

f+ihig,  rodlong  .  .  .  drong  dremun  dia  n-irgabail  540= curt d 
I**ph  drong  dia  m%  grdda  ina  n-diaid  dia  n-ergabail,  LBr.  116b. 


64  VERBAL   SYSTEM   OF    THE   SALTAIR   NA    RANN. 

do-ar-rethim,  tarraid  '  overtook '  380,  cf.  dosnaraid  LTJ.  84b  15, 
nisnaraid  LTJ.  83b  26,  38,  nisraraid  (leg.  nisnaraid)  LTJ.  84*  2. 

do-ad-scaraim  '  overthrow,  destroy,'  taiscerad  285  (nl  oraibse 
notrasciraind  LBr.  115a),  rotascair  697.  Cf.  Ascoli  Gloss. 
cclxxxviii,  Zeitschr.  f.  Kelt.  Phil.  15,  further  dostascar  'throws 
her  down'  LTJ.  22b  5,  co  n-ascar  LL.  109b  25,  toscara  Cit  sessiur 
dib  and  '  Cuchulinn  destroys  six  of  them  there '  LTJ.  63b  30,  cf. 
67ft  19,  doscara  cdecait  mac  dlib  LTJ.  59a  43,  doscarthar  Cuculaind 
LTJ.  60*  4,  trascrqid  Cuculainnfo  thri  Mand  LTJ.  82b  41,  oortrascair 
Hand  LTJ.  82b  45,  cf.  59b  23. 

do-air-comlaim  'collect,'  targlammar  413,  894,  cf.  tarcomldd 
LTJ.  55*  1,  tarclamsat  LL.  44*  9,  tarclam  LL.  216b  44,  targlomaid 
.i.  tiondilid  O'Clery.  For  the  various  explanations  of  the  verb, 
see  Ascoli,  Gloss,  cxiii.  The  form  tarcomldd  is  in  favour  of 
connexion  with  Id-.  Composition  with  to~aith-  is  seen  in 
teclamad  983,  cf.  tecmall  'gather'  LTJ.  63*  5,  doecmalta  LTJ. 
55*  26,  tecmalta  LTJ.  63*  16,  rotheclaim  LL.  121b  11. 

do-air-ind-garim  'promise,'  dorarngert  465,  rothairngair  507, 
dorair'ngered  879,  cf.  dorairngired  LTJ.  72b  13,  74b  10. 

do-dircim  'effect,'  tharic  46,  im-ihmrc  159,  t  a  ire  aid  178,  do- 
thdirced  194,  tarccacht  p.  25  n.  3,  tharaic  651,  doraraic  678, 
rontdraig  704.     Cf.  Ascoli,  Gloss,  xcvii. 

do-airinnim  'let  down,  suppress,  humble,'  tairinn  162,  tairinnid 
181,  toirnet  182,  rotairinn  707.  Cf.  *  n-oenfecht  dottorbaitis  a 
cossa  7  dofairnitis  oris  '  at  one  time  they  raised  their  feet  and  set 
them  down  again '  LL.  55b  8,  ni  arlacair  Medb  arattrnta  a  carpat 
*  Medb  did  not  permit  her  chariot  to  be  let  down,'  LL.  57*  2,  cf. 
57*  4  andsin  radichurit  tick  Meidhe  7  raternait  a  carpait. 

do-air-lingim  'leap/  tarblaihg  377,  *  subj.  co  tarblais  LTJ.  83*  14, 
infin.  iairUim  LTJ.  118*  13. 

do-aith~benim  'cut,'  ro-theipi  402.  Cf.  dobretha  Fergus  tepe 
for  sin  gabdil  LL.  61*  18,  co  roteiped  Eua  asa  thdeb  LBr.  110*. 

do~aith-beoaigim  'bring  to  life,'  tathbeogud  1008.  Cf.  corothath- 
beoig  LL.  278b  30,  rothaithbeoaig  in  mac  marb  LBr.  131b  15. 

do-ecraim  dodeccrai — srethaib  ilretha  retlann  '  he  arranged  (?)  in 
ranks  the  many  courses  of  the  stars,'  dodeccraib  a  gnim,  is  a  trl 
tecrais  cech  m-buaid  p.  4  n.  3.  Cf.  the  simple  ecraimt  ecraid  Mtdir 
in  fidchill  '  Midir  arranges  the  chess(board) '  LTJ.  1 30b  40,  ecrau 
cid  in  llathroit  i  n-dlb  cossaib  LL.  62b  1 1,  rater atar  a  munter  in  carpat 
imme  do  chlochaib  etc.  (  =  ' fitted  out,  filled')  LL.  92b  8,  rotecrait 
dine  7  urluachair  Jdthu  LL.  63b  20,  rahecrad  tech  ndil  7  airaibnitua 


INDEX — J.   STRACHAN.  65 

Ui$  LL.    172b  23,   impati    Conchobar  firi  Manx  7   ronecrand    do 
hdthbemmmnaib  do  cech  aird  ('  plied  him  with  blows ')  LL.  256b  19, 
which  is  itself  a  denominative  from  ieor  (  ^ai(h-cor)  '  arrangement.' 
dc-4ecim  'see,'  rodeccai  402,  rodtiree  712,  and  with  transition 
to  Glass  ii  rodie  435.      Cf.  dofecai  LU.  23*  30,  dosnecacha  LU. 
23*  40,  domrecacha  LU.   92b  28,  condadercacha  LU.  87a  37,  42, 
imicuchutsa  LU.  19*  2,  duecigi  Ml.  lllc  13,  Trip.  Life,  Index,  s.y. 
io-iccim. 
do-gaim  '  choose,'  eorothogad  137,  dordegasa  325,  dordega  392. 
do-fo-et-smim  '  beget,'  rothuiimuet  788. 
do-for-benim>  nibartdrbae,  126. 
4o-fo-rindim  '  mark  out '  dororainn  682. 

do-fo-tirim,  tuirim  'seek,'  lutrttf  180,  rothkW  624.     Already  in 
the  Old  Irish  Glosses  this  is  treated  as  a  simple  verb,  rotuirset 
ML  44*  23. 
do-fUid  '  ate  up  '  366. 

io-g&ithim  '  deceive,'  rotogaeth  695,  tfopa**  979.  Cf.  dungditts 
ML  31*  20,  dugdithatar  31*  25,  further  32*  6,  38*  13. 

oVptitf  'do,'  dognim  2  for  dogniu  is  supported  by  atchlmsea  LU. 
58b  17  and  LBr.  110b  has  is  mise  choimettu  Pardus  7  dogni  frestul 
u  ii-tc/i  anmann. 

io-mm-thataim  '  coarto,'  dorimtha*  675  (?  doerimthas  '  she  rolled 
them  up    together'),    dosrimthas   d6    Dla    do    nim   eo   n-innmos 

*  *-indilib  '  God  from  heaven  joined  (?)  her  to  him  with  wealth, 
*ith  cattle '  675.  Sg.  3a  3  quae  coartata,  etc.,  is  glossed  by  .i. 
« tore  et  ore  in  unam  vocem  .i.  doimmthastar  fri  slond  h-intliuchta 
to  tot*  menmain  '  are  united  to  express  the  thought  that  is  in  the 
mind.' 

do-ind-feditn  'breathe,  inspire,'  Unfed  932,  tinfinin  964. 

<Wdm  '  cast,'  eonabtorlue  512,  dorralaid  '  drove  us'  517. 

h-midim  'measure,'  domidet  94,  dordetnaidir,  eta  dordemadair 
*t&  Cf.  itheride  dorumadirsi  g.  quae  fuerat  emensus  Ml.  16°  11. 
Sere  6e  seems  due  to  the  analogy  of  -rdemid  from  maidim,  cf. 

*  rtdriu  LL.  73*  28  from  the  verb  brmim  of  kindred  meaning. 
h-moinim  '  think,'  dorumensat  436. 

h-otlaicim  'set  free,'  conastorslaic  Had  680— conusruc  Othanel 
"itOMfotLBr.  126b. 

<fe-«y  'I  will  come,'  toirchi  'return  thou*  269,  dotrega  274, 
»tt*y«*  286.     Cf.  tairehi  a  Medb  '  come,  Medb '  LL.  250*  24. 

io-ro-char  'I  fell,'  dorochair  389,  dorochrobair  419,  doroehratar 
431,  torehror  110.  In  poems  in  LL.  a  shorter  form  (foiir  is  often 
fill.  Trani.  1895-7.  5 


66  VERBAL   SYSTEM   OF  THE   SALTAIR   NA   RANN. 

found,  e.g.  131b  41,  132*  10,  21 ,  to  which  is  formed  a  pi.  docersat 
182*  39. 

dordined?  875. 

dorotacht,  dorotacht  ddib  cechdentreib  466.  It  now  seems  probable 
that  this  comes  from  a  compound  dl-utangim,  or  to-utaingim 
'protect,'  cf.  arutaing,  conutaing,  or  from  *do-utgim  *  build  up, 
establish,'  cf.  arutacht  .i.  rochumtaigt  Ir.  Hymn.  5.  10. 

do-ro-sochim  '  come,  reach,'  dotrUa,  doforfua  (*=*do-for-rO'S6  '  there 
will  come  to  you,'  cf.  do-bar-rd  LL.  254*  7)  225,  tora  239,  thorasta 
249,  doruacht  480,  where  the  examples  should  have  appeared  under 
(<?)  instead  of  (d). 

doruacell  'bought'  671.  Cf.  further  6  Ud  Riamdn  derghd  'and 
from  O'Biaman  it  was  purchased '  Irish  Charters  from  the  Book 
of  Kells  iii,  dordgill  ib.  vii,  ruaichill  no  dorHaichill  .i.  docheannaigh 
O'Clery,  dirrdgel  Trip*.  Life  Index,— deirclimmU  Wb.  26b  16, 
diuclidther  .i.  crenaidthear  Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1858-9  p.  182,  acht 
ma  dorOaichli  fadesin  .i.  acht  madh  ni  derbchendaighes  *£  budhiin 
O'Davoren  s.v.  ruaichle,  diucJdatar  enigh  dim  O'Davoren  s.v. 
diuehlad,  gealltar  .i.  cendaighter,  ut  est  mac  cumaile  mani  der[b']- 
gelltar  dia  mU  .i.  men*  derbcendaigi  (should  rather  be  mens 
derbcendaigther)  O'Davoren. 

dorkaraid  etc.  'remained  over'  384  with  note.  Cf.  Asooli, 
Glo89.  clxxxviii. 

dosennim  '  chase,'  rothafind  401,  cf.  rotaffnuet  LL.  255b  2.  Perf. 
pass,  tosissa  LU.  83a  29. 

dosernim,  triur  dorosern  in  sluag  674,  cf.  LBr.  253b  7  lesau 
for  dered  inUldig  adenur,  7  trior  0  cech  threib  diaraiU  oca  n-din 
ar  cumad  (?  immad)  echtrand. 

drichnim,  driehnes  'which  rages'?  60.  Cf.  driuch  '  fretful- 
ness,  anger'  O'B.,  dricc  'angry*  (=  dricni-  ?),  rondriuchtatar 
Atkinson  671*. 

drubaim  '  linger,  stay,'  drubas  55.  Cf.  a  forrudritb  g.  moratus 
Ml.  49b  10,  cm  adba  (,i.  cen  tech)  fir  fodruba  disorchi  (.i.  adaig) 
1  without  the  houso  of  a  man  who  stays  the  night '  ?  LU.  8*  27, 
cen  fodrubu  g.  sine  moris  Ml.  22*  6,  cen  fodruib  LBr.  26  lb  84, 
(better  fodrub  23  N.  10,  B.I. A.),  drubh  .i.  tairisiomh  no  comhnaidhs 
O'Clery. 

ro-ellacht,  feib  roellacht  ddib  cech  triall  839.  It  is  uncertain 
whether  roellacht  is  an  act.  t  pret.  or  a  perf.  pass.  Cf.  ellaeht  .i. 
roellged  acte  LU.  llb  9,  perhaps  condasellacht  LL.  9*  16  (=odo*eal- 
gacht  BB.  32b  25). 


INDEX — J.    STRACHAN.  67 

emnaim  'double,  divide,'  roemnastar  628,  emnaide  901. 
ercaim,  erctais  (or  passive  ?  )  208,  erctha  807.  Both  forms  occur 
in  chevilles.  Cf.  Zimmer,  KZ.  xxx,  100,  and  add  erca  (.i.  immad) 
brick  (.i.  »hh>  #r*)  blathais  'many  wolves  he  fed*  LL.  44a  31, 
iretha  gluind  LL.  35a  12,  Feradach  find  fechtnach  Fail  tread 
eech  n-ing  co  n-ilgrdin  LL.  132a  5,  rodnerca  saiget  gelain  LL. 
182a  3,  immaig  nanercsat  buirh  LL.  15 la  11=  for  Mag  n-Ai  erctais 
fuidb  BB.  395a  37,  for  Emhain  erctais  na  sluaigh  BB.  395a  35= 
§  Emain  iirgset  na  sludig  LL.  mdrait  .i.  ercait  no  noemait  Fel.  Oeng. 
xlv,  i.  As  Zimmer  points  out,  the  sense  of  '  nil '  suits  many  of 
these  passages ;  some  of  them  are  obscure. 
M-sridim  '  scatter,  spread,'  heisreite  908. 

itraigim,  ni  hitraigim  ddla  ban,  ni  hetraigim  runa  Be  3,  na 
hittraig  mae  n-Iessi  158,  nohitraiged  (read  na-hetraiged)  in  Coimdeid 
203.  With  the  first  passage  cf.  ndchetraiged  mnui  LL.  12 4 a  29, 
which  O'Curry  translates  'that  he  should  not  have  intercourse 
with  a  woman.'  In  the  other  passages  the  meaning  seems  to  be 
'to  outrage,  to  treat  with  contumely.'  Can  it  stand,  with  the  loss 
of  one  of  two  similar  syllables  for  *tiradaigim  (i.e.  *etra'&ai%im) 
from  Uradach  '  libidinosus,'  etrad  '  libido '  ? 

ro-fdid  'went'  344-5.  Cf.  snigid  gaim,  rofaith  8am  'winter 
drips,  summer  is  gone'  LU.  llb  21,  rofaith  Nint  Cir, 
b*ir  dia  its  rofaith  Solam  sdim,  Xerxes  '  Ninus  has  gone,  Cyrus, 
Darius  after  him,'  etc.,  LL.  133b  5,  innuraid  .i.  innuu  robaith  no 
in  anno  rofaith  ,i.  isin  blladain  tairnic  Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1858-9 
P-  187,  rofadatar  g.  exciderunt,  Wb.  29c  13.  Cf.  further  the 
compound  dofdith  '  came '  Windisch,  s.v.  tdided  .i.  ticed  Fel.  Oeng. 
froL  840,  Jan.  1,  and  dofeith  'there  comes'  Imram  Brain  16. 

figom  *  look,  behold,'  figaid  172,  rofegdais  215,  rofegmtar  770, 
fy*d  991.     Cf.  nadfegar  Ml.  36a  38. 
Mm  'deceive,'  nlfellub  294.     Cf.  rofellusfair  BB.  481b  5. 
/cttta,  diafethet   buaid  nddimchress  95,  meaning  obscure.     Cf. 
Pertapso  Egept  fethit  a  foit  fo  thuaid  cosin  Capadoic  LL.  135b  13, 
«'*M«itf  Bee-  fethit  ditt  135b  38. 

Mm  'boil,'  ferg  B6  rofig  for  far  tur  597,  fichtid  1017.     Cf. 
Mfirdeeh  nd  figed  fri  feirg  'with  what  rage  would  he  not  boil  in 
"get?'  LL.  255a  34. 
Mm  '  fight,'  rofich  596. 

fafd  in  firfid  graphainn  gergaile  297  stands  for  f erf  aid.  Cf.  in 
fnphmd  rofersam  Fe*l.  Oeng.  Prol.  73,  ic  ferthain  graffand  LL. 
27&b  12,  ferihair  graifni  ind  denaig  LL.  274a  12,  and,  for  i,  cia 


68  VERBAL   SYSTEM  OF  THE   SALTAIR   NA   RANN. 

con/trend  in  cath  LL.  101a  9  (cf.  f erf  ait  .  .  .  eatha  Salt.  R.  8315), 
firis  .  .  .  fdlte  LL.  102*  27  for  the  usual  ferais  fdilte. 

fo-dlgaim  '  overthrow/  fvnrdlaig,  etc.,  677.  Cf.  fomdlaig  LU. 
24b  40,  odaforlaig  LL.  289*  47.  Does  nisfailgaisi  (rhymes  with 
thanaisi)  118  belong  here? 

fo-celim  '  give  heed  to,  beware  of,'  nddfaichlidar  55.  Cf.  Zimmer, 
Kelt.  Stud,  i  72,  Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1891-4,  p.  505,  where  should 
have  been  added  foichle  in  fer  *  beware  of  the  man '  LU.  62*  41, 
62b  4,  10,  2  s.g.  subj.  in  ipv.  sense  like  deeee  '  look.' 

focessaim  '  take  away  '  ?  fotroehess  1746,  cf.  focessat  itadih  issa  sid 
'they  took  him  away  from  them  into  the  sld'  LU.  63b  27,  cf. 
cess  832,  cia  adhar  adbal  in  fess  dia  cess  in  bith  '  what  was  the 
wonderful  material,  is  it  known,  from  which  was  made  (spread 
out?)  the  world?' 

fo-cndim,  fodchnd  22 ;  cf.  cndim.  The  meaning  of  this  passage 
is  not  clear.  Is  the  word  used  metaphorically  in  the  sense  of 
'  ruminate,  ponder  ? ' 

fo-dlugim  l  cleave,'  diarfodluig  704. 

fo-emaim  'receive,'  ronfdema  125,  rofdemad  198. 

fo-fucctha  892,  for  dofucctha.  Such  confusion  of  pre  tonic 
particles  is  found  in  Middle  Irish,  cf.  fognith=dognith  LU.  79b  13 
(in  a  late  addition  to  the  Tain),  fognid  LL.  59  L  50,  fognithi 
LL.  63*  37. 

fo- tad  aim  'close,'  fodasnlada  im  thalmain  'which  closes  about 
the  earth'  20. 

foichligim,  nlltar  foichligthi  fri  tdir  914,  denominative  from 
foichlech  {sdir-foichlech  Ml.  90b  2)  from  fo-chelim. 

folcim  '  wash,  bath,'  nodafoilcc  32  (?).  In  O.Ir.  a  verb  of  Class  III, 
etirfolcaim.  81  c  1. 

fo-rathaigim  '  observe,'  fonrathaig  655. 

for-dingim  '  oppress,'  fosrordingsetar  436.  For  the  form  cf. 
Stokes,  Academy  July  14,  1883.     Cf.  forrudedacksa  Ml.  96c  17. 

for-imdim  *  am  unable.'  To  this  may  be  referred  forfimdinn 
183,  forftmid  651,  forfeimdes  872.  The  simpler  ftmdim  is  found 
in  feimdeth  186  (=femdig  in  fer  a  h-Egipt  in  marbad  LBr.  115b), 
rofemid  706 ;  femdim  is  a  Mid.  Ir.  form  of  etndim  **as-midim  (W. 
meddu  '  posse '),  cf.  asromus  Rev.  Celt,  ix  481  n,  conaremset  a  buill  oe 
Urge  LL.  287*  11. 

for-failtigim  '  rejoice  exceedingly,*  forfailtig  650. 

for{t)gellaim  'testify,  declare/  fartgellam  Dia  ('we  take  God  to 
witness')  65,  fotroirgell  671,  fQtrogellsat  780,  rofurgellsat  787. 


INDEX — J.   STRACHAN.  69 

for-midim  '  reckon/  fordamidet  94. 
for-miuhaim  '  stifle/  formUchthair  792. 

for-omaim  'illuminate/  forotna  23.  Cf.  forosna  LU.  89a  7, 
fursain  caindel  '  light  a  candle'  LL.  126b  25,  fursaind  duind 
1  give  us  a  light  '  BB.  259b  45. 

for-tuigim  '  cover/  fortuigthir  793.  Cf.  Phil.  Soc.  Trans. 
1891-4,  p.  535,  and  add  intuigfet  Ml.  121c  9. 

fouaigim    'make   firm,    establish/   nod[f]o8saig   47,    ros/ossaig 
598.    Cf.  fouaxgedar  a  breith  LL.  293b  21. 
fothaigim  '  found/  eorfothaig  599. 
fris-accim  'expect/  frU-aiccidar  130. 
Juagim  '  sew/  rofuaig  599.     O.Ir.  uagim. 

fkathaigim  '  shape,  form/  rofuathaig  599.     From  /ualA  '  forma.' 

gailaim,  rogdsl  gail,  nathir  rongdel,  rogail .  .  .  tw/ai7  541-2.     Cf. 

•  iotranie  Brigit  bdn  in  mdrchatha  rodagal  LL.  52*  50,  uar  rogalad 

tria  gnim  ga  Cendfalad  la  Finnachta  LL.  133a  2.    Cf .  gaol  '  wound/ 

gaolaim  'break'  O'R. 

gdiligim=gdilaim,  rongailigeis  515. 

yafatm  'steal,'  <foy<z*l  626. 

gerraim  '  cut/  rogerrtha  888. 

gldidim,  rosgldid  fo  crithfeidm  600,  where  add  rosglded  cechlocht 
L  6554,  and  cf.  <ft?«ral  /o  glded  comriada  6794.  The  verb  seems 
to  be  used  transitively  in  the  sense  of  '  make  fast '  and  in- 
transitively in  the  sense  of  'stick  fast/  cf.  rogldsdastar  in  cend 
frmncalhbarr  'the  head  stuck  to  the  helmet'  LL.  166a  9,  quoted 
by  Stokes  Togail  Tr6i  s.v.  glded. 

gUim,  gtiad  gnima  glangaUse  187.  Cf.  mdr  n-gliad  rogU  LL. 
141*  35,  nisbdtar  tnnd  soirb*  sdire  ceanoglea  LL.  134b  18,  cia 
*rigli$d  LL.  135a  23,  gleithir  eturru  'peace  is  made  between 
them'LL.  118*  4,  gleithis  .i.  doghlan  no  dofhoiUsigh  O'Clery,  and 
Windisch  s.v. 

frfaaigim  (grain  '  loathing '),  grdnaigter  800. 

urfaigim  'ask/  iar/us  231,  iarfacht  454,  roiarfacht  485.  Cf. 
"rfmLL.  181*38,  184b  19. 

*»  'drink/  ibas  275.     Cf.  ni  lb  LU.  22b  31,  ibait  LU.  57*  19. 

ti+aieim  '  give/  coridnachL     Cf .  Stokes,  Lives  of  Saints,  Index. 

i*m-agim  'drive  about/  imracht  461,  868  (cf.  rodaacht  LL. 
201*37),  *»m<ftn  958. 

imm-dilaim  (~imm~di-ldaim  'deliver'?),  modilfat  Had  ar  foin 
W3.  Among  the  meanings  of  diolaim  O'B.  gives  that  of  '  release ' ; 
I  have  no  farther  examples. 


70  VERBAL   SYSTEM   OF  THE  SALTA1R  NA   RANN. 

*itnm-far-fenim,  amrorfus,  513. 

imms6im  *  turn.'     With  imsdid-i  19. 

imm-theilcim,  imthelgud  i  defecation '  1019,  nothiced  a  conar 
imthelcthi  forru  amach  LBr.  128*,  do  imthehud  a  chuirp  LBr. 
129*  50. 

rosindre  i  he  harried  them'  714  (cf.  Atkinson,  s.v.  indrith), 
but  indroith  384,  cf.  roroith  LL.  288*  39. 

ir-scartaim  'clear  out,  remove,  purify/  roirscart  562.  Cf.  do 
urscartad  na  sldg  di  maig  Murthemne  LL.  120b  28,  cf.  121*  15, 
erscartad  Atkinson,  Passions  and  Homilies. 

lamnaim  (parturio,'  lamnad  994  g.  lamanta  1.  3032,  cf.  anaid 
frim  corolamnar  LL.  126a  10,  he1  maccdn  rolamnad  de  LU. 
53*  22. 

largud  1019.     Cf.  lorgim  l  wound '  O'Br.  ? 

Idthraim,  rolathair  co  lHath  a  m&thair  do  Jacob  603.  The  meaning 
seems  to  be  '  his  mother  quickly  explained  to  Jacob  (what  he  was 
to  do).'  Cf.  latharthir  'exponitur'  Asc.  Ml.  44b  16,  Idthrimmini 
na  runa  diadi  i  we  set  forth  the  divine  mysteries '  Wb.  8d  19. 

Unaim  '  wound,  hurt,'  nacharlen  145.  In  48  ninhn  clden  nd  gd 
na  ceist  we  seem  to  have  lenim  l  cling  to.' 

hod  'mangling'  1019.  Cf.  hod  7  htrad  LL.  243*  24, 
258*  46. 

hssaigim  *  attend  to,  provide  for/  hssaig  do  sluaig  161,  hssaigfid 
mo  chrl  297,  roshssaig  606. 

lethaim  '  spread,'  hthas  58,  hthfaid  296,  rohthsat  756.  Cf.  nibha 
lam  laieh  hthas  cdrna  caurad  LL.  87b  42. 

htraim  'tear,  mangle/  corhtair  606,  htrad  994.  Cf.  rahttair 
L6ch  mo  da  l6n  '  Loch  has  torn  my  two  sides '  (luan  .i.  tdeb,  Amra 
Conroi)  LL.  75*  44,  eorohtair  claideb  cruaid  LL.  256b  51,  mallacht 
air  laim  rohtair  LL.  258b  28. 

li unaim,  nl  rosliuna  hed  dia  cur  acht  mad  treb  luda  a  hoenur  736  — 
ni  roibe  nech  doelainn  Israhel  hi  cotarsna  friu  acht  treb  Tuda  a  hoenur 
LBr.  129b,  liunsatar  each  dib  fo  leith,  rodndtsatar  a  eoimdeid  751  ■« 
rodiultsat  meic  Israhel  a  coimdiu  .i.  Dia  coitchend  catch  LBr.  126b, 
roliunsat  in  flrchretim  756.  The  general  sense  seems  to  be  '  to 
deny,  refuse,  fall  away  from.' 

hitim  l  hurt/  loittit  78. 

lommraim  '  strip,  shear/  lommrad  995.  Cf.  hmmeras  a  cind  sin 
dltsa  LL.  288*31. 

liiadim  *  move,  agitate,  disturb/  nachamlaaid  161,  luadJU  307, 
laaidfiter  827. 


INDEX — J.    STRACHAN.  71 

maidim  '  break,'  memais  224,  maidfid  247,  nomaid/ed  259,  memaid 
341,  romemaid  348,  romebdatar  423,  diarmaid  437.  Cf.  tnonoma 
LL.  94*  19,  co  m*foa*  LU.  74*  42,  *«<$&*  LU.  87b  35,  88*  38, 
korumaith  Ml.  51c  9. 

mandraim  'destroy,'  manner  at  263,  mandrad  995.  Cf.  mandrais 
LL.  184*  9. 

marbaim  'kill,'  marbait  71,  coromarba  114,  itTi  marbaid   121, 

nodmarba  123,  nomarbad  184,  co  marbdais  208,  condromarbtais  216, 

but  muirfet  293,  notmairfider  824.     The  other  examples  of  the 

future  which  I  have  noted  belong  to  Class  III,   nUnuiUmairbfe 

Ml.  77*  15,  mairfidus  LU.  19*  1,  ma*#W  LU.  64b  15,  nomairfed 

LU.   74b   17,   nomairfiti*  LU.   87*  8.     Cf.  <ww*m  '  remain '   but 

-fli*t[tf]&  <**»/<»,   noainfeda,   ni  ain/ed    Ascoli    £&**.   xxxiii   (but 

anfamtt  Salt.  R.  1.  1425),  adellaim  but  adelliub  ib.  lv,  foaim  but 

fa/*,  ieefider  cvi,  linaim  but  nottnfed,  Knfider,  foVtnaim  but  foWnfea 

clxvi,    logaim     but     noloichfed    clxxv,     sdiraim    but     non$6irfeat 

notonfea,  nondasdirfea,  *&irfithir,  sdirfetar,  sdirfed,  nosdirfitis  by 

fldtrftr/0#0,   sdirfad  cclxv,  scaraim  by  noscairiub  cclxxxvi.     The 

subject  requires  further  investigation. 

tnathigim,  rosmathig  .  .  .  <?atfA*>  coir  fa  gabulrind  60S  =*rasuidigtd 
Dtuid  iarsin  hi  cathraig  chdeim  ehumaids  fo  gabulrind  gdbla  for 
fmidmhuUaig  alebi  Sedin  A.  i  n-JSrusalem  LBr.  130*.  Mr.  Stokes 
would  translate,  '  he  measured  out  a  city  justly  under  a  pair  of 
compasses.9 

tunmaigim  '  break  to  pieces,'  menmaigfiUr  826,  add  rummmaiged 
1*  4149 «<&>  merbliugud  7  (£0  mudugud  LBr.  120*.  Seems  to  stand 
for  vmbaigim,  a  denominative  from  mm6  'small.'  Cf.  Stokes 
M*.  Spr.  205. 

•wroiw  '  betray,'  rotmera  737,  romert  446,  romertsam  p.  24  n.  1 , 
&»H4ri  832,  cotamert  833  (or  does  this  last  instance  belong  to 
«*to»  'etatuo'  Ml.  51*  12,  58d  17?).  Cf.  KZ.  xxxiii  306, 
™*{r]tatar  Ml.  75d  5,  nitmeradsu  .i.  nitmairnfed  LL.  64b  25, 
**4  ftm*r  in  00/*  7  in  banaccaid  LL.  72b  19,  nimmera  LL. 
252*30. 

•Bib  'judge,'  anromldair  mo  Dla  dam  AW—ani  roordaig  Dia 
IBr.  115*. 

**daigiin  'destroy,'  rotmudaigeis  515,  mudugud  1022.  Cf. 
nd  nudaigter  lett  Ulaid  LL.  102b  31,  rosmudaig  Conaing  LL. 
128°  2,  iVia  Segamuin  romudaig  LL.  129*  9,  romudaig,  eiarbo  chara, 
Iqaid,  icath  Muerama  LL.  129b  16,  cf.  1.  24,  marbaid  7  mudaigid 
auk  6m  ruaeomarnaie  LL.  240*  48,  rogab  dam  Conchobor  scaindred 


72  VERBAL   SYSTEM  OF  THE   SALTAIR  NA   RAXX. 

7  repat?  7  mudugud  inlsludig  LL.  258*  50,  a  muintir  do  marbad  7 
<&>  mudugud  91 b  35,  cofuar  mudu  is  mormada  LL.  156*  33,  (/a^  w 
mat'lA  immudu  ifeehtsa  mo  maithse  7  is  bethu  immuig  mo  bethu  LL. 
64a  28,  immudu  doehuaid  LL.  185a  12,  Windisch  s.v.  mt/rfw. 

woVm  '  celebrate '  ?  jtfiMi  102.  Cf.  noW*  morsluaig  LL.  259b  9, 
wo*wrf  cerda  .i.  erdarcaigim  eladna  LL.  187a  52,  r0«2  ndithi  .i. 
erdaroaigim  aisti  iar  tetaib  dligid  LL.  187b  22,  noWA  .i.  urdar- 
cughadh  no  midughadh  O'Don.  Suppl.,  ndr/fl  r*/Za  Trip.  life 
34  1.  11. 

6inaim  '  fast,'  roden  528. 

outftm  ' tend  sheep,'  doluid  in  ben  .  .  .  eo  trit  nooiseed  Jacob 
1 91  =ro$rig  rempi  .  .  .  aitt  amboi  Iacop  oc  ingaire  chderach  LBr. 
113b.  Cf.  oisg  'ewe,  sheep'  O'R,  fdisg  'ewe'  Foley,  Manx  oasht 
'  wether '  ? 

orthad  '  let  him  go  '  167.     Cf.  Zimmer,  KZ.  xxx,  94. 

reeeaim  '  sell,'  roreesam  740,  rorecsabair  746. 

rannaim  'divide,'  roinne  119,  rannait  143,  ratW  162,  rannfat 
292,  rorann,  rorainn  553,  roinnfitir  826,  rorannad  850. 

riwm  '  count,'  rim**  133,  roriw  618.     Cf.  LL.  290a  passim. 

rathaigim  'perceive,'  rorathaig  617.  Cf.  rathaigid  LL.  63b  45, 
rathaigis  LL.  57b  23,  rathaiges  LU.  83b  15. 

riidigim  'make  clear,'  roriidig  617.  Cf.  roridigestar  LL. 
176*  36. 

rethim  'run,'  rordith  350,  rwM  934.  In  Modern  Minister  Irish 
the  pronunciation  of  the  verbal  noun  is  rtf  A. 

rtyiiw  'extend,'  roreraig  359,  ro*rt^  435,  rorigset  437,  rigfidir 
822.  Cf.  r*r<w^  r^*  LL.  21b  10,  wrA  rd*  roreraig  Rudraige 
LL.  23*  6,  cf.  182b  10,  roreraig  comarbus  Cuind  LL.  154*  15, 
rotrin  reraig  eorondedaig  JEd  Ailig  LL.  184b  12,  sluindfetsa  duib 
uili  an-anmand  mar  dosreraig  134*  40. 

rind-rethait  '  star-run '  75.  In  this  sort  of  compound  the 
endings  of  the  verb  appear  in  their  absolute  form,  cf.  skr-canait  73, 
fin-buanaigit  Ml.  102a  12,  further  Fel.  Oeng.  s.v.  bith. 

rdenaim  'defeat,'  rorden  554.     Cf.  ni  fair  nordinfithe  LL.  61b  15. 

rogim  'extend,'  rogud  1027.  Cf.  rogud  LL.  21*  28,  Ascoli 
Gloss,  ccxvii. 

roithim  'cause  to  run'  (causative  of  rethim),  ruithes  61.  Cf. 
cen  adrad  rig  roithes  grein  LL.  32*  31,  Ascoli  Gloss,  ccxvii. 

ro~la  '  chanced,'  nochosrala  for  dageiil  347,  cf.  feib  donrala  fri 
comrad  1214,  cid  ar  dotralaid  'why  dost  thou  chance  to  be?' 
p.  23,  n.  1. 


ISPBX— J.   8TRACHAN.  73 

ro-sagim  ro-sockim  'reach,'  rosaig  50,  rosoieh  51,  nadrdig  51, 
rou6  231,  co  ros  232,  roa  239,  roaeht  459.  Cf.  rosesaidsi  LU. 
25*  10,  ro&rf  LL.  58b  33,  rd  LL.  67*  18,  rosassad  LU.  97*  22, 
rosossad  LL.  103*  41,  ro«fow  LTJ.  83a  16,  pros,  corosecha  103*  41. 
The  vocalism  in  this  family  of  words  is  not  altogether  clear. 
Forms  like  rosoieh  may  have  arisen  from  forms  like  nadrdig, 
whence  again  rosossad  for  rosassaid.     Cf .  Ascoli,  Gloss.  246. 

ruithnigim  'make  bright,'  roruithnig  618. 

saidim=m$vidim  '  sit,'  forsasaid  'on  which  sits'  50,  «azVfe<?  194, 
*t«*  227.  Cf.  LL.  49b  6  slan  seiss  a  Brig  it  co  m-buaid  for  gruaids 
Lift  lir  co  traig,  and  last  line  of  the  same  poem,  in  which  passages 
the  meaning  seems  to  be  '  thou  sittest.' 

sdtlim  l  expect,'  rosdihet  766. 

sainigim  'make  different,  pre-eminent,'  rosuidiged  longphort 
leis9  ba  gnim  comnort  cin  eisleis ;  rosainig  cosrethaib  sit  for  maigib 
na  cdirechtret  618 = rosuidiged  longport  lanmor  leis  for  muigib 
morridi  7  for  esrassaib  imdidbli  in  dithrib  7  for  conairib  cfanlethna 
coimeta  7  fethmi  na  cderechthrU,  ditt  ambid  JDauid  oc  ingaire 
na  ederach  7  na  h-gabur  LBr.  129a.  ■  Cf.  ni  suail  rosainig 
LL.  183*  33. 

sdmaigim  'place,'  rodosamaig  162,  sdmugud  1027. 

scaraim  'separate,'  scarthain  961,  scar  ad  998. 

scingim  '  spring,'  roscing  435.  Cf.  scescing  LU.  60*  27,  Zimmer, 
XZ.  xxx,  63  n. 

scuchim  'depart,'  scaichsiu  965. 

sergaim  'wither,'  sergait  71,  sergfait  307.  Cf.  dogene  tnuccaid 
Ochaill  acetnafria  muccasom  coroserggsat  LL.  246b  1. 

sernim  '  spread,'  sernait  71,  semnaid  173,  nosernad  184,  rosern 
563,  sernai  725,  rosernsat  758,  serntair  799,  rosernad  851 ;  usually 
along  with  sreith. 

setaigim  '  make  way,'  sUaigfit  308.  Cf.  sitaigte  g.  viantium 
ML  82*  4. 

sidaigim  'pacify,'  rodasldaig  620.  Cf.  cdraigmitni  iarom,  or 
Fergus^  7  siddigmit  in  macraid  friseom  iarsin  LU.  59b  34. 

daidim  'cat,  hew,'  slaides  62,  ros/as  840,  «/aufe  943.  Cf.  ei 
nodais*  LU.  74*  18,  roslassa  LU.  59b  14. 

digim  'cut,  smite,'  rodo[s]selaig  350,  ro*//y  435.  Cf.  t«  cumma 
noiliged  iarna .  chalaib  7  ara  belaib  LL.  107*  39,  arnonsligfitU 
LU.  90*  16,  rasslgatar  LU.  58*  10,  roslechta  da  mag  die  LL.  6*  33, 
later  roslechtad  LU.  58*  5  in  a  parenthetical  remark  of  the 
compiler. 


74 


VERBAL   SYSTEM    OF   THE   SALTAIR    NA    RANX. 


gli$imt  dlax  tfaib  fri  sdirst  iltcht  fri  eerdatht  fri  pnmtjoil 
441  =twnordaigi&  dtas  ocm  fri  gaihnecht  7  time  7  etrdackt  LBr,  130*, 
If  the  paraphrase  is  to  be  trusted  iUeht  must  hare  the  moaning 
of  *  appointed '  or  the  like,     Cf .  ad-digim. 

maim  'swim,'  sndit  71,  tomtit  621. 

migim  ■  drip,'  megtfotor  500. 

4H  ;?),  MIDI   15,  9ni^£  eo  ctitr  a  minti  756,  *nUtf  fri 
f&rdrong  754,     Meaning  not  clear. 

nogabtaU  (?)  217,  cf.  io-ga&tha  902.     Stokes  suggests  mgabtau 

ircitft  *  throw,  cast,'  §r§idt  treeii  527.  Cf,  *rvid  LU.  81b 
srcthe  *  casts  it1  LU.  62fl  21,  trdithi  '  throws  itf  LU.  72* 
irdithim  LU.  65*  9,  xrethrth  LU.  75*  21,  w44m  LU.  82* 
Ascoli,  ^/flit-  oclxxxii,  Pel.  Oeng,  Index,  s.v,  ireim.  trttht 
is  against  Zi  miner's  view  that  treid  is  phonetic  for  irildid,  for 
srtdid-e  would  have  given  mMfe 

srHhmgim  ■arrange/  rowethaig  622* 

n&*iuiidig  214, 

tachhum  l  strangle,  vex,'  c*rf  ta[<?A]tf/u  D?d  /c?r  Crimdeid  *  why 
do  ye  vex  God  your  Lord*  67,  rotfavftt  565.  Cf,  in  eintaeh  ima 
tabariha  brdguid  mthuchtud,  Jr.  TbtL  iii,  1,  190. 

taimlad  '  spying,1  999. 

tmvkommit  L  4757.  Cf,  tarehomhhdh  ,i,  gltlamcht  O'Clery 
(ta-ar*  com  *ella  im) , 

ianmiirt    *  was    within    a    little    of    p.    31,    n.    3,    farm* 
866.      With   another   construction    tartnairt  ....   comhad  fiach 
LL.    33b    31,    tarmairt    co    mitehfutt    dtline    LL.    33b    51.       Cf, 
mtarmmrut    ie   uite    LBr.    131*    33,    cot  armor  tad    a    Ucud    LU, 
53*  6, 

tutblutjud  1022.  Cf,  Wind,  s.v.  tatmh,  when*  add  daraUtih 
LU,  69b  36,  tathttiigh  no  rothathlmgh  .1.  do-cfttttnttfatgh  O^Clery, 
Trip.  life  s,v.  do'&ilgim. 

Uchim  ■run,'  rothdtg  351,  rothneh  436,  tocArf  944,  ttcktd  981, 
Cf,  corrahtttar f6  sdr  thcichle  iarna  aithhe  LL.  183*  34* 

techiigimt  nittticlmgim  4.  Meaning  uncertain,  Cf,  nu  »tr- 
ectaig  d*  or  Dia  LU.  53H  19,  which  seems  to  uieuu  'do  not  find 
fault  with  God  for  that.1 

t&rhaim  'separate,  set  apart,'  rododerbakU  761.  Cf-  roth+rbtt 
7  rodtitiffh  Dla  in  mitlu  ona  dorchadaibh  BB.  15*  46, 

ttnaim  *  melt  away/  tintit  754,  rothinai  Trip,  Life  856  L,  8, 

UusMm  497. 

toinmm  'measure/  loim&idiir  794. 


INDEX — J.    STRACHAN.  75 

torraim  522,  torroma  939.  Cf.  Stokes,  Lives  of  Saints  s.v. 
torruma. 

trdethaim  'oppress,  overthrow,'  trdetha*  59,  rothrdith  568, 
trdethfaidir  822. 

ro-thairgid  •  offered/  p.  33  n. 

tuUtigim  «  beget,'  rothuistiged  855,  tuistigud  1034. 

tunseanad  867,  apparently  for  tinscanad,  to  rhyme  with  -chum- 
scatged. 

uaslaigim  *  exalt,'  rotftaslaig  624. 

uraigim  'am  green,'  Uraigfes  302,  urugud  1035. 


VERBAL   SYSTEM   OF  THE  SALTA1E  HA   EAXX. 


ADDITIONS    AXD    CORRECTIONS. 


P.  21,  1.  2.  msr't-tkual*  (id-clm*im)  should  have  appeared 
under  (c). 

P.  42,  note  1.  Cf.  further  nhmda  ritbek  LTJ.  60*  18,  nimd* 
wulc  62s  37.  In  n'tdam  we  seem  to  have  a  transformation  of  the 
older  n'amds  after  imm.  The  phrases  is*mf  etc.,  seem  to  have 
been  first  used  with  a  following  noun,  cf.  issumeeen  *  it  is  necessary 
(lit.  necessity)  for  me'  Wb.  10*  24,  i^mommm  'I  fear'  LTJ. 
65*  18,  and  to  have  been  extended  afterwards  to  adjectives. 
Without  any  form  of  the  substantive  verb  expressed  m-m-^oUcksa 
LL.  66*  19.  With  ndbdat  cf.  nubad-at-lond-tu  «be  not  angry' 
LL.  66*  \=nddb*d-hnd-tM  64*  31. 

P.  48,  note  1.  Cf.  mm/  bimmU  '  as  though  we  were '  ML  91*  16, 
amsl  bitit  92«  11,  *mml  bid  eo  n-*!tmin  m*  berrtk*  LU.  69*  13= 
tmmrbmd  LL.  72*  28.  Corresponding  to  the  positive  mmml  bid 
I  have  seen  the  negative  am*l  ni  bad  in  ML,  but  I  cannot  find 
the  reference. 

P.  49,  L  36.  But  btti  is  defended  by  beits  LU.  81*  2,  22, 
LL.  69*  14. 

P.  58,  1.  32.  Mr.  Stokes  takes  eachun'd  as  a  secondary  present 
with  reduplication  borrowed  from  the  perfect. 

P.  62,  1.  34.  With  donsd  cf.  d*n*d  Wb.  25<  33,  Ml.  86d  8,  for 
the  common  dldnad. 

P.  65,  L  22.  Formally  4***im  would  go  well  with  Lat.  tmxar*. 
Mr.  Stokes  suggests  connexion  with  th'****,  Zd.  thamj. 

P.  74,  1.  1.  Mr.  Stokes  would  translate  'two  of  them  were 
detached  (lit.  cut)  for  carpentry/  etc.,  taking  sletht  as  pret.  pass, 
of  digim. 

In  a  number  of  cases  the  mark  of  length  has  been  inadvertently 
omitted,  but,  as  it  is  unlikely  that  this  could  cause  any  difficulty, 
it  does  not  seem  necessarv  to  correct  them  here. 


77 


II.-ON  THE  USE  OF  THE  PARTICLE  RO-  WITH 
PRETERITAL  TENSES  IN  OLD  IRISH.  By 
J.  Strachan. 

[Bead  at  a  Meeting  of  the  Philological  Society,  May  22,  1896.] 

Ovb  of  the  most  characteristic  features  of  the  Celtic  verbal 
•yetem  is  the  occurrence  of  a  particle  ro-  in  preterital  tenses  of 
the  indicative,  and  in  the  subjunctive  mood.  This  particle  is 
found  not  only  in  Irish  but  also  in  the  Brythonic  group,  where 
its  usage  varies  to  some  extent  in  the  individual  languages,  and 
Hence  it  must  have  become  part  and  parcel  of  the  verbal  system 
before  the  breaking  up  of  the  Celtic  languages.  As  Zimmer  and 
Thurneysen  have  suggested,  its  primary  force  seems  to  have  been 
perfective,  to  adopt  the  terminology  of  Slavonic  grammar.  That 
would  explain  its  use  with  the  subjunctive  on  the  one  hand,  and 
with  preterital  tenses  of  the  indicative  on  the  other;  a  form 
originally  denoting  kind  of  action  may  easily  come  to  express 
P&de  of  time.  A  thorough  comprehension  of  the  functions  of 
?*-  in  Celtic  might  be  expected  to  throw  considerable  light  on 
the  development  of  the  Celtic  system  of  verbal  inflexion  from 
the  Indo-Germanic,  and  even  to  help  towards  a  deeper  insight 
uto  the  verbal  system  of  the  parent  language.  To  arrive  at 
a  knowledge  of  the  use  of  the  particle  in  proto-Celtic,  the  natural 
nwthod  would  be,  on  the  one  hand,  to  determine  the  earliest  Irish 
U8ftge,  and,  on  the  other,  by  a  comparison  of  the  several  Brythonic 
^gu&gea  to  elucidate  the  original  functions  of  ro-  in  that  group, 
ttd  then  to  compare  with  one  another  the  results  thus  arrived  at. 

8uch,  theoretically,  is  the  course  which  a  thorough  investigation 
of  the  functions  of  the  particle  in  Celtic  would  take.  My  subject 
to-night  is  a  much  more  modest  one.  I  propose  to  confine  myself 
to  Irish,  and  in  Irish  practically  to  the  use  of  ro-  in  the  preterite 
k&ies  of  the  indicative.  The  subjunctive  will  be  called  in  only 
to  supply  additional  evidence  as  to  the  use  of  ro-  in  com- 
pound verba.  The  use  of  ro-  with  the  subjunctive  mood  is  to 
a  great  extent  a  question  of  syntax,  and  would  be  better  dealt 
*fth  separately.  In  the  indicative,  as  I  have  said,  my  aim  is 
cfc*fly  to  determine   the  use  of  ro-   in    the    earliest  Irish,  to 


78  THE   PARTICLE    SO-    IX    IRISH — J.    STRACHAK. 

examine  how  far  it  is  present  and  how  far  absent,  to  ascertain 
its  position  in  compound  verbs,  and  to  consider  the  various  forms 
that  the  particle  assumes.  As  to  how  far  Irish  has  here  diverged 
from  the  original  state  of  things,  an  answer  to  that  question  will 
hardly  be  found,  if  indeed  it  is  to  be  found  at  all,  except  by 
an  interrogation  of  the  sister  Brythonic  group.  In  later  Irish 
the  usage  of  ro-  undergoes  various  changes.  Of  some  of  these 
changes  we  shall  see  the  beginning,  but  it  is  no  part  of  our 
present  purpose  to  follow  the  fortunes  of  ro-  through  later  times. 

Something  has  already  been  said  about  the  particle  by  Zimmer, 
Kdtucks  Stwdim,  ii,  120  sq.,  and  by  Thurneysen,  Em.  Celt,  vi, 
154  sq.,  321  sq. ;  to  this  we  shall  have  occasion  to  refer  later. 
Last  year,  while  I  was  working  on  the  verbal  system  of  the 
Saltair  na  Bann,  I  felt  strongly  the  lack  of  a  complete  account 
of  the  use  of  ro-  in  Old  Irish.  It  was  to  supply  this  want  that 
the  present  investigation  was  undertaken.  It  may  seem  to  be 
making  much  ado  about  a  very  small  thing,  and  I  fear  the 
patience  of  the  Society  may  well  be  exhausted  by  these  perpetual 
Irish  questions.  However,  ro-,  although  small  in  bulk,  plays 
a  great  part  in  Irish  grammar,  and,  apart  from  the  theoretical 
interest  of  the  investigation,  it  furnishes  an  important  criterion 
for  fixing  the  date  of  Irish  documents;  for  it  is  here  that  we 
find  the  first  noteworthy  disturbance  of  the  delicate  mechanism 
of  the  Old  Irish  verbal  system.  So,  at  the  risk  of  provoking  the 
Xemesis  of  dulness,  I  venture  to  ask  you  to  traverse  with  me 
a  weary  way. 

First  of  all,  something  must  be  said  about  the  sources  from 
which  the  materials  for  the  investigation  are  derived.  For  our 
present  purpose  any  text  that  shows  considerable  traces  of  a 
disturbance  of  the  earlier  state  of  things,  becomes  at  once  suspect 
as  a  witness  on  any  isolated  point  where  there  is  no  confirmation 
of  its  evidence.  The  two  chief  directions  in  which  the  usage 
of  ro-  changes  are,  that  in  later  texts  it  tends  to  be  omitted 
where  it  is  found  in  earlier  Irish,  and  that  there  is  a  growing 
tendency  to  prefix  it  where  at  an  earlier  period  it  was  infixed. 
The  latter  point  can  cause  little  difficulty,  as  the  regular  usage 
is  well  defined.  But  the  former  is  not  quite  so  simple.  The 
reason  is  this.  In  the  oldest  Irish  some  compound  verbs  take 
ro-.  others  do  not.  Now  suppose  that  in  a  text,  in  which  certain 
compounds  are  found  without  ro-  contrary  to  the  earlier  usage, 
a  compound  verb  of  which  there  is  no  example  in  the  older  texts 


THE    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  79 

is  found  without  ro-.  In  such  a  case  the  question  would  arise, 
was  ro~  absent  from  this  compound  from  of  old  or  not?  Under 
the  circumstances  an  isolated  form  had  better  be  simply  set  aside. 
If  the  compound  be  found  repeatedly  in  old  texts,  where  the 
disturbance  of  the  earlier  state  of  things  is  only  partial,  there 
is  more  or  less  probability  that  the  form  is  old.  There  is  less 
likelihood,  that  ro-  has  been  introduced  into  a  compound  where 
it  was  originally  absent ;  yet  we  shall  have  one  or  two  probable 
instances  of  this. 

Of  our  sources  of  information,  first  and  foremost  in  importance 
are  the  Old  Irish  Glosses,1  above  all  the  three  great  collections 
of  Wiirzburg,  Saint  Gall,  and  Milan,  and  they  must  form  the 
foundation  of  our  research.  Even  there  we  find  already  some 
signs  of  a  coming  change,  particularly  in  the  Milan  Glosses,  and  in 
them  principally  in  one  or  two  passages  which  bear  the  appearance 
of  later  additions  to  the  bulk  of  the  glosses.  With  these  may 
he  mentioned  a  couple  of  religious  works  of  high  antiquity 
preserved  in  later  manuscripts,  but  copied  in  essentials  with 
gnat  fidelity — the  Stowe  Missal,  and  the  fragment  of  an  Irish 
treatise  on  the  Psalter  published  by  Prof.  K.  Meyer  in  his 
Hibernica  Minora;  the  latter  approaches  closely  in  language  to 
the  Milan  Glosses.  In  the  second  line  come  what  may  roughly 
be  called  the  other  Deponential  texts,  such  as  the  Irish  Hymns, 
the  Felire  of  Oengus,  the  Armagh  Glosses,  Tfrechan's  Notes  in 
the  Book  of  Armagh,  the  Glossary  ascribed  to  Cormac,  and  the 
elder  8aga9.  In  these  texts  there  is  a  notable  departure  from 
the  condition  of  things  observed  in  the  Glosses.  In  the  Sagas 
ft  certain  difference  may  be  observed  between,  on  the  one  hand, 
nch  ancient  texts  as  the  T&in  £6  Frdich  (perhaps  the  most 
irchaic  of  the  longer  Sagas),3  the  Togail  Bruidne  Da  Derga,  and 
fte  Leabhar  na  h-Uidhre  version  of  the  Tain  Bo  Cuailnge,  and, 
011  the  other,  such  tales  as  the  Fled  Bricrend,  the  Tochmarc 
Etfine,  and  the  Serglige  Conculaind.  The  material  from  these 
tefa  has  been  derived  partly  from  my  own  collections,  partly 
fro*  Windisch's  Worterbuch. 


|  Cf.  Phfl.  8oc.  Trana.  1891-4,  pp.  447,  546. 
It  may  be  noted  that  in  the  Tain  B6  Fraich  no  verse  is  found,  in  the 
"ftil  Bruidne  Da  Derga  very  little,  while  in  the  Tain  B6  Cuailnge  verse 
PjUgM  are  more  frequent.  Can  any  help  be  got  from  this  fact  in  arranging 
~*  chronological  aequence  of  the  Irish  Sagas  ?  For  linguistic  reasons,  I  should 
beaciined  to  arrange  these  three  Sagas  chronologically  in  the  above  order. 


80  THE    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAK. 

These  various  sources  have  not  all  been  drawn  upon  to  an 
equal  extent.  The  forms  found  in  the  Glosses  have  been  given 
in  full,  so  far  as  I  have  noted  them,  except  that  in  illustrating 
the  use  of  ro-  with  the  preterite  of  simple  verbs,  I  have 
restricted  myself  to  the  three  great  collections,  and  have  omitted 
the  forms  of  the  substantive  verb.  These  forms  have  certain 
peculiarities  of  their  own,  and  I  hope  to  treat  of  them  on  some 
other  occasion  along  with  the  other  parts  of  that  verb.  The 
forms  drawn  from  the  second  class  of  sources  have  been  kept 
distinct  throughout.  Here,  except  under  special  circumstances, 
I  have  not  aimed  at  collecting  all  the  forms  in  all  these  various 
texts,  but  have  added  such  as  seemed  desirable  to  further  illustrate 
or  to  supplement  the  forms  of  the  Glosses.  Probably  it  will  be 
found  that  the  lists  contain  most  of  the  ordinary  verbs ;  and  rare 
and  isolated  forms  in  later  sources  are  of  little  value. 

It  has  already  been  remarked  that  certain  signs  of  the  beginning 
of  a  change  in  the  use  of  ro-  appear  in  the  Glosses,  and  that  this 
change  has  become  very  decided  in  the  second  class  of  documents. 
In  illustration  of  this,  forms  have  been  collected  from  the  Irish 
Hymns,  the  Felire  of  Oengus,  the  Book  of  Armagh,  the  Tain 
Bo  Fraich,  the  Togail  Bruidne  Da  Derga,  and  the  Tain  Bo 
Cuailnge. 

Following  the  method  adopted  in  my  paper  on  the  Deponent 
Verb,  I  give  first  the  material  collected  on  which  my  inferences 
are  based,  and  then  purpose  to  consider  what  conclusions  may 
be  deduced  therefrom.  These  arid  lists  are  not  very  inviting, 
but  they  have  their  purpose.  In  Celtic  things  to  err  is  only  too 
easy,  and  fellow-workers  will  find  in  them  a  means  of  checking 
any  rash  and  unwarranted  conclusions.  The  various  subdivisions 
of  Part  I  hardly  call  for  any  further  elucidation. 

PART    I.      MATERIALS. 
I.    Simple  Tebbs  with  ro-. 
1.  Wurzburg  Glosses. 
A.  Orthotonic  forms : — 
(a)  ro-. 
ro-boid[ed]  27b  1,  ro-m-bebe  3b  3  (rel.),  10c  11  (hdre),  ro-b-car-ri 
23d  4  (rel.),  amal  ro-n-dob-carsam-ni  25a  35,  ro-cathichsiur  24*  3, 
ro-chissut-ta  17d  12  (rel.),  ar  ro-cees  6C  27,  uairi  ro-cies  6b  20,  it 


THE    PARTICLE    HO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  81 

*$  ro-chess*  6C  8,  is  airi  som  ro-ciss  10c  10,  ro-eess  4b  13  (rel.), 

n-ckinut  4°  6  (rel.),  ro-cechladatar  5*  24,  ro-b-clandad  21d  6,  is 

wrinhcload  3b  1,  ro-ehuala  28°  22  (rel.),  ro-chuale  5*  7  (rel.), 

ro-ckualammar-ni  5*  7  (rel.),  ro-chualatar  30*  11  (rel.),  ro-chlos 

28«  11  (rel.),  ro-s-6omalnastar  21b  9,  ro-comaln\s*id-si  26b  6,  ro- 

ffrfw  17*  6,  ro-oretis  (rel.)  10»  29,  30,   ro-ehretti  5»  7  (rel.), 

ft-cfcrfi  (rel.)  5b  21, 13»  34,  24b  31,  ro-cretsisi  ('that  ye  believed') 

1*  3,  ro-creiUid-si  25d  20,  26»  23,  ro-chretset  7b  11   (rel.),  ro- 

chrnUH  24d  23  (rel.),  3l»  6  (rel.),  huare  ro-cretiset  1»  3,  ro-chrochsat 

6°  11,  ro-nd-c&rsagus-sa  19*  6  (rel.),  ro-s-ddnigestar  21b  9,  ro-n- 

Umiged-ni  12*  15,  ro-dn-dolbi  4C   26  (rel.),   amal  ro-n-gabus-sa 

»*  25,  23«  11,  otot  ro-n-gabus  23b  18,  ro^a*  2°  21  (rel.),  4b  18 

(wL),  12*  25  (rel.),  24°  14  (rel.),  ro-n-^tf  6d  12,  12b  1  (aroo/), 

27*  11,    15    (amal),    ro-gabsat    12b    13    (rel.),   ro-gabad    7*    7, 

^«wr  11*  17  (rel),  ro-gtni  3d  25  (rel.),  ro-gniith  12b  30  (rel.), 

•*«J  r<ht-gdd-*a  27d  19,  an  ro-gadammar  15c  22,  ro-b-gadammar-ni 

24*20,  ro-fentf  15d  1,  ro-fcaw*  13d  9  (rel.),  ro-Ulegusa  19*  6  (rel.), 

«x-ro4egai*  28d   7,  roMgsid  7b  23  (rel.),  ro-Uiced  5b  3,  ro-ftn 

22k  13,  ron-ttn  20d  11  (rel.),  ro-n-mess-ni  4b   22,   ro-m-wAntw 

24*  17,  18;  Mr*  ....  ro-miscnigestar  4°  16,  A<$r*  ro-m-moidi  som 

17*  12,  f*&m  ro-n-moiUem  17»  13,  ro-ndib  (rel.),  ro-b-ndib-si  (rel.) 

19M2,  ro-ndibad  2b  26  (rel.),  2C  4,  ro-pridchus-sa  13b  12  (rel.), 

20*  4  (reL),  *fc»  ro-pridchos   17c   1,   ro-pridchus  23d    18   (rel.), 

r*iriiach  27d   3   (rel.),   ro-phroidech   10c  20   (rel.),  ro-s-pridach 

21*  9,  ro-pridehissem  27c  17  (rel.),  24d  4  (rel.),  26b  6  (a»),  awa/ 

r*n-pridchissem-ni    13b    10,    ro-2WwfcAtMi[J]    24c    17    (rel.),   ro- 

/rowf  7b   12   (rel.),   ro-pridchad  7d   5   (<w»a/),    13*   33,   13»  32 

(mat),  18b  7   (arm,  an  'what'),   19b  6,   27*  3    (amal),  28*  18 

(mal),  ro-pridched  23»   3   (rel.),   23»   16   (rel.),    25»  40   (rel.), 

25*  41  (quam  =-  Ir.  oldds),  amal  ro-nd-prom  som  4b  20,  ro-r&lus 

13*  35  (rel.),  rom+ir  3C  38,  ro-scarsam  24d  26,  ro-searsat  28*  20, 

29*  22,  an  ro-seribus  20c  18,  ro-serib  31d  19,  ro-scrlbad  2d  2  (rel.), 

6«  28  (rel.),  26b  31  (rel.),  ro-slogeth  13d  24,  dr*  ro-tectsat  1*  9; 

ro-fadatar  29c  13,  of  ro-fdsiged  15*  32,  ro-/**ar  7*  11,  9b  17  (a/r), 


i  "Zimmer  has  an,  perhaps  rightly." — Stokes.  In  an  'what'  and  in  'in 
which/  n  is  sometimes  assimilated  to  a  following  r,  sometimes  retained.  Cf. 
**  rogadammar  Wb.  15c  22,  an  roprtdehtMemni  2Gb  6,  an  roactibus  20c  18, 
«*  rojhtffrad  16*  34,  ro  rochomallad  Ml.  12 2 d  7,  t»  roaAalA  24d  10,  with 
mrrqjridekad  Wb.  18b  7,  arrupridchad  14J  23,  arrotgiuil  Sg.  209b  26, 
imtfolnattar  Wb.  13b  29.  an  '  when  '  is  regularly  assimilated,  but  an  runan- 
rmecmiftwtmr  Ml.  62b  21.  Assimilation  is  the  regular  development.  Where 
»  it  found  before  r,  it  has  been  restored  from  combinations  where  n  remained. 

Fha  Trans.  1895-7.  6 


82  THE    FAKT1CLE    HO-    IN     IRISH— J,    STltACHAX* 

W  13,  32*  27,  ro-Jitir  7C  15  (re!.),  8*  10,  15M3,  18*  6,  20*  I8t 
23*  27  (rel.),  24*  5  (rel.),  27*  11  (or),  29*  17  (rel.),  30c  21, 
ro.ji-filir-m  15ft  8,  ro-n-fitir  15c  26,  16*  2,  ro-fitmnmor  6C  16, 
12c  5  (rel.),  14b  19,  15*  5  (*r),  rt-JUi*  6*  18'(tar*),  l4*  12» 
ro-fittd  7<*  16,  15"  28  (rel.),  26*  11,  ar  ro-filetar  23*  12,  rthftu 
23*  9,  23*  9  (arnat),  ro-ftnaniged  2*  24  (reL),  2e  8  (to 
rufmtjrad  13*  36  (ana/),  15*  31  (tfjwtf/),  15*  34  (aa),  18*  8 
(reL),  rQ>&'f6M  7d  2  (rel.),  ro-/6id*d  23*  7  (rel.),  32*  25 
(<fIJ,ifj&)t  ro-fdiiea  27c  35  (reL),  r&-**faikige$tar  31*  9,  ro-fotUtprd 
13d  26  (reL),  21*  15  (rel.),  ro-hfothiged  21<*  6,  rrf-^ri>W*  ltJ  4 
(reL)(  ro-nariged  3C  24 »  25,  ro-wi-«SiV-#<i  3d  20,  ro-«-*o7r  2d  14 
(Wr»),  24*  18  (V/r#),  32*  13  {amal\  ro-mtdiputar  12*  30;  intm 
ro-n-anis-aiu  29*  9,  ro-ardri$e*tar  28c  12,  ro-srftrfw?  10*  18,  26 
(rel),  25*  20,  r»-«r/>«*  18*  15,  31*  10  (rel.),  ro-airptlm  B*  12  (rel). 
ro-irltidaigneiar  7P  16T  rtMrt-hv-iMi  28a  12  (ret),  re-im-iiv-/*/  21*  $ 
(rel.),  ro-nn-Ucc  31*  6  (rel.),  rv-n-ke  28*  1  (ret),  re-*-Afcarf  5*  17 
(rel/),  ro-lr  17*  13  (tftL),  rG-»«-*r  20*  11  (rel.)P  ro~d-ordi$*$t*r 
6*  3  (rel.),  Mr*  ro-n-ortigwiar  6*  4, 


I '  7 '  -1 I  ■  ' 


(J)  m-, 

ma  ru-d*baifotut  8*  3,  eta  rti-d-chualatar  12*  28,  ma  rtt-d-choucut 
28c  7,  te  ru-d-glanta  4*  6,  rtt~mug$at  5*  24,  ma  ru-d-pr&dcki**m 
10*  9,  ar  (=  fl»  'what')  ru-pridchad  14*  23,  ma  ru~d-*tar*id 
27'  30,  ri*-/«  33*  7,  ar  ru-fmtm  9*  14,  rH-tAut-wtoi  33*  5  (rel.) 


. 


(e?)  ra-  ( *=  ro  4-  infixed  pronoun), 
ra-ehomahmiar  24*  37,  r<t*emlid  22*  23,  ra-chualatar  5*  8, 
nt-ihrtttid-ti  13to  10,  ra-dtimnigtttar  32*  20,  ra-gini  3C  25,  ra- 
n&dr  9*  5,  ra-mumtrt  ('they  taught  it,'  sc.  taut  <Jnw)  5b  44, 
ra-pridchauem  5*  7,  ra^*r  5*  10,  23e  21,  24*  8,  ra~fitid-*i  18b  19, 
re  jinntiigest&r  \9h  13,  ran-anacM  17*1  6.  At  28*  12  (marg.)  tttrtft 
n?/[*d]*tar  [a]«^i7  'it  ia  that  which  angels  knew/  raf[if\iiar  is 
unusual  for  rofitetar. 

B.  Enclitic  forms  : — 

(a)  ro-, 

nad  ro-chrmt  5°  2,  cam  ro-chrmUrt  1 0*  20,  nad  wthmUid 

m  ro*gaham  24*  20,  24*  2,  z-rn-gtthzid  26*  25,  m  M-pridaAinm  mi 

17b  31,  ni  ro-rffi*  2C  28,  fnsa-ro-eear  3*  14,  dia-ro-icribad  3*  20, 

23*   10,  diar-ro-tcribad  25*    4,   mid  ro-*erihad  27*   13,  comd-ro 

gnttr  21°  22. 


THE   PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  83 

(!)  ru-. 
iumhha  13d  25,  dia-ru-chreitsid-si  8C  11,  dia-ru-mfanestar  4C  38, 
fo-ru-pridchos-sa  7b  7,  dia-ru-pridchad  8C  17,  ir-ru-follnastar 
W  29,  nlru-anus  14d  29. 

(0  With  elision. 
»i  rw&«  5*  3,  n<wJ  ra»  14d  30,  ndd  rairgsiur  3C  27,  flora  w«»- 
rairgnur  3C  26.     Similarly  c<ini  rahid  (=*  ro-ldsid)  15a  1. 


2.  Saint  Gall  Glosses. 

A.  Orfhotonic  forms : — 

(tf)ro-. 
•r-(««»)  ro-car  193b  1,  196b  3,  ro-cinnius  197*  18,  ro-cinmet 
31*5(1*1.),  ro-cruthaigsemmar  9*  22,  ro-n-gab  65b  3  {amal),  7la  12 
(«■•/),  71*  10,  11  (tfrno/),  158b  3  ('that  it  was'),  159b  5 
(«*4  172b  1  (/oMtfA),  amal  ro-nd-gab  71*  8,  75b  2,  214b  1, 
217*  2,  amal  ro-n-gabtat  71*  11,  am**/  ro-nd-gab  sat  190b  6, 
r*-if«i<»r  31*  6  (rel.),  ro-t-giuil  229,  marg.,  or  (=  a»  'what') 
«^(W  209b  26,  ro-foa  75*  4  (rel.),  ro-laad  153b  6  (rel.),  ro-«^rii 
197*  19  (rel.),  rosoribad  195b  marg.  (rel.),  203*  marg.  (rel), 
n-Mti  7b  16  (rel.),  ro-thechUat  som  209*  6  (rel.),  ro-toltanaigestar 
7b  10  (rel.),  ro-sechestar  208b  15  (rel.),  ro-mreset  178b  2. 

B.  Enclitic  forms  : — 

»i  ro-chintuet  71b  3,  in  ro-%  148*  6  (bis),  ni  roscribad  6b  3, 
niroUgw  (=  ro-legus)  148*  10. 

3.  Milan  Glosses. 
A.  Ortho-tonic  forms : — 

(a)ro-. 

ro-betiaigtet  26d  5,  ro-bitha  100b  2  (rel.),  ro-brtnsat  58*   15, 

ro-cairinigthea   137c   10,   ro-cachainl   48b   11    (rel.),    ro-otf   2b   6 

(rel.),  ro-cet  25b   6  (rel.),    25b   8   (rel.),   57d    13  (rel.),   ro-chet 

25*  6  (rel.),    ro-ceta   30*   9   (rel.),   ro-car  65d   5  (rel.),  ro-cessa 


i  Cf.  tresa-rocachain  It.  Salt.  11,  rocachain,  rochachain,  ib.  passim;   it  is 
tbe  common  form  in  the  older  Sagas. 


84  THE    PARTICLE    RO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

114*  6,  ro-ces  17*  13  (rel.),  ro-m  44b  1  (rel.),  ro-fhewm  44d  4  (rel.), 
ro-cimet  26b  17  (rel.),  ro-cloii-siu  43d  18,  ro-chIM  37*  5  (rel.), 
ro-comadasaiged  (g.  aptata  esse)  86d  17,  or  ro-comallus  74d  5, 
ro-nd-chomallastar  122d  7  (rel.),  ro-cotnattad  81d  5,  intan  ro- 
comallad^a]  38c  9,  huare  ro-comallada  74c  20,  ro-comalnada  44d  31 
(impleta  esse),  ro-cualu~8U  50d  7  (rel.),  ro-nd-cualae  (eum  8€ 
audivisse)  53b  26,  lasse  ro-nda-cu[a]lae  124d  6,  ro-s-oosmaihgestar 
55d  8,  ro-cotrummaigestar  55d  3,  ro-ehreti  46a  14  (rel.),  ro-cretsei 
31 c  9  (intain),  96*  5  (a»w/),  123°  1,  ro-chreiUet  60b  16  (rel.), 
ro-crochsat  24d  4  (rel.),  ro-n-ddnaigestar  96b  9  (rel.),  ro-daingni- 
gestar  51d  8  (rel.),  ro-debthaichsetar  19°  16  (rel.),  ro-dedtu-sa 
44d  10,  50b  3,  ro-<fo*  lllb  12,  ro-n-dilmainaigset  (vacasse)  76*  8, 
ro-dligestar  36*  29  (rel.),  <*r  (=an)  ro-n-doichenelaigsiursa  44b  36, 
ro-n-doir : :  tnmamaigestar  (leg.  ro-n-doirmaigestar,  g.  quod  viluerit) 
101*  8,  ro-n-doirmaigsem  (nos  viluisse)  93d  9,  ro-dumaigeetar  55d  3, 
80b  3,  83d  1,  ro^  25*  16,  27*  12,  35b  24  (rel.,  bis),  44b  1  (reL), 
48d  28  (rel.),  52  (rel.),  55°  1,  90b  15  (rel.),  137b  7  (rel.),  ro-nt-gal 
132c  8,  ro-d-gab  49*  3  (rel.),  ro-dn-gab  61*  1  (rel.),  ro-s-gab  57°  13, 
ro-n-gab  20c  3  (object  clause),  38c  7  (rel.),  40d  18  (amat),  82d  11 
(rel.,  bis),  131°  12  (huare),  ro-nd-gah  30b  11  (esse),  118*  5  (anud), 
ro-gabsat  139*  15,  ro-gabad  14*  4  (rel.),  17b  18  (rel.),  24d  10 
(rel.),  24d  26  (rel.),  35*  10  (rel.),  35b  10  (rel.),  35*  8  (rel.,  bis), 
38°  4  (rel.),  45d  7  (rel.,  bis),  57b  16,  67°  18,  74b  1  (rel.),  86d  13 
(rel.),  90b  15  (rel.),  98°  10  (rel.),  100d  7,  112°  11  (rel.,  bis), 
113d  3,  116°  2,  133b  1,  ro-gabath  24d  13,  ro-gabtha  133b  2  (rel.), 
139*  6  (rel.,  bis),  ro-n-gad-sa  43d  18  (rel.),  ro-gaid  43d  20  (rel.), 
55d  4,  ro-n-gaid  (se  petiisse)  53b  26,  amal  ro-nd-gatar  131d  14, 
ro-garbus  127°  16,  ro-genair  24d  4  (rel.),  25b  5  (rel.),  ro-n-genair 
85b  11  (rel.),  ro-giuil  98b  8,  ro-gnathaigsetar  34b  2,  ro-geni  48°  6 
(rel.),  ro-n-geni  22d  19  (eum  fecisse),  27*  6  (rel.),  ani  ro-gnent 
(leg.  ro-n-geni,  Ascoli)  3lb  24,  ro-genset  80°  6,  ro-nda-geinset  29*  4 
(rel.),  ro-n-gnith  14*  18  (g.  actum),  17d  12  (g.  actum  videtur), 
31 b  20  {huare),  ro-n-gnitha  97*  3  (rel.),  115b  4  (rel.),  ro-laad  44d  2, 
ro-llaad  29c  1,  ro-labrastar  126°  10  (rel.),  ro-d-labrastar  126°  10 
(rel.),  ro-m-leicis-ie  44b  10-11  (bis),  ro-leicthea  (se  relictos  esse) 
90°  9,  ro-Ugsat  24d  24,  ro-leldatar  96°  13,  ro-lethnaigter  50*  14, 
ro-/*w  54d  7,  64d  16,  ro-lommar  14b  2,  ro-londaigestar  29*  2, 
ro-loisc  123a  15,  ro-madaichtea  80d  3,  into*  ....  ro-memaid  127d  6, 
ro-marbsat  56b  6  (rel.),  ro-m*[r]fater  75d  5  (rel.),  ro-mincigettar 
36*  40,  ro-m-mo[t]rfi  72°  1,  ro-m-molastar  126b  16  (rel.),  ro-vwratj 
37*  2,  ro-prithach  50d  17  (rel.),  ro-pridach  69d  3  (rel.),  ro-recki 


THE    PARTICLE    SO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  85 

20»23,  39«  11,  ro-relais  50«  13,  15,  ro-rihat  117d  2,  ro-roi%  84*  16, 
ro-teaird  14b  2,  ro-*[ceng~\atar  96°  11  (rel.),  ro-scribais  74d  13 
(rel.),  huare  ro-skohta  48d  28,  ro-taitnigter-tu  105c  7,  ro-thecht 
37*  27  (rel.),  44°  10  (rel.),  131c  5  (rel.),  ro-techtsat  84'  10, 
rihtachatar  44*  19  (rel.),  ro-torasnaige&tar  106b  8,  ro-tracht  121a  8 ; 
ro-famigcstar  118b  7,  ro-fouchraigset  114*  6,  ro-nd-firiahaigettar 
19*  16  (rel.),  ro-^tr  24*  19,  58*  6  (*r),  *>-/«*  80b  11  (ai'r), 
ro-faikigestar  51d  15  (rel.),  ro-foihigestar  103d  11,  145b  4,  ro- 
foihigthea  61*  3,  ro-foirbthichser  43d  17,  50c  13;  ro-nda-saibset 
24d  24,  rosecsat  (g.  clausas  esse)  46*  22,  ar-  ( =  a»)  rrosonart- 
naigettar  49b  4,  ro-semiged  118b  5  (attenuatum  esse),  ro-$eimigthea 
93d  3,  ro-soisset  124c  6,  ro-*o*r  60b  16  (rel.),  ro-dam-soer-sa 
48*  21  (rel.),  ro-nd*6er  52  (rel.),  rosoirad  61d  2  (rel.),  ro-soirtha 
102*  17  (tfffio/,  MS.  roirtha),  38d  8  (tufa*),  131c  9,  ro-sudigser-su 
121*  12  (reL),  r  o-mi dig  e  star  46°  20,  63c  10,  ro-suthchaicfoer  81b  9  ; 
ro+ifartaigriur  115*  13,  117°  5,  ro-adbartaigset  26b  20  (rel.), 
rwwwft-**  45°  3,  ro-d»7  19°  10,  ro-n-an  126b  1  (rel.),  126b  2 
{inUm),  ro-tn-ainmnigestar  26b  8  (rel.),  37b  22,  ro-ndn-ainmnigestar 
17k  9  (rel.),  ro-airius  95d  9,  ro-dtaiset  2*  6,  ro-echtrannaigsetar 
W  2  (rel.),  ro-echtrannaigtho  (leg.  -£A*a)  66d  1  (rel.),  ro-erasaigset 
131f  9,  ro-erbirigsem  35*  5,  ro-eirpset  43°  18,  ro-etarcnaige*tar 
32k  5,  ro-Urwnmaigset  113°  8,  ro-mm-Urummaiged  48b  5,  rondann- 
kw-m  89*  6  (rel.),  ro-f*wJ  50d  15,  ro-n-icad  18d  20  (sanatum  esse), 
f*^»-*rfAtf  60b  16  (sanatos  esse),  ro-mm-isltged  50*  12,  ro-ingraigthea 
100*  18,  nn>r*  48°  8,  ro-hortan  107b  2,  rd-oirdned  14*  3. 

(I)  ru-. 
*■*■«*#  64*  13  (rel.),  or  (=<*»)  ru-cestaigser  2*  3,  ar  (=<*»)  rw- 
*fy«rfar  63*  14,  ru-delbad  74*  11  (rel.),  ru-dianaiged  98b  14,  rw-M- 
*W33*  17  (rel.),  rn-no*-^  16d  4  (ama/),  32d  5  (Auar,?),  65a  2 
(kwii),  67d  14  (aroa/),  87b  9  (/*/»<*/),  ru-n-gab  56b  33  (aw^/), 
r*+k-gafoam  24d  24  (a»w/),  ru-nd-gabsat  55°  1  (rel.),  64c  5 
(*nJ),  67d  14,  74d  7  (rel.),  ru-t-glanus  103*  5,  ru-n-leicis  63c  20 
(**L),  rw-ntadaigset  48*  1,  ru-midair  72b  21,  rtt-ndam-molad-sa 
W  17  (rel.),  **«  ru-d-mrechtnaigestar  123b  12,  ru-radus-sa  50d  7 
(•d-);  «  ru-fdiktgset  74*  4,  ru-feidligsemmar  105*  4  (rel.),  a//*aJ 
r+nLfiiir  140°  10,  ar  (=a»)  ru-freptanaigthimur  103a  6,  rw- 
««ty«rfar7lb  14  (rel.),  ol  ru-soad  101*  6,  ama/  ru-soirtha  102d  17, 
124* 7, ru-tuidigsiur  59b  2  (rel.);  ar  (=an)  ru-n-etendiged  113°  2, 
•"(•ail)  ru-n-etuailngistar  62b  22,  an  ru-n-anraccaigestar  62b  21, 
"•tort  6Sb  12  (rel.),  ru-n-uaibrigestar  73b  10  (rel.). 


86  THE    PARTICLE   SO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

(c)  ra-  ( =ro-  with  infixed  pronoun). 

ra-cumgaigestar  133*  9,  ra-danaigestar  97d  17  (rel.),  ra-gab  42b  7 
(rel),  44b  2,  50»  8,  50d  18;  air  ra-fetatar  54b  14,  ra-glanus  91*  8, 
raUeic  53b  6,  ra-BoUitsi  103c  15.  In  109b  2  ra-foikigestar  Nathan 
do  JDuid  an-adfi\a\dar  we  may  have  an  anticipatory  pronoun.  In 
36a  32  ra-fetarsa  at  firian-su,  if  ra-  be  not  used  for  ro-  it  would 
anticipate  the  following  clause,  'I  know  it  that  thou  art  just' 
In  130b  11,  in  air  ram-chuaUe}  ram-  is  simply  used  for  ro-m-. 

B.  Enclitic  forms : — 
{a)  ro-. 
nad  ro-cheta   115b  4,    nod  ro-choihet  48d  28,    in  ro-chomallad 
122d  7,  nis-ro-chret  39d  3,  <ma  ro-chret  33b  5,  ro-chreiUet  35°  20 
(»*),  90c  22  (»•),  131c  9  (noi),   131d  11  {nod),  nach  ro-chrochsat 
25b  2,  ro-gab  36a  32  (ntwn,  bis),  45»  3  (fuand-),  50»  10  (fuand-, 
fuan-),  74b  12  (At"),  ro-yiorf  24d  12  (/*«-),  74b  11  (ara-),  103b  7 
(rfm-),  in  ro-gbath  24d  10,  w  ro-genarsa  44c   11,  n<wJ  ro-gnatha 
115b  4,  r0-i*»7f  55d  4  («wa),  124c  10  (nad),  dia-ro-guidl  46b  28, 
dia  ro-gadatar  46b  28,  ni  ro-hat  (  =  ro-l&sat)   16d  2,  nach-aro- 
marbsom  23b  5,  m  ro-rois  44*  1,  nl-s-ro-thschtusa  44b  10,  ni  ro- 
thuailngigestar  16b  12  ;  narf  ro-feidligtet  105a  4,  ni  ro-adbartaigntar 
55d  1.    With  infection  of  ro-,  *nn»  naoJ  roi-lgisid  17b  18,  narf  rai- 
thechtsat  97d  7,  ni  r*-/u>  23b  4,  na<?A  ra-&«*  49*  10. 

(8)  ru-. 
wi  rU'*-comalla%[atar]   105a  6,  Ao  ru-deda  22d  7,  Ao  ru-deduit 
22d  6,  ni  ru-madaigset  48a  2,  Ao  ru-maith  51°  9,  «ro  ru-tleachta 
53d  11  ;  efra  ru-foiUiged  136d  9,  in  ru-soer  33b  23,  frwa-ru-midiged 
23a  18 ;  *W0  ru-aigsetar  35c  4. 

(<?)  ra-. 
fuand-ra-gab  38c  4,  5,  oJi'a  ra-gbtha  35b  24,  nacham-ralae  90°  17. 

1  If  it  be  not  a  blunder  for  rogdid. 


THE    PARTICLE    SO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  87 


II.    Simple  Verbs  without  ro-.1 
lnii 

fotfWb.  3«  37  {ho),  Ml.  16c  10,  52  (dia),  55c  1,  58°  4  {dia)t 
74>5,/t«&55c  1,  127d3. 

fetar,  with  negatives. 

nifetar  Wb.  28«  10,  ni  fitir  21°  22,  26d  14,  nUfitir  5«  15, 
«ww$ir  8b  4,  nis-fitemmar  12°  6,  nad  fitemmar  16a  29,  ni  fitetar 
27*  11,  m  ofcfcfr  (Stokes,  /^<or  Zimmer)  21d  1,  ni  fitemmar  Sg. 
32^  5,  ni  /*tor  Ml.  90c  19,  96*  2,  cenid-fetar-sa  55d  21,  »t  Jfctr 
24M9, 140c  10,  nad  fitir  67d  1,  naich-id-fitir  27d  7,  nad  fetammar 
37M0,  nad  fitetar  35M9,  21,  nio-fitetar  95»  12,  warf/*M  80b  10, 
*«*/«  51b  7.     With  ww,  con-fitetar  Ml.  91c  18. 

efiala,  with  negatives. 

t»  na<Z  cualaid-ei  Wb.  5a  21,  nach-id-chualatar  25d  14,  ni-«- 
f*[fl]Jw  Ml.  59»  13,  ni  cu[a]latar  102d  7.  With  con,  con-dam- 
chualae  ML  95°  9,  conid-chualae  20a  2. 


1  In  the  Terb  '  to  be '  ro-  is  often  absent  in  the  copula  forms,  rarely  in  the 
▼erb  of  existence.  The  usage  of  the  Old  Irish  Glosses  may  be  illustrated  by 
the  following  forms  taken  from  Wb.  1-12  and  Ml.  1-40. 

(a)  Verb  of  existence : — 
Wb.  ro-boi  2«  15,  5«  10,  15,  6d  5,  r o-m-b6i  2*  5,  6,  6d  6,  10d  12,  ro-m-bod 
5*  31,  u  ru-d-bdi,  ee  ru-d-batar  4b  13,  ce  ru-baid  3b  19,  ram-bdi  (« that  there 
was  to  him')  2C  13,  ndd  to-be  ld  2,  i  ro-be  3d  13,  ni  ru-bi  11*  17 ;  b6i  10d  13, 
a^-m-a^i  9«  10;  Ml.  ro-boi  18*  8,  ro-m-boi  19d  17,  26b  8,  28d  5,  ro-t<d-boi 
21d  4,  04  m-rf-Wi  2»  3,  amal  ru-m-b6i  31»  3,  38c  9,  nad  ro~bae  15d  9,  20b  2, 
33*  17,  ni  ra-bae  28d  3,  33c  17,  nad  ra-bae  38d  4,  fua-ra-batar  2b  11 ;  &h 
14"  13,  niboi  33*  5,  34*  16,  im-b6i  39*  3,  t*»-5at  29«  1. 

(*)  Copula. 

Wb.  ro-bo  5d  10,  ro-^o  3C  23,  9C  29,  ro-p-sa  3C  27,  11*  2,  ro-btar  7b  5,  Aiwr* 

n»-fiAir  7b  13,  nar-bo,  4d  3,  w<*r-5w  5b  12,  ba-sa  10d  43,  6a  ld  16,  3*  1,  8, 

3e26,  4e  15,  5b  31,  9e  17,  ce-pu  4C  35,  ni-pu  8»  5,  9C  17,  ni-bo  4»  12,  nipo 

4b  12,  4<  35,  mc-.po  5*  14,  ni-p-sa  10d  35,  «»-/?  5b  3;  Ml.  ro-bu  14*  4,  25?  13 

(*•),  SO*1  11,  33»  18,  huare  ro-m-bu  2b  16,  18d  20,  ro-btar  23»  14,  air  ru-bu 

32*  2,  or-  (=<ro)  ru-m-ta  27b  8,  ar-  (=aw)  ru-mtar  34d  10,  nl-r-bu  33c  13, 

W  17,  fw-r-to*  18d  18,  40d  10,  o-ru-ptar  40d  16,  <?ta  fo  24e  12,  ba  18c  14, 

19*  15,  24*  4,  25»  18,  27c  20,  29*  8,  31d  12,  32b  2,  21,  34c  9,  35d  6,  39*  3,  14, 

U  2SC  17,  batar  23c  16,  31»  3,  ni  bu  I4b  13,  32b  17,  diam-bu  22*  4,  im-bu 

22**. 


88  THE    PABTICLB    *0-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAK. 

Isolated  forms. 

o  chrctsit  Wb.  31*  7/  cuhnaigistir  Sg.  152*  2,  eke**  ML  44*  2 
(rel.),  ni  ctade  111*  20,  trissan-etotsat  57»  3,  /k«rJ  ML  57d  3, 
st«*  (='well')  ^autor  90b  12,  gemot*  80b  11  (rel.),  **  &*  5gc  6, 
mm/ii  55*  1,  Mat,  fe-rfA**  52,  m-bertatar  Tor.  145.  With  no- 
prefixed,  nu-nda-bertatar*  Ml.  82*  9  (rel.).  From  the  two  poems 
in  ML  may  be  added  ni  rfoft,  »•  /i7,  gab****. 

In  later  texts,  forms  without  ro-  become  much  more  frequent. 
This  may  be  illustrated  from  the  following  texts,  which  belong 
probably  to  the  later  part  of  the  eighth  or  to  the  ninth  century. 
The  forms  are  arranged  as  follows :  (a)  forms  with  r»-,  (i)  forms 
without  ro-  preceded  by  negatives,  etc.,  (c)  forms  without  ro-  with 
no  such  preceding  particle,  (a?)  instances  where  the  perfect  passive 
has  been  replaced  by  the  passive  participle,  (#)  absolute  forms  in 

1.    Irish  Hymns. 

(a)  I.  ro-n-snaid,  ro-anacht,  ro-la ;  II.  ro-tloss,  ro-jtrad,  ro-ches, 
ro-rathaf  ro-scarad,  ro-msnair;  V.  ro-thlou,  ro-dotk,  ro-d-glmnestar, 
ro-gaia\  ro-das-gaid,  ro^Lu-cload,  ro-rcraig,  ro-gab  (ter),  ro-sm-bi9 
ro~n-cind,  ro~chuaia  (bis). 

(b)  I.  nat-Uic;  II.  mi  leicc,  ni  crtitset,  i  n-gtnairt  eo  ws-bsba\ 
Y.  »i  car,  ni  cair,  ni  chiuir,  ni  eoill,  ni  fuar,  ni  frith  (his),  »t-#- 
gaib,  ni  luid,  noam-mtilestar,  ni  rir,  wad-bocht,  i-cuata,  dia-foidsd, 
eo  frith,  co  wwmaid. 

(c)  I.  anacht;  II.  gadatar,  gsnair;  ILL  dsdaig,  cathaigestar ; 
Y.  dith,  siassair,  rsraig,   tathick,  senastar. 

(J)  II.  fschta,  Y.  sent*. 

(*)  II.  anais,  lassais,  leg  a  it,  pridthaiss,  sawtaigss ;  III.  batsss ; 
Y.  ben* achats,  carats,  tints  y  ferais,  genets,  loiscis,  searais,  senais 
(quinquies),  from  compound  verb  tmais ;  dsrcsait. 


1  Wb.  33*  1  Stokes  translate  m  pridchtd  iris  bx  4  faith  has  sot  been 
preached.'  But  the  connexion  with  the  text  is  not  oorious,  and  the  passage 
may  be  corrupt.  At  19*  6  mirransam  is  translated  4  we  hare  not  divided  it,'  bat 
again  the  connexion  is  obscure.  In  2b  28  Jiri*MichtAi=firismgid  i  '  justifies 
him/  so ftnUiftki  'shows  it'  Sg.  211*  7. 

3  If  it  be  not  a  mere  repetition  of  the  first  syllable  of  the  preceding  ehsmd; 
the  word  is  not  necessary  to  the  sense. 

'  fuar  is  regularly  found  without  ro-. 

4  Asooli  proposes  dorigtmat,  as  in  the  preceding  gloss. 

5  Cf.  no-djm-bert  LL.  249b  26,  wow-^ot*  Llf.  64*  33,  n*-s*f-fmim  70*  17, 
40,  mc-dm-ortatar  99*  3d,  mo-da-nrrtutt  99*  38,  mam-UrUtmr  23b  39, 
•enmt  24*  30. 


THE    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAN.  89 

2.    Felire  Oenguso  (to  end  of  June). 

(a)  ro-bruthea,  ro-clannadt  ro-dos-erochsat,  ro-crochad  (eta)  ro- 
damnaiar1  (bis),  ro-n-fethis,  ro-gabtha,  ro-lamair,  ro-laithe,  ro-linad, 
ro-Ublaing,  ro-lin  (bis),  ro-loiscthea,  ro-mar,  ro-milhd,  ro-morad, 
ro-martha,  ro-muchad,  ro-miichtha,  ro-noebad,  ro-dan-ort,  ro-hort<t, 
ro-plagtha,  ro-pridchai,  ro-promtha,  ro-radius,  ro-radis,  ro-raiih 
(Pr.  21),  ro-rigad  (bis),  ro-rigtha,  ro-rimed,  to-ringed,  ro-ringthea, 
rihicaieh,  roscaiehe  (bis),  ro-scrib,  ro-selaig,  ro-selgatar,  ro-sonnta, 
ro-*retha,  ro-tssctha,  in  improper  compound  ro-firseaich  (Pr.  84) ; 

nlr  nrad,  lat-ro-ches  (Pr.  86),  las-r-ort  (Br.  lasort,  Pr.  106),  las-r- 

*ta  (Br.  huorta,  Pr.  65). 

[b)  ni  fess9  nicon  fes,  ni  frith,  ni-s-gegnatar,  tnani  ehuala,  mad- 
9**<*ir  (nodgenair  Laud,  Pr.  251),  asam-brucht,  frism-brucht,  lasa- 
frith,  fris-raith,  las-luid,  la[8~}-sceith,  imma-slecht,  o  hid  (Pr.  128). 

(«)  fuair,  luid  (octies),  lotar,  bert  (bis),  eachaind  (v.  1.  Ap.  26), 
Wirt  (bis),  eechaing  (quater),  gabsat,  drebraing  (bis),  raith,  senaig, 
iroqlithe  (v.  1.  rosraiglithea,  Pr.  43). 

W  bretha  (Jn.  11),  crochtha  (Fb.  5),  orta  (Jan.  26,  Mr.  6), 
*^w  (Pr.  100),  sleehta  (Fb.  12). 

W  bebau  (ter),  carats  (quater),  csssais  (ter),  erochais  (bis), 
*fo«,  teonit;  morsus  Pr.  132  (v.  1.),  Jan.  5,  30  (v.  1.),  soersa  (Ep. 
*#,  etc.). 

3.  Armagh  Glosses. 
(0    ru-minaiged  171*  2. 

(0    ctUbirrimme  184*  2,  ^m  77»,  4ftii*»t  175*  2,  dfttfett  189b  1. 

4.  TfrechaVs  Notes. 
(«>    4ru-fitir\4. 

(*>    at'/ifer  11. 
W    Am*  6,  8,  14,  15. 
(0    ritha*6. 

W  d&u  11,  <?&wtt>  14,  gabatB  2,  pridchi*  8  ;  atTft  8,  baitzisi  11, 
*irrt»  MJoidtiJoitoi  14,  ^'  15. 

5.    Tdin  Bo  Fr&ch  LL. 
(«)  rthainmniged    249a    35,    ro-airigestar    250a    27,    ro-m-both 
id*  15,  ro-eharui  249b  36,  c*tf  rochainset  259b  36,  ro-Uchuala-t>a 

i^»   3C8S.  Ytry  between  ro-damatar  and  rodamdatar.     I   have  ventured  to 
^^rorfmnwgfrr,  as  in  the  Old  Irish  Gloeeee :   cf.  p.  96. 


90  THE    PARTICLE    RO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

251b  6,  ro-fetar  251a  30,  51,  251b  4,  ro-fetammar  252*  30,  ro-n- 
gabm  249b  1,  251b  16,  ro-gatta  251b  33,  cf.  251b  30,  ro-da-Uau* 
249b  40,  ro-Uaii  251b  14,  ro-lasa  251*  52,  ro-d-laa  251b  7,  ro-&*rf 
252b  2;  con-da-ru-batarl  ('killed  them')  248b  26,  ni-9-ra-gbusa 
(' I  did  not  take  it')  251b  10,  in  ro-lad 251a  32. 

(b)  ni  fetar  251»  18,  so  cualatar  251b  31,  00  corastar  259b  50, 
di^-^  251b  16,  eo  luid  250b  5,  252b  4. 

(c)  luid  252b  3,  lotar  252*  5,  sephainn  249a  29,  motm*  250b  48. 
(*)  £«feM  249*  47  (o),  251b  27,  brissis  250*  36,  /*raw  252*  24, 

foidi$  251*  36 ;  gabsus  250a  29 ;  ansait  249a  16. 

6.    Togail  Bruidne  Da  Derga. 

(a)  ro-anacM  96»  5,  ro-s-anacht  88b  43,  ro-both  87*  21,  ro- 
ehaehain  83b  28,  37,  91a  39,  91b  10,  92b  41,  ro-cessa  95b  40,  ro-chi 
89b  17,  92»  35,  ro-cirred  98b44,  ro-crechtnaiged  99»  1,  ro-criathrad 
99»  1,  ro-chuala  85b  27,  ro  chualammar  85a  37,  ro-cuirthea  83a  9, 
ro-dri  97a  24,  ro-/*tfur  93  1.  16,  94  1.  28,  96a  23,  ro-fetar  92a  27, 
94  1.  12,  ro-s-fetar  93  1.  11,  94  1.  16,  ro-fetartar%  (sic)  90b  10, 
ro-fess  84a  29,  ro-fer  98a  4,  ro-fereatar  97b  42,  ro-^A  99a  3,  ro-»- 
yafou  97*  38,  40,  ro-gab  80b  23,  84a  16,  87b  42,  97»  29,  ro-gabsat 
83*27,  33,  85»  43,  ro-m-gabsat-sa  84*  11,  ro-gab  ad  83*  25,  ro-W 
87»43,  97b8,  ro-ldsat  85b  15,  18,  ro-%  98b  20,  ro-leie  92b  35, 
ro-len  98b  26,  ro-marbtat  96a  6,  ro-marbad  99*  9,  ro-mebaid  83*  24, 
ro-d-mert  84»  8,  ro-radi  97b  43,  ro-rdthaiged  87a  38,  ro-scdig 
86*  42,  91b  31 ;  ru-s-fetar  94  11.  5,  20,  ru-8-fetammar  93  1.  26, 
rdn-irusa  83a  43  sq.,  ra-chain  86a  32 ;  m  ro-e-anachtatar  87b  26, 
nt  ro-dunait  96a  25,  tit  ro-ldsat  87a  16,  cor-ro-lsat  83a  7,  ni  ra- 
ptor 87b  26,  ni  r*/*<?  96a  7,  corroemid  98a  13;  cor-ra-gaib 
83b  41,  conid-ra-gaib  97a  35,  cor-ra-gbai*et  84a  13,  85a  42,  m 
ro/tf  92b  6. 

(J)  ni  /**ur  85b  4,  88a  30,  89b  41,  96a  4,  noo-fetur-ea  98b  12, 
narf  /erfator  86b  2,  ni  hetds  89b  18,  ni-fuair  98a  11,  15,  nocA 
/uair  98a  5. 

(<?)  &*r*  97b  17  (bis),  bertatar  99a  8,  cehammar  86a  22,  latkrastar 
89b  35,  fau*  84a  1,  98a  10,  etc.,  lotar  84b  39,  41,  ortatdr  84b  41, 
orJd  83a  10,  selgatar  89b  38,  £<ifoa*  85b  40,  43. 


1  Cf.  ni  riibai  LU.  65»  1,  eo  rubaitis  Coinculand  64»  30. 

*  So  Wb.  4C  12  ro-ginartar  is  found  for  ro-gknatar.  Zimraer,  KZ.  xxx,  225, 
defends  the  forms,  but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  they  axe  not  simply  blunders, 
in  which  the  r  has  come  from  the  singular. 


THE    PARTICLE    *0-    IN    IRI8H — J.    8TRACHAN.  91 

(<*)  gaUha  (diberg)  84*  40,  84b  1,  7,  14. 

(*)  anot#  83b  32,  /#hh*  84*  28,  gabais  86b  18  (o),  92b  32, 
96*  25  (o),  97b  15,  radis  84*  9,  r^[A>t>w  83b  15,  canais  91*  43, 
dikcktrait  91*  43,  opto  98*  5,  ddrtais  98*  32,  cotfaw  91*42 ;  £afaa# 
83*  20,  86*  3,  89*  42,  bentait  97*  17. 

7.  Tain  B6  Cuailnge  (to  the  end  of  LTJ.  63*). 

(a)  ro-m-biotar  62*  16,  ro-Uth  58a  45,  ro-m-bith  60*  1,  ro-m- 
MM  58b  22,  ro-cku  58b  3,  ro-eh&alammar  58b  23,  ro-da*sed  63a  8, 
ro-fetammar  60*  39,  ro-yafl  56a  6,  57*  15,  ro-ldosa  58*  24,  ro-fca* 
57b  25,  ro-&  57b  30,  34,  36,  60b  41,  ro-d-ld  57b  33,  58*  42, 
roJdd  58b  4,  ro-Uiceem  58a  16,  ro-scrib  57b  40,  ro-slassa  59b  15, 
*>-wd»y  56b  18,  20;  ra-fetamar  59a  27,  60a  39,  ra-chiiala-sa  61b  2, 
r*-ulgatar  58a  1 ;  »o<!A  ro-lamar  62a  29,  nd  ro-»OM  59b  7,  frisind- 
nJaii  61b  41,  in-ro-Ud  63*  35,  oid-ralla  62b  17.  With  present 
*»  ro-fotm  58a  6. 

(*)  iwi  oMafoW  57*  16,  eo  tiuda  62b  19,  60*  4,  noo-fetar  55b  41, 

*7b  37,  ni  /ator-a*  59b  8,  ni  etar-sa  59b  43,  ni  fitir  59*  26,  n» 

f**r*tar  62*  2,  ni  fomar  60*  26,  ni  md  lodmar  58a  15,  eo  feotdr 

571  30,  «>  oottwfor  59b  32,  o-luid  57*  29,  to  m-mebaxd  61b  13,  40, 

fi2b  3,  co  seseaind  60b  39,  *o  tenting  60*  26. 

(<0  angtetdr  57b  17,  oooAaw  57b  28,  feotdr  58a  9,  /(Ste  55a  4, 
*for  Clb  22,  ^&**ar  57b  18  (bis),  27,  lelgatar  57b  19,  luid  57b  1, 
68*  ^«,  26,  59b  21,  60*  45,  63*  19,  lotair  55*  37,  lotdr  59b  13, 
lottm*-  60*  28. 

(«0   dta  (itum  est)  55*  3,   sudigihe  (positum  est)  56b  6,  alta 
(alta**  est)  59*  6,  riastartha  59*  33. 
(O    mom  58*  14,  brissis  58b  7,  61b  l^fiehu  63*  35,  /trot*  58*  9, 

*^f  **  68b  28>  69*  32>  lWa,>  59*  36>  "**#«"  5?a  42>  *r^*«  62b  2> 
i  58*  29,  eum-rigis  62b  44. 


III.    Compound  Verbs  with  ro-  Infixed. 

1.    The  compound  contains  only  one  preposition. 

Obthotonic.  Enclitic. 

•A-lgor,  timeo. 
td-raicfoetar  Ml.  80d  4,  ad-raigsetar 
124*  6  (bis). 


92  THE    PARTICLE    RO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

Orthotonic.  Enclitic. 

adoraim,1  adoro. 
at-ror  (rel.)  Ml.  69d  3,  ad-rorsat  (rel.) 
Wb.  lb  19. 
frith-ailim,  expecto. 

fris-raiUiur  Ml.  86d  8. 
ad-amraigim,  miror. 

ad-ru-amraigset  Ml.  88a  18. 
aith-anim,  mando. 

ad-roni  (rel.)  Wb.  29b  29  (bis). 
imm-anim,a  delego. 

imme-rdni  Bcr.  39d. 
for-asaaim,  proficio. 

ei  for-rdsus-sa  Acr.  40,  for-rassau- 
siu    Ml.    43d    17,    for-raraissiu 
38*9,  for-rds  115*  11. 
aith-  (ad-)  balim,'  morior. 

dt-ru-balt  Ml.  144d  3,  att-ru-baltar 
100*  1. 

di-badim/  extinguo. 

co  n-der-badad  Wb.  27*  21. 
com-airliur,  consulo. 

Ia88%  9-rairle*tar  Ml.  125c  1. 
ceta-bin,  sentio. 

lose  eita-ro-ba-sa  Ml.  44b  22. 
ad-berim,6  dico. 

aut-ru-bert  Cod.  Cam.    37d,  ad-ru- 
bartmar  (rel.)  Sg.  197b  16. 
ar[a]-berim,  generally  with  biuth,  utor. 
an  ara-ru~burt  Ml.  108a  2,  ar-ro-bert    ni  ar-bart  Ml.  36*  4,  *S  or 
Wb.  29d  23,  ara-ro-bert  (rel.)  Ml.         r-bartatar  Sg.  40b  9. 
66°    19,    ar-ru-bart   Ml.   21*   11, 
21d  4,  35b11,  42b  6  (an),  53*  12 

1  A  verb  borrowed  from  Lat.  adoro,  and  treated  partly  as  a  simple  rerb,  as 
in  adras,  partly  as  a  compound,  as  in  the  above  forms.  In  Ml.  14b  4  the  form 
adrodar  is  not  clear  to  me. 

*  imm-rdniy  imm-ransat  Tir.  5. 

3  Cf.  eo  n-er-baltatar  LU.  77b  38. 

*  rfo-r-ro-Warf  LU.  97a  23. 

*  at-ru-bart  Carm.  Ml.,  LU.  97*  31,  cf.  Windisch  s.y.  at-biur. 


THE    PANICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TEACHAN. 


93 


Orthotonic. 
(an),  61d  11,  ara-ru-bart  Sg.  78*  1 
(asum  esse),  Ml.  1 12b  5  (ma),  ara- 
r-ru-bart  60*  3  (usum  esse),  ar-ru- 
bartatar  (MS.  arrubartdrtatar) 
Ml.  33*  14  (an),  34*  4  (an), 
100°  25,  123*  4,  ara-ru-bartatar 
Sg.  40b  12  (wifcm,  M8.  ararubatar), 
Ml.  91*  1  (<**),  97d  2,  125d  5, 
131*11,  136b3(rel.). 

est-berim,1  dico. 

as-ru-burt  Wb.  9C  I  (rel.),  Sg.  91*  3 
(rel.),  Ml.  50*  7  (rel.),  cias-id- 
ru-burt  Sg.  58b  1,  75b  2,  99*  3, 
218*  6,  ciai-id-ru-bart'ia  Ml. 
3*  15,  66c  1,  a%-ru-bart  Wb.  4d  16 
(rel.),  7°  8,  7C  18  (rel.),  10*  26 
(rel.,  eid),  10d  2  (rel.),  llb  5 
(rel.),  13d  23  (an),  26*  3  (rel.), 
27d  27  (rel.),  32°  13  (rel.),  32d  2 
(rel.),  Sg.  21b  10  (rel.),  22*  3, 
39*  5  (rel.),  55*  3  (rel.),  56b  13, 
138*  6  (rel.),  157b  7  (rel.),  Ml. 
15*  2  (rel.),  32d  5  (rel.),  35*  7 
(rel.),  35°  26  (an),  43d  1  (intan), 
45*  8  (rel.),  48°  10,  50b  8  (rel.), 
51*  19  (rel.),  51d2  (amal),  53*17 
(intan),  53b  26,  53°  16  (intan), 
55«  3  (rel.),  59*  7  (rel.,  atrubbart), 
62°  1,  62°  1  (amal,  MS.  rubart), 
64d  8  (rel.),  65°  6  (rel.),  66d  15 
(rel.),  67b  3,  73d  4  (rel.),  83b  13, 
89*  2  (an),  92*  12  (rel.),  94*  13 
(rel.),  100°  13  (rel.),  101°  4  (rel.), 
102*  3  (rel),  112d  2  (bis,  rel.), 
125*  2,  131°  14  (rel.),  as-id-ru- 
bart  Sg.  220*  10  (rel.),  «-ro-iar[/] 


Enclitic. 


ni  dr-burt  Ml.  44b  19,  dia 
n-6r-bart  Wb.  13°  12, 
fruan-tr-brath  Sg.  220* 
10,  ni  -  sn  -  arb[ar£]atar 
Ml.  29*  4. 


1  With  prefixed  mi-,  mi-est-berim  male  dico,  innahi  mfarbarlQmar  Ml. 
56*  26 ;  ms-ru-bart  LU.  64*  24,  u-ru-bairt  69*  24,  at-id-ru-bairt  71*  29. 
The  ami  form  in  the  early  Sagas  is  at-bert. 


94  THE    PARTICLE    *0-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

Orthotopic.  Enclitic. 

Ml.  17b  23  (rel.),  as-ru-bartmar 

Wb.  8d  26  (rel.),  Sg.  55d  5  (rel.), 
•       188*  29  (rel.),  Ml.  34b  8  (rel.), 

37»  14  (bis,  intan),  54»  32  (rel.), 

111°  9  (rel.),  136°  13  (rel.),  <w- 

ru-bartatar  Wb.  18d  1  (rel.),  Ml. 

16°  5,  20b  2  (rel.),  24d  4  (rel.), 

huare  a9-in-ru-bartat[ar]  131d  12, 

as-ro-brad  Wb.  3C  31  (rel.),  5a  4 

(rel.),  10d  8  (rel.),  12d  26  (rel.), 

33b  16  (an),  Ml.  16»  14,  31b  24, 

32«   15    (atrial),    33d    12    (rel.), 

37b  24  (amal),  45»  9  (rel.),  72b  4b, 

Tur.   62    (intan),    as-ind-ro-brad 

50b  8  (rel.). 
for-berim,1  cresco. 
for-ru-bart  Ml.  33c  10,  64c  7,  for- 

ru-barimar  102a  1,  fvr-ru-bartatar 

101*  10,  103d  6  (M8.  forrubarty 

di-bidcim,  iaculor. 

do-ro-bidc  Ml.  58°  3,  do-r-ru-bidc 
40d  9  (iaculatum  esse). 

for-briflgim,  supero. 

for-ror-bris  Ml.  34b  16,  67b  24  (rel.). 
ceta-canim,  primus  (primum)  cano. 

intan  cita-rochet  Ml.  44b  4,  ceta-ro- 
ehet  (rel.)  86d  19b. 

for-canim,  doceo,  instituo. 
for-roichan-sa  Ml.  17d  1,  for-tan- 
roichan-ni  22°  3,  for-ro-chain2 
68b  8,  for-tan-roicheehnatar*~ni 
(rel.)  63b  1,  fo[f\-ro-chet  (rel.) 
35b  19. 


1  Cf.  fororbairt  F61.  Pr.  173,  where  ro-  is  inserted  as  though  the  first  part 
of  the  compound  were  /o-.  Cf.  fodarorcenn,  fororcmnta  p.  96,  forrorbt  i» 
p.  94,  fotroirgell  p.  99. 

3  For  the  regular  forroichain,  cf.  horumaith  p.  86,  xnrograinn  p.  101. 

8  For  the  regular  fortanroichnetar,  cf.  forruleblangatar  p.  102. 


THE   PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH— J.    8TRACHAN. 


95 


Obthotonic. 
to-eathim,1  consume 

du-ro-chthaisset  ML  98b  13. 
ar-cellaim,  rapio. 

ar-id-ro-eheU  Sg.  202*  7. 
fo-eelim,*  expecto,  euro. 

fo-n-ro-chkd  Wb.  19«  13. 
for-cennaim,'  perficio,  absumo. 

last*  for-ru-chifuat  Ml.  100d  9,  for- 
ru-m-chenad-ia  127°  10,  fo-da-ro- 
r-cennWb.  11»  27. 
to-cer4-,  cadere. 

do-ro-chair  Sg.  29»  8,  Tur.  18,  do- 
ro-chratar  (g.  interiisse)  Ml.  36d 
13,  du-ro-ehratar  91°  18  (tntan). 
as-ro-chett5  (g.  expansum  est)  Ml. 

39«  11. 
ar-cessim,  parco,  indulgeo. 
air  ar-ro-cheiss  Ml.  61*  9. 
fo-cladim,  effodio. 

fo-roichlaid  Ml.  24°  18. 
ad-eobraim,  concupisco. 

ad-ro-chohursam  (rel.)  Ml.  56b  24, 
ad-ro-chobairset  (rel.)  67b  10. 
aith-cotadaigim,  reconcilio. 


to-crechaim,  excogito,  molior. 

an  du-ro-chreeh  Ml.  68°  11,  an  du- 
ro-chrecksat  47d  15. 


Enclitic. 


ni-r-ru-foircneda    Ml.    94° 
18. 


nicon-ru-ac-cobrus  Ml.  1 36b 
7. 


tit    rad  -  chotadaiged 
32d  24. 


Ml. 


1  Add  to  the  examples  quoted  of  this  verb,  Wb.  31d  11,  nachitochthad  'let 
him  Dot  wear  thee  out.' 

*  fo-ro-chlad  Hy.  ii,  15. 

*  foror-cttmta  F61.  Pr.  87  (M8S.  vary  between  fororenait  and  forforeennta). 
Does  this  verb  lurk  in  for-ruchui .  .  .  g.  conficit,  Ml.  121c  24  P  Other  examples 
of  the  Terb  are  foreennatar  Ml.  48*  15,  o-foircniti*  54»  18,  forceinfiter  56c  19. 

*  Cf-  "Windisch  s.t.  torehar. 

*  Ci.  Ascoli,  Supplement  Feriodichi  dell'  Archivio  Glottologico  Italiano 
129  sq. 


96 


THE    PARTICLE    *0-    IN    IRISH— J.    STRACIIAX, 


OltTHOTONIC- 

ceta-cretim,  primus  credo. 

eeta-ru-ehrrii (r$L)  Wb.  7^  11,  elatu- 
rtt-chmtset  (reL)  14*  29. 
ara^criaim/  defitiseor. 

ara-rut-chwir  ML  136*  8, 
to-curiur,  adsoiaco, 
do-[r2*r&'thmre»tar  Sg.  184*  2,  do- 
ro -churn  tar    ML     16*    6,    do-ro- 
ehuiriitar    ML    25°    13,    ifo-r*- 
ehuirsemmar  Sg,  6b  18- 

fb-daliin,*  dispertlo. 

aw»ai  fQ-nd-ro-iil  Wh.   10*  11,  >- 
ro-^fl  ML  99*  4. 

ad-damim,3  profiteer,  eoneedo. 
ad-ro-ditmar  Acr,  99,  *i-rtf-[A*]j«(fr- 
m  29  (reL), 

fo-damim,*  patior. 
fo-ro-damar-ta  ML  22d  5  (reL), 
68d  13  (reL),  132*  12,  fo-r-ro- 
damar  Wb,  19*  30,  fo-ra-dumar 
ML  95d  18,  14  (reL),  ./W-ro- 
damar-m  39*  13,  fo-ro-rfiininir 
54b  28  (reL),  ct  54*  35,  G2d  9 
(reL),  133*  6  (reL),  fu-ro-damair 
131b  12  (reL),  fo-rQ-damnator 
ML  90*  13  (reL),  fu-ro-damtetar 
(reL)  96b  8,  amal  fu-nd-ro- 
dammtar s  105b  9. 


i.mc 


&-arr-ce<rrafor  Ml,  26d 

» j   rii  -  (A*  -  churmtar 
18-16. 


i»n  dr-damar-su  Acr,  46. 


*  tfr-ro-eftivif  FeX  Pr.  67,  127,  flr-ro-tAijWrMi*  LU.  231'   10;    «i  it  nflfffr 
LL.  2i&*  49. 

* /a-re-rfta*  LU.  68*  20,  cf,  Wmdi-.-h  W'b,  s.t. 

*  mm  immelT  Fe"L  Fb,  9,  m  nr-rfftmrfr  LtL  U2*  41. 

*  tmd for-dmmir-$a  LL.  119*  1,  ni  fw-ddmair  IXk  III*  12. 

*  The  «  in  this  form  h  remarkable,  m  do  n  appear*  in  ottar  part*  of  . 
tern.     If  we  could  suppose  that  in  the  perfect  of   -mmniur  there  wu  >it 
time  a  singular  wriwir  by  a   plural  *m*ma*tm\  -damtuttar  might  have 

lie   analogy  *>i  thirt,    hut    moh   uii   explanation   U  purely   tnpnth 
pi  an  intortigntirm  of   the  eorabiuatkm  *wn  in  Celtic,  such   i 
ik  der  Sonanten-theorie  87  »q>,  hns  conducted  fur  other  Jdg, 
would  bring  some  light. 


THE    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH— -J.    STRACHAN.  97 

Obthotonic.  Enclitic. 

com-dedaim,  contabesco. 
9-ro-dedam.  118b2. 

eom-delgaim,  comparo. 

a  conro-delgg  Sg.  40*  20,  o-ru-dek 
ML  55*  3,  cota-ro-delc  55d  8. 

for-dingim,  opprimo. 
for-ru-<Udach-*u    Ml.    96°    17,    Use 
for-ru-didgatar  63c  3. 

di-donaim,  solor. 

do-ron-donad-niWb.  16b  17. 

fb-drnbaim,  moror. 

afo-r-ru-driib  ML  49b  10. 

firi*a-dunaim,  obstruo. 

fru-ro-diintat  Ml.  22»  2,  39d  4. 

ar-$gim,  qneror. 

or  ro-ctxg  ML  58b  14,  ar-ru~<£ig 
(reL)  54b  29,  ciar-ud-reig  50d  1. 

dl-ellaim,  devio. 

do-relUat  Ml.  36°  22,  du-rehat 
105*  18  (reL). 

com-Ginim,  servo. 
9-roitatar  Ml.  55e  1. 

di-emim,  Telo,  protego. 

do-r-r-et-sa  (rel.)  Wb.  31*  1,  <fo-r-*tf 
ML  16c  8,  du-nd-r-et  (rel.)  40b  8. 

eom-erbim,  confido. 

a  eon-id-rerp  ML  54b  1,  lasse  can-id- 
rerp  lC6b  8,  a  conn-id-rerb  som 
33b5. 

di-fedim,  edaco. 

d*-d*-ruidm.e>&>  12. 

ad-fenaim. 

Am*   ad-ru-9-pin  (gl.  iurando)   Ml. 
78*5. 
FhlL  Tmis.  1895-7.  7 


98  THB    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

Obthotonic.  Enclitic. 

fo-feraim,1  efficio. 
fo-ruar  Wb.    2*   18,    8b   5    (rel.), 
14°  43,  Tar.  48,  fo-d-ruar  Wb. 
15*  15  (rel.),  Ml.  20*  17. 
di-flchim,  vindico. 

da-ruich    Ml.     43d    19,     do-ro-acht 
98d  9,    38d  8   (intan),  Tur.   81 
(rel.),  an  du-ru-acht  Ml.  43d  11. 
in-flllim,  implico. 

in-ru-Jilim.  33°  11. 
to-foidim,  mitto. 

do-roid-ni  Ml.  53d  9  (rel.). 
remi-foidim,  praemitto. 

or  (»a»)  remi-roid  Ml.  31c  9. 
ceta-gabim,  primus  usurpo. 

cita-ro-gab  Ml.  38°  3  (rel.). 
di-gabim,  adimo. 

di-ro-gbad  Sg.  9b  16,  amal  du-ro-gab 
Ml.  34d  18,  eo  du-ro-gabsat  108*  6, 
do-ro-gbad  17»  13.* 
friss-gabim,  coerceo,  freno. 


to-gaim,  deligo. 

do-b-roiga-sa  Ml.  103°  15  (iarsindi), 
du-roigasu  138b  8,  do-r6igu  Wb. 
4*  31,  4C  16  (htre),  5b  12  (rel.), 
do-r-roigu  5b  1  (rel.),  do~b-r6igu 
26a  24,  do-roigaid  20a  4  (rel.),  do- 
roigatar  5b  12  (hore),  do-roigad 
Ml.  123*  14,  do-rogad  124c  13 
(delectum  esse). 

to-gaithim,  decipio. 


ni  ru-frith-gab  ML  124«  11, 


ni  ru-th6-ga\Uam  Wb.  16* 
22,  ni-m-thor-gaith  Ml. 
38*  13. 


1  Cf.  Windisch  Wb.  s.v./oin'/w,  perf.  pass,  foruireth  ^fo-ro-ftrad  ib. 
*  The  meaning  seems  to  be  4  he  was  lessened,'  i.e.  *  he  waa  made  lower  than 
the  angels.'     In  Ml.  60*  8  we  should  read  ni  do  ragab. 


THE    PARTICLE    SO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 


99 


Okthotonio. 
aith-gaxim,  veto. 

ad-ob-ra-gart  Wb.  19b  5,  hore  ad-ro- 
grad  3C  22. 
ar-garim,  veto. 

ara-ro-gart  Wb.    5C  23  (bis,  rel.), 
ciar-id-ro-ga[r]t  Ml.  132*  10,  ara- 
ro-grad  Wb.    3C  25  (rel.),   amal 
ar-ro-grad  9b  13. 
to-garim,1  toco. 

do-ro-gart  Wb.  21*  2  (rel.),  Ml. 
69*  14  (rel.),  do-da-ro-gart  Wb. 
22«  1  (rel.),  da-ro-gart  Ml.  20*  2 
(rel.),  do-ro-grad  Wb.  10*  12 
(a«tf/)>  10»  22  (rel.),  do-b-ro-grad 
24°  4,  do-n-ro-grad  20d  9. 
tris-gataim,  foro. 

dris-ro-gat  Ml.  86a  6. 
for-gellaim,*  perhibeo. 

late  for-ru-gitt  Ml.  97»  12,  for-ro- 
geUam-ni  (rel.)  Wb.  25d  20. 
ar-gniu,s  facio. 

ar-ru-genisiu  (gessisse)  Ml.  72b  20. 
di-gmu,  facio. 

do-rignius-ia  Wb.  24b  12  (rel.),  do- 
rignius  Ml.  47a  20  (rel.),  ma  du- 
d-rignius  23°  27,  do-rigenuas-sa 
2*  6  (rel.),  do-rignis  (rel.)  46b 
24,  26,  do-r-rignis  Sg.  2l7a  5 
(rel.),  du-rignistu  Ml.  63°  5  (rel.), 
amal  du-nd-rign%8  128a  12,  (fo- 
rty Au  Wb.  12*  29  (rel.),  13d  30 
(rel.),  Sg.  209b  10  (rel.),  do-rigeni 


Enclitic. 


ni  ar-gart  Wb.  31c  25, 
intan  nadn-ar-gart  ML 
53d  9. 


ni  dermis  *  Ml.  39ft  11, 
odergini  Sg.  100a  11, 
ndddeirgdniWb.  13b  17, 
m  dergini  Ml.  114b  12, 
«ko/*  -  dergeni  36a  1 , 
nadn-dergeni  23c  15, 
39a  15,  cf.  69c  7,  imcA 
<kra*  128c  3,  co  n- 
dergensat  Sg.  187b  6. 


i  do-ro-grad  Fel.  Mr.  10,  Sp.  5. 

*  fo-t-roir-gell  Cormac's  Gloss.  8.T.  imbas  forotnax. 
»  ni  mad-air -genus  LU.  61*  2,   fit  ar-gemat  68*  12. 

*  »t  dernuM  may  be  explained  as  due  to  the  analogy  of  the  perfect  passive 
ni  drrnad  =  nt  di-ro-gndth.  So  after  dordnad  {s=di-ro-gnith)  arise  active  forms 
like  dodroni  LU.  83*  29,  dorontat  87*  16,  etc.  Conversely,  after  the  active 
d*ngn%,  etc.,  arise  passive  forms  like  dorigned  LU.  96*  28,  etc. 


100  THE    PARTICLE    RO-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAN. 

Orthotonic.  Enclitic. 

(rel.)  Wb.  lla  28,  do-rigeni 
11»  30  (rel.),  21d  11  (an),  22*  12 
(an),  27*  10  (rel.),  30*  8  (an),  Ml. 
55d  4  (rel.),  24°  13,  98°  6  (rel.), 
129d  5  (rel.),  amal  [_as]ne  dor[%]geni 
27b  13,  do-r-rigeni  Wb.  30d  22, 
15d  13  (Mre),  amal  do-nd-rig&ni  6d 
2,  do-rigni  4C  32  (rel.),  Ml.  19°  19 
(rel.),  46b  30,  42b  24  (rel.),  48d  28 
(rel.),  51a  16  (rel.),  50d  15  (rel.), 
116d  4  (rel.),  du-rigeni  67b  17 
(rel),  74b  7  (ar),  85°  9  (rel.), 
91b  12  (rel.),  129d  5  (an),  du-rigni 
23b  11  (rel.),  24*  8  (an),  31b  24 
(an),  39b  2  (rel.),  50d  10  (amal), 
67d  2,  91°  9  (rel.),  96d  3,  4  (rel.), 
98°  6  (rel.),  124d  5  (an),  du-d- 
rigni  54d  16  (rel.),  du-drigni 
62*  19  (rel.),  124b  3  (rel.), 
du-8-rigeni  54*  34,  du-nd-rigni 
89*  3  (amal),  51*  16  (amal),  53b27 
(amal),  da-rigni  Sg.  31b  22,  Ml. 
51d  2  (rel.),  55°  3,  4,  du-nda- 
rigni  93d  14,  andrtgni  124b  5 
(dorigni  ?),  do  -  rigensam  "Wb. 
14b  26  (rid),  24d  3  (an),  do- 
rigensam  Ml.  46b  26  (rel.),  ria 
do  d-rigensid  Wb.  20d  3,  du- 
rigensid-ri  33d  5  (rel.),  da-rig  en ri 
9C  29,  do-rig&ntat  7d  10,  11*  30 
(rel.),  28d  19  (rel.),  do-rigeenmt 
5*  24,  Uo-rigensat  Ml.  23b  5  (rel.), 
28d  7,  29d  8  (rel.),  43b  13  (rel.), 
46d  10  (rel.),  48b  18  (rel.),  54*  34 
(rel.),  80b  10  (rel.),  90°  12  (rel.), 
97b  4  (rel.),  124d  4  (rel.),  136b  4 
(rel.),  do-ringensat  16d  6,  amal  do- 
nd-rigensatWb. 26a20,  du-rigemat 
Ml.  50c  7  (rel.),  62d  6  (rel.),  80b  4 
(rel.),  84c   1,  91*  21   (rel.,   bis), 


THE    PA*RT1(5lE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 


101 


Orthotonic. 
105*  2  (reL,  bis),  du-nd-rxgensat 
68b  4  (amal),  87*  8  (rel.),   da- 
rigensat  8g.  213*  1  (rel.),  do-nda- 
ngensat  Ml.  31b  17  (rel.),  do-ronad 
ML  88*  17  (rel.),  90c  11,  do-r- 
ronad  Wb.    24d-  5   (factum   esse 
pacem),  eed  du-rdnath  33*  15,  iw- 
rww<*  Ml.  136°  1  (rel.),  do-rdnta 
8g.   216*  1    (reL),  do-ronta  ML 
133*  5. 
fo-gnin,1  servio. 
fo-rui-gini  (rel.)  Wb.   13b  7,  amo/ 
fo-rui-geruid  Wb.  3b  28,  /o-rwt- 
gensat  lb  22  (rel.). 
aith-gonaim,  repungo. 

ad-ro-gegon-ta  Sg.  181*  7. 
ad-grennim,  persequor. 

ata-roi-grainn   ML    30b  2,    ad-roi- 
gegrannatar  (rel.)  25b  11. 
ra-grennim,  persequor. 

i*  roi-grainn  Ml.  26d  3,  37*  4  (0/), 
an  in-roi-grann  36d  7,  in-ro-grainn 
26b  24. 
fb-illim,  mereor. 

ma  fu-roillissem-ni  Ml.  100d  8. 
ets-laim,*  excedo. 

as-ru-luiis*  Wb.  17d  16  (reL). 
to-laaim,  pono.8 

dus-rah  Ml.  23«  16,  do-ralad  Wb. 
13d  8  (reL),  Ml.  14b  12  (rel.), 
du-ralad  Ml.  67d  9. 
ar-ledm,  mutuo  do. 

ara-reOced  Ml.  36*  30  (reL). 


Enclitic. 


dia  fo-r-ginsam  Wb.  3C  15, 
fo-r-geni  (rel.)  ML  44c  9. 


i  diafor-geni  LTJ.  60»  42. 
3  as-ro-la  Fel.  A  p.  3. 

»  d#-ra-lus  Ffl.  Pr.  15,  da-ro-lu$  LL.  251b  17,  do-r-ra-h.id  LU.  97»    18. 
On  a  in  doralad,  etc.,  see  Thurneysen,  Kelto-Eomanisches  34. 


102 


THE    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH- 


STRACHAN. 


Orthotonic. 
ar-legaim,  recito. 

ess-lenim,  inquino. 

lase  08-ru-lensat  Ml.  74a  3,  as-ro- 
llenad  124d  17,  as-ru-lenta  28a22, 
100c  18. 

di-legaim,  deleo. 

du-roi-lgedWb.  2d  13. 
fo-lengim,1  praevenio. 
fo-roi-blang  Ml.  43d  16,  95d  11,  but 
forroiblang    107d   13,    ar  fo-roi- 
blachta  58d  6. 

for-lengim,'  subsilio. 
for-ru-leblangatar  Ml.  129c  21. 

to-linaim,  mano. 

do-ru-lin  (manasse)  Ml.  64c  18. 

di-logaim,  remitto,  ignosco. 

amal  do-ro-lgi$  Ml.  125a  12,  amal 
du-ro-lgissiu  124a9,  du-nd-ro-lgis 
(rel.)  Ml.  46*  29,  do-roAaig  Ml. 
49c  9,  50d  15  {amal),  136*  2 
(lase),  du-ro-lged  Wb.  3b  12,  Ml. 
124b  3  (amal),  do-ro-lgetha  Wb. 
26c  11  (rel.),  do-ro-lgida  Ml. 
32c  15. 

imm-lodV  circumivi. 


Enclitic. 

con-da-ar-leg  Ml.  43b  14. 

nod  reildisem-ni  Ml.  63d 
15.  With  extension,  ar 
(='an)ru-n-e\lle8tar  Ml. 
63a14,ro-^i7W127»13. 


ar-mertaim,  statuo. 

ar-ro>mertu8    Ml.    51a    12, 
mertus  58c  9,  58d  17. 


ni  derAaicHa  Wb.  33*  18. 


nio-im-ru'ldatar  Tur.  64. 


ar-ru- 


1  Cf.  remfolaingsiu  g.  anticipa  Ml.  44c  24,  remfolaing  g.  praereni  100*  12, 
co  rntiifotl  ut  anticipet  23»  8. 

•  The  snme  compound  is  found  LU.  85b  28  forl'xng  agaisced,  19*  14  /or- 
rorbfivrr,  th<»  verbal  noun  8ob  30  oc  forldim  a  gaiscid.  forrukblangtmr  is 
irregular  for  forroiblang tar,  cf.  fortanroichechnatar  p.  94. 

3  Mir*/  im-ru-laid  Ir.  Paalt.  1.  468. 


THE    PARTICLE    *0-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 


103 


Obthotonic. 
to-maidixn,  erampo. 

to-melim,1  consume 

to-midiur,*  emetior,  pondero. 

do-ru-madir  Ml.  16c  11  (rel.),  an  do- 
ruimdetar  87°  4. 
fo-mimaigim,  subigo. 
fo~$-ro-mamaigestar  (MS./(W0  amtna- 
maigedar)  Ml.  67b  24. 
ar-moininr  feid,  honoro. 

ar-ru-muinset  Ml.  90*  1 . 
to-moiniur,  puto. 

du-ru-mmar*  Ml.  32*  10,  49b  13, 
130d  4,  do-ru-menair  61d  2  (rel.), 
ma  do-d-ru-menatar  Sg.  27*  18, 
do-ru-mmatar  Ml.  35b  18,  du-ru- 
m**atar  80b  10  (rel.). 

ar-nascim,  despondeo. 

ar-ob-r6inase  Wb.  17b  27. 
ar-nertaim,  cohortor. 

ar-ru-nert  Ml.  130b  2. 
di-meccim,  contemno. 


eom-nesrim,4  inculco. 

toss  co-ru-nts  Ml.  102d  5. 
di-nestim,  sperno. 

an  da-ru-nesus  Ml.  36c  1. 


En  clitic. 
asa-to-r6imed  Wb.  11*  19. 
ni  tor-mult  Wb.  18*  10. 


nb-tor-menarsa  *M1.  42* 
10,  ni  tor-menmar-ni 
115b  1,  ni  thor-mmid 
68b  1,  ni  tor-msnatar 
90°  5,  106<*  11,  nad  tor- 
menatar  90°  6,  95b  3. 


ni  ro-di-mictstar  Ml.  119* 
10. 


1  do-ro-me\U  Ir.  Psalt.  1.  71,  du-s-ro-malt  Trip.  Life,  cf.  Windisch  s.v. 
Uimlim. 

*  A>-«#-m«fir  Cormac's  Glossary  s.v.  JaMA.  To  this  verb  may  be  referred 
d*-*-ritimdetHar  FeL  Oeng.  Ep.  6,  according  to  the  reading  of  the  Laud  copy. 
In  so  old  a  text  dotrimemair  (the  reading  of  the  other  MSS.)  from  do-r\mim 
seems  an  impossibility. 

>  Wb.  has  a  form  without  ro-,  do-menar-ta  3C,  cf.  *o-m-»WM[ar]-*a  Ml. 
1301*  5.  It  may  be  noted  that  ro-  does  not  appear  in  the  subjunctive  of 
this  verb. 

«  Present  eo-t-nessiu-$a  ML  126'  17. 


104  THR    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAN. 

Orthotokic.  Encunc. 

ad-nethim,  sustineo. 

ad-ro-neestar  Wb.  4C  35. 
ar-nethim,  sustineo,  expecto. 

ar-ro-t-neithitusa  Ml.  46b  20,  ara- 
ru-t-neithiw-M  46d  14,  late  ar-ro- 
neith  50b  8,  cid  ar-ru-neid  68*  6 
(expectasse),  ar-ru-neastar  50b  8 
(reL),  ar-ru-neith$*t  50b  9. 
fo-rondaim,  fusco. 

fo-ro-raid  Ml.  51*28. 
ceta-pridehim,  primus  praedico. 

cetu-ru-pridaek  Wb.  26e  4  (reL). 
imm-radim,1  perpendo,  cogito. 

lotto  imms-ro-rdus  Ml.  96*  3,  imme- 
ro-raid  Sg.  197b  15,  ho  im-ro-rdai 
Per.  61*  1,  imm-un-ro-rdad  Wb. 
20*10. 
ind-refhim,  incurro. 

an  in-ro-rad-tu  Ml.  84c  2,  in-roraid 
66d#21,  in-ro-rthatar  35*  21,  Aw* 
in-ro-rthetar  104*  8. 
ad-rimim,  numero. 

ad-rui-rim  Ml.  28d  5,  ata-rui-rmUet    ni-n-ar-raim  49°  9. 
Sg.    188*  1,    &z««*  ad-rui-rmisset 
Ml.  101b  2,  at-rui-rmed  Wb.  2*  6 
(rel.),  an  ad-rui-rmed  2d  7. 
to-rlmim,*  enarro. 

do-rui-rim  Ml.  36b  6,  <im<i/  <&>-*»<£- 
rui-rmusem  Wb.  24d  16. 
fa-rimim,*  appono. 

i»/<i»  fo-rui-rim  Ml.  2*  6,  fo-rui- 
rmed  74°  20. 


1  im-ro-rdus  Fe"l.  Pr.  20,  21,  Jan.  7,  im-ro-rrfai*  Nv.  13,  tm#M-r< 
LL.  248*  26.  In  Ml.  90d  16  immerndaiuet  should,  with  Ascoli,  be  ch 
to  immerordaisiet,  '  it  was  plain  from  their  speech  the  iniquity  [with  anda 
indattdgid  g.  iniquiter  Ml.  66c  18J  which  they  had  in  their  thoughts.' 

*  do-rui-rmius  F61.  £p.  38. 

»  o-ru-rim  LU.  61b  12,  fo-rui-rmitet  82*  Zlt  fo-rui-rmtd  Stowe  ] 


THE    PARTICLE    J*0-    IN    IRISH— J.    STRACHAN.  105 

Orthotopic.  Enclitic. 

ind-samlur,  imitor. 

tn-ru-samlaMtar  Sg.  112b  4. 
etar-scaraim,1  sepono,  secedo. 

lasso  etar-dan-ro-icar-ni  Ml.  120*  3,     in  ru-etar-icar  Ml.  91c  1, 
itir-ro-*car\4ai]  Wb.  5b  34  (rel.).  dm  in  retar-scar  91°  1. 

to-sechim,  alo.a 

do-m-roi  sectatar  Wb.  17°  1. 
ar-attainr,  innitor. 

ar-roimur-ta  Ml.  88ft  9,  ar-roisestar 
18d  16  (innisum). 

fb-sutiur,  confiteor. 

a  Ju-roissestar  Ml.  46d  15. 
fo-digim,  lino. 

lau  fo-ruiUechta  Wb.  7d  9. 
di-cluindim,  recuso,  nego. 

do-ro-Mind  Ml.  58ft  11,  lasse  du-ru- 
sluind  93°  8,  do-d-ro-lluind  Tur. 
130,  do-ru-sluindtet  Ml.  90b  17,  cf. 
do-rkltuet  Wb.  5°  11,  do-riltiset* 
25*  13. 
ad-sodim,  retineo. 

adro-soid   Ml.    97d    16,   at-ro-ioid 
39*  16. 
etar-cuidigur,  interpono. 

etar-ru-tuidigeld]  Ml.  27d  23. 
ibr-raidignr,  saperpono. 

for-ru-tuidigestar  Wb.  7b  5. 
i&rmu-stiidigTir,  postpone 

iarmu-ru-*udige$tar  Ml.  130*  7. 


>   etar-ro-xradlx.  Psalt.  1.  312. 

*  The  more  primary  meaning  seems  to  have  heen  '  to  take  care  of:  cf.  isairi 
jo-s-roi-seeht-ta  eolleir  imbotxin  LL.  25 lb  5.  Perhaps  the  compound  was 
rather  to-en-iechim,  otherwise  why  is  the  *  preserved  r    Cf .  Gr.  rrw  ? 

*  These  forms  go  in  meaning  with  di-sluindim,  bnt  their  origin  is  not  certain. 
AfcoIi  seems  inclined  to  connect  them  with  dlsluindim,  from  -dittnd-,  -dild-. 
The  difficulty  in  this  is,  that  to  judge  from  d>lndiu,  dilliu  by  dhnd,  -dillnd- 
fihould  have  given  -dill-.  Stokes,  Old  Ir.  Gloss.  269,  suggests  di-lOadim, 
which  would  account  for  the  form. 


106  THE    PARTICLB    *0-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAN. 

Orthotopic.  Enclitic. 

do-ro-thethaig l '  lost '  ?  Tur.  17. 
com-tessaigim,  concalesco. 

con-ru-Utsaigestar  Ml.  59*  16. 
to-tluchnr,3  postolo. 

nad    ro-te-dlaigestar   ML 
124d  9. 
ad-trebaim,  habito. 

ad-ro-threb  Wb.  27»  12,  8g.  32*  6 
(rel.),  Ml.   17*  7  (rel.),  51*  28 
(rel.),  ad-ru-threb  92°  4,  113c  2 
(rel.). 
imm-trenaigim,  mando. 

eid  im-ru-threnaiged  Ml.    102d   15, 
im-ru-threnigthea  128c  4. 
ar-troithaim,  opprimo. 

ar-ruthro\th  Ml.  38d  7  (rel.),  ar-rw- 
throitkad  121d  9. 
com-uagim,  contexo. 
eon-ruaig  Ml.  99*  2. 

From  other,  texts  the  following  verbs  may  be  added : — 

ad-annaim,  accendo. 

ad-rannai  Pel.  Sp.  6,  ad-rannad  ib. 
Ap.  5. 
for-benim,'  caedo. 
for-ru-mai  LU.  64b  31.  ni  for-roim  LU.    69*   10, 

fit  for-bai  69*  8. 
imm-benim,  mutuo  caedere. 

im-ru-bai  Ir.  Text,  iii,  1,  240. 
imm-berim. 

imma-ru-bart  LU.  1  l4b  34,  im-da- 
ru-bart  LU.  43a  34,  imma-ro-brad 
LU.  98b  43. 

1  An  isolated  form  of  uncertain  origin.     Cf.  ad-rocthaig  "Windisch  Wb.  348. 
3  du-ro-thlaigc$tar  Trip.  Life. 

J  Cf.  Zimnier,  KZ.  xxx,  136  sq.     To  this  Thumeysen,  KZ.  xxxi,  86,  would 
doubtfully  refer  for-  ruib  Hy.  ii,  8. 


THE    PARTICLE    *0-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  107 

O&thotonic.  Enclitic. 

ad-comalnnr,  impleo. 

alro-comaUnad  Ir.  Psalt.  1.  307. 
fo-crothaim,1  quatio. 

f<hr-r<H>rath  LU.  86b  16. 
ad-ethaim,  adeo,  assequor. 
ad-reth  Fel.  Pr.  120,  Jl.  7,  Ag.  30, 
ad-rethsat  LU.  66*  36. 
do-fortaim,  effundo. 

do-rortad  Fel.  Mr.  27. 
imm-gabim,  vito. 

nad  rim-gab  LU.  73b  10. 
fringarim,  respondeo. 

fm-ro-gart  Trip.  Life, 
ad-gladur,  alloquor. 
ai-ro-gaiker   Fl.    Br.   231,   ata-ro-    ni-n-ar-lasair  LU.  71*  11. 
gladustar  Ir.   Text,   iii,   1,  239, 
ata-raglastar  LU.  86*  17,  enclitic 
form  ar-lastar  71*  40  (rel.). 
imm-la-,  venire,  accidere. 
imm-us-rala  LU.  83*  31,  cf.  Wind. 
Wb. 
fo-leicim,  demitto. 

fo-*-ro-laic  Hy.ii,  38, 62  (Francisc.).* 
to-lengim,  salio. 

do-r-roeblaing  LL.  25  lb  15. 
ad-midiur,3  conor. 

ad-ro-madair  Ir.  Text,  iii,  1,  190. 
ad-nacim,  sepelio. 

ad-ranacht  Tfr.  13.  co  ro-ad-nacht  LU.  98b  24. 

eeta-ordnim,  primus  (primum)  ordino. 
cita-ru-oirtned  primus  ordinatus  est, 
Tfr.  11. 


i   Cf.  foehrotha  LU.  74*  23. 

2  The  Trinity  College  copy  has  fotrofaich,  which  Windisch  accepts,  referring 
the  form  to  foalgaim.    But  from  that  verb  we  should  have  expected  fosralaig. 

*  Cf.  ctm-trr-madair  LU.  73b  21,  with  the  common  interchange  of  est-  and 
sd-.     Bat  conammadarsa  adiudicavi  Wb.  26b  21. 


108  THE    PARTICLE    fiO-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAN. 

Orthotopic.  Enclitic. 

fo-rethim,  succurro. 

fo-ro~raid  Hy.  v,  32. 
ess-regim,  surgo. 

o-irracht1  LU.  59*  36,  65* 
35,  etc. 
ad-teoch,*  precor. 

ad-roethach  Hy.  vi,"  20,  ad-roethech 
Pel.  Ep.  300,  atum-roethaig  Ir. 
Text,  iii,  1,  242. 


2.  The  compound  contains  more  than  one  pbeposition. 
A.    ro>  stands  after  the  second  or  third  preposition. 

to-imm-anim,3  mando. 

do-imm-arnad  Ml.  34*  6. 
to  ad-hadim,4  ostendo. 

do-dr-bith  Wb.   19°  11,  du-dr-baid    nod  tar-bas  Ml.    64d    13, 

Ml.  129c  15,  du-ar-baid  Ml.  46d        ni  tar-bas  65d  16. 

15,  du-air-baid  62°  5,  do-n-ar-baid 

Ml.  108*  7  (rel.),  dadr-baid  Sg. 

144b  3   (rel.),   du-ar-buid,  intan 

du-ar-buid  Per.  12*  3,   do-dr-bas 

Wb.  3d  21  (rel.),  15*  18. 

to-eu-ban,8  deficit. 

tes-ar-bae  Ml.  34c  16,  Wb.  77d  2.        manid -Us-ar-bi  Wb.  28d  SO. 


1  The  orthotonic  fonn  in  the  Sagas  is  usually  atraeht. 

*  Others  would  refer  this  to  (kg-,  whence  cuintgim.  But  ateoek  differs  from 
cuintgim  (1)  in  the  form  of  the  1  sg.  pres.  ind. ;  (2)  it  has  a  reduplicated  perfect, 
cuintgim  has  a  t  preterite  ;  (3)  it  inserts  ro-,  which  cuintgim  does  not. 

■»  timairtie,  timarnasat  Rev.  Celt,  xv,  491,  tan-imm-airni,  Miss  Stokes, 
Christ.  Inser.  ii.  27. 

4  But  cf.  p.  161,  note.  In  Wb.  19c  11  dodr-buid  belongs  to  another  Terb. 
Mr.  Stokes  trannlates  '  it  bound.'  We  may  compare  ara-tarbid  Ml.  131«  9f 
and  probably,  with  another  preposition,  at-roebaid  Salt.  Rann  3997. 

*  Cf.  Thurneysen,  KZ.  xxii,  92  sq. 


THE    PARTICLE    *0-    IN    IRISH— J.    8TRACHAN.  109 

Orthotopic.  Enclitic. 

to-fo-benim,  excldo. 

do-fo-r-bad-ri  Wb.  20*  15,  du-fo-r- 
bad  ML  92*  4. 

to-esft-beoim,  concfdo. 
do-dr-bai  Sg.  60b  18. 

rcmi-ess-berim,  supradico. 

remi-ar-burt  Ml.  23c  24  (rel.),  rw»»- 
er-&or*  ML  15b  3  (rel.),  reml-<6r- 
bart  74d  7  (rel.),  remi-er-bart 
94c  13  (rel.),  remi-ar-lartmarWi. 
36*  21  (rel.),  97*  7  (rel.),  *wwi- 
&r  bartmar  42°  34  (rel.),  retni-er- 
bartmar  73b  2  (rel.),  remi-er- 
bartatar  33*  1  (rel.). 

ar-fo-celim. 

ar-for-cheltal  Wb.  4C  37. 

to-imm-chellaim,  circumdo. 
du-m-imm-er-cheU  Ml.  108*  12. 

imm-to-imm  chellaim,  circumdo. 
%mm  -urn-  timm  -er-  chehat  -  sa    Ml. 
130b12. 

com-to-cer-,  concidere. 
con-tor-chratar  Ml.  48°  28. 

eom-fo-feraim,  compare 
eon-fo-roirisiet  Ml.  69*  9. 

eetfr-di-gnin,  primus  facio. 
cet-id-deirgni  Ml.  124b  3. 

com-od-gabim,2  attollo. 

conn-uar-gab  Ml.  37b  15,  con-uar- 
gabad  32°  1. 


1  Another  form  of  this  verb  with  ro-  after  the  first  preposition  will  be  found 
p.  112. 

>  Cf.  con-uar-gabad  Trip.  Life  i,  lzxv.     In  Ml.  20*  7,  in  the  metaphorical 
of  *  boast/  we  find  the  enclitic  nod  ru-chum-gab. 


110  THE    PARTICLE    SO-    IN    IRISH— J.    STRACHAN. 

Oethotonic.  Enclitic. 

to-od-gabim,1  attollo. 

do-fuar-gabsat  Ml.  96°  1,   tuar-gab    con-da-iuargabusa  Wb.  26d 
Wb.  26d  11.  10. 

imm-fo-langim,  efficio. 

immo-for-ling  Wb.    10c    18    (rel.),     dia  n-im -for -hinged  Ml. 
imme-for-ling  15b  8,  imm-for-ling        69d     4,      o-imme-for- 
16c  2,  im-for-ling  5b  21,  tmm-wm-         laingthea  63b  6. 
for-ling  13b  6  (rel.),  imm~id-for- 
ling  10°  20  (rel.),  24*  34,  21«  20 
(rel.),  im-for-linged  15d  21,  tm-t'm- 
for-laingis-se  Ml.  38d  18,  trnwi*- 
for-laing    38c    10   (rel.),    62b   5, 
90b  14  (rel.),  im-for-laing  61b  4. 

as-chtin-dar-laig,2  g.  disrupit  Ml.  83c  6. 

to-fo-com-salim,  transgredior. 

do-far-chossol  Wb.    13d   27,  rfo-/or- 
chosakam  21 b  4. 

to-fo-od-salcim,3  solvo. 

du-n-forsailc  Ml.  125a9,  do-forsaileed 
118d  20,  to-for$ailced  131d  1. 

to-fo-scagim,  discedo. 
do-forscaig  Ml.  37d  12. 

to-ind-scannaim,4  incipio. 
tind-ar-$ean  Tut.  49  (rel). 

ind-to-ind-scannaim,  incipio. 
in-tind-arscan  Tur.  49. 

to-di-od-sechim,  expergefacio. 
dan-dersaig6  Ml.  66c  14. 


1  Cf.  p.  113,  note  4. 

a  This  word  is  perhaps  to  be  analyzed  into  es8-com-di-Ug-%  but  why  should 
c  be  aspirated? 

3  do-ro8\lc.  Ml.  58*  11,  is  perhaps  to  be  referred  to  a  compound  to-od-sakitn, 
cf.  tartlaic  Hy.  i,  33,  -torslaic  Salt.  Rann  5827. 

4  dfi-ind-ar~*cansaty  Comma's  Gloss,  s.v.  Mug  erne. 

*  'God  aroused  him/     Of.  do-<f<rsaiyy  Corniac's  Gloss,  s.v.  Mugeme. 


THE    PARTICLE    £0-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAN.  Ill 

Orthotonig,  Enclitic. 

to-ad-selbaim,  attribno. 

du-air-ilbtet  Ml.  46d  10  (rel.),  do-    ni  thar-ilb  Ml.  49b  3,   ni 
air-i[l]b8et  53b  11  (rel.),  da-air-        tdir-ilb  36a  36. 
iLbiet  (rel.),  53b  11  (rel.),  du-air- 
itbed  117»  6,  121*  20,  [<&]-<wr- 
ilbed  2b  6  (rel.). 
to-fo-esa-semim,  creo,  condo. 

do-for-sat  (rel.)  Sg.  31b  5,   do-far-    ara-tor-sata    Ml.   42b  13, 
tot  (rel.)  Ml.  17b  6,  du-da-for-sat        120°  7. 
94b  7,  do-da-for-iat  130a  6  (rel.), 
an  do-forsat  Bcr.  40d  1,  do-for- 
«*0]M1.  17b2(rel.).1 
for-di-si8sinr(?),  lustro. 

for-der-isiur  ML  133b  8. 
eom-to-soim,*  converto. 

eon-to-roe  Ml.  123b  7,  o-to-rdd  Sg. 
106b  4,  5. 
to-ind-soim,'  verto. 

do-n-int-arrai  Wb.    16b   18   (rel.), 
du-int-arrai  Ml.  54d  3. 
ad-eom-od-tegim,  adstruo. 
ol  ad-o-ro-taig  Ml.  35b  13. 

B.    ro-  stands  after  the  first  preposition. 
ar-di-badim,4  extinguo. 

ar-ro-di-baid  Wb.  11»  19  (rel.),  ar- 
ru-di-baid  Ml.  99»  2. 
etar-di-benim,  perimo. 

huse  etir-ru-dib  Ml.  123b  10. 
imm-dLbenim,  circumcido. 

imme-rui-d-bed  Wb.  18d  9,  imm-um-     ni  roim-di-bed  Wb.  18d  9, 
rui-d-bed  23d  30  (rel.).  23d  25,   in  roim-di-bed 

2°  8. 

1  In  Ml.  110*  8  Ascoli  has  corrected  duforsaiuet  to  duforamisset.    Cf.  also 
p.  118. 

»  Cf.  also  p.  118. 

'  Ascoli's  analydia  to-ind-to-so-  is  equally  possible.     Cf.  also  p.  118. 

*  Verbal  noon  airdibdud,  airdibdud  cech  uilc  LL.  343b  37. 


Orthotopic. 

ind-ar-beiiim,  expello, 
tn+rarpaiar  ML  23d  9.1 

to-for-banim,3  pervenio,  evetiio* 
an  do*r6r~pai  8g*  196b  8, 

ad-od-berim,1  offcro. 

sd-roharl  ML  32b23,  ad~rchartat[ar\ 
14*    16,   ad~ropr*d   Wb.    15d   20 
(rel),  Gtam-roipred  ML  44c  17. 
ar  fo-celim,  tutor  (?). 

ar-n-datn-rm-Mu-i*  ML  74d  8  (reL). 
di-aith-clu  *  (?). 

dQ-r*cachtar  ML  53b   11    (reL),   rfo- 
watar  53d  17  (rd.). 
fries-ad-clu,  ex  pec  to,  spero\ 
frit-raeacha  ML  47*  8  (reL),  frit- 
mchm  68*  7  (sperasse),  huarefrit' 
raeatar  131*  10. 


to-aith-crenim,  redimo. 

do-Tad-rhtuir  Wb,  2b  1  (rd.)»  <£o-r- 
ratd-chiuir  32d  10  (reL).  «fc-r<i*A- 
*Ar*i/AnML  125b  9. 
to-ad-cridim,  exaeerbo. 
do-racraid  ML  28*  17. 


nat A-  im-rind~ arpai    WK 
6*  18, 

m  ru4hor-ha-*a  ML  44b  29, 
At  ri*-£A*r«&tftar  44b  29. 


rtt  df>-rnatar  ML  53b  11. 


in-ru-fr**~cachae  ML  44*  IS 
Ar'  rit-fres*each<to  44c  9, 
ni nt-free-cachiar  26*  25, 
3^  17,  ni  ru*fm  cunt 
72*  13,  iii  ra  rita'cid 
72*  13. 


1  At  46b  10  ML  ha*  ifiraAtf  wrA  u-dfitftidin  -     MM*,  tf,  ubietiU  otnni  emu, 
irwrkft.      Ill  ut'cortlAnce  with   the  huuto  poeeage*  we  ahoidii 


crawl 

*  de-t-rorpai,  Cormac'a  Glow,  b.t.  prulL 

*  a(-r6ptrt  Ttr,  1,  ttPr^md  FeL  Ep.  346. 

*  Id  the**  poMugt*  in  Ml  the  sense  U  p  to  took  to,  to  taut  in,1  a  sen* 
I  do  not  remember  to  hive  seen  elsewhere.  It  is  probable  that  th**. 
arv  JiaTiurt  (mm  the  compound  which  uppers  in  j^a*tkrmeka  LU.  > 

in  dtr&trhif-tu    87*    42,  uud    perhip  from  tU^^Htchut  lii\  t,    44<J. 

cf.  p,  161  note  2.     In  Ml.  3;i-  IK  is  found  the  cmiotii  form 

i ,  which  Mr.  Stokes,  conjectures  to  be  an  error  tor  *&iY«»uf,r 


THE    PARTICLE    RQ-    IN    IRISH — J-    STRACHAN. 


113 


Eg  CLITIC 

m  ar-r&tt  ML  34*  34,  m- 
m-ar-rottmar-ni  8g.  16C 
8,  ndd  ar-r6iimat  Wb, 
26*  23, 


Obtrotonic. 
ftr-fo-emim,  recipio,  adsumo. 

9r~r6mU**  Wb«  6d  14  (reL),  ara> 
rdit  4h  19  (ret),  9*  10  (reL),  «r- 

[T&t  Z2A  10  (roL),  ma  ar-reeVi1  28d 
28,  ara-rotHt  24*  32  (rel.)>  ara- 
nit  Ml.  17*  8  (reL),  ct  25'1  10t 
11,  an  ara-m-roet  13  lb  8,  trr-nM 
8g.  164*1,  ML  16-  4  (#*),  c£  17c 
3, 7,  ara-r&tmar  Wb.  9*  10  (reL), 
iMrrffttf  13*  20. 
**ind*fedim,*  enarro. 
«*iWirf   Ml.    107*    12,    oi-rindti, 
104*  8. 
to-Ufrfhim,3  fl0|  inipiro. 
*"  du-rin-fid  ML   96c  4,  da-fifhfiu 
Wb.3Ud  1. 
mWo-fetaim,  praesto. 
***+-mrt&  ML  36d  8, 
^•(fabaim,1  relinquo* 
A-^HAfMfl  Wb.   31 h    1,  fwatab 
MX  37d  10,  fu-r*gab  30*  9,  /*- 
r<t$wfoa*  95"  1ft. 

to-air- gabim^  profero,  emergo. 
fa*+ur<gab  ML  76fi  16,  du-rur-gab- 
•■*i  Act,    8,    du-rur-gabthn    Sg. 
®lm  15;  du~rur*gaib  ML  63*  15, 
•WMl  (<*}, 

1<N*^F^  Jan.  12. 

*  ^n*-jitf  Ir  Pool!.  H78. 
*Jfct***0*i  LL.  251*  6,  ffi-*-r«thu*  251"  L 1,  fo-d-raeaU  Ir.  Psalt  1.  168, 

*-"**•*  UT.  87-   31? :    twrh-ifi-firrtnh   lr,  PsaJt.   1,   462,  ouwrA -/*wtf  U\ 
W  *  **  /*f*«rf  20*  4,  frim~f«tvt*d  r>7 '  82,     Cf .  Windi&ch,  Wb* 

•  rf^or  appears  clearly  in  U  hdl  G.C.*  884.     Further,  to  this  may 


tur$<rirthi  ib.,  cf.  terit&r,  twrittmh  by  teirritt,  tairritiu, 
Olt^**  rtciiiii ;  to-for-&nh*  should  have  given  Wtff^flJ-,    The  forms  dofurpnbtu, 
+ftrmUr,  4  furgab  ML   138b  1,  dvfnrga%b  Ir.  Pfcalt. 

|J0,  fl^bt  «wru  to  point  to  to*for*f}ah*\  but  tht<  prot.  dmurgab  can  hardly 
0tfO»  from  bA-j   which   should  have   given   d<irorgah  or  <forti- 

4i»d  /fcr  in  the  second  place  regularly  Rppeara  as  /or,  not  a-  /Mr.      I 
|  #u'pkct  tb  aland-  tor  do-ttr-pai&f  with  the  aim  logical  ilitro- 

of  /,  of  which  1  hnve  spoken  in  my  pnper  on  the  Verb  of  the  Saltair 
a*  p+  6*      To   to-for-gabim  U  commonly  referred  tttar$abt  da-fitergub* 
^>rtetftjj  tmargtfb  might  come  from  to-for+ga&,  but  what  of  cU>~fuar$tt&?     So 

ffeiL  Tttuu.  1895-7.  8 


114 


THE    PARTICLE    *0-    IX    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 


Orthotonic. 

imm-imm-gabim,  evito. 
im-rim-gabsat  Bcr.  39c  1. 

ess-ind-gabim,  excedo. 

as-rin-gbus  Ml.  130d  4,  as-rin-gaib 
32d  8,  10,  huas-rin-gaib  22d  9, 
as-rin-gabiat  113d  8. 

to-ad-garim,  causor. 
do-raeartmar  Wb.  2a  16. 

ess-com-garim,  indico. 
as-ro-chon-grad  Ml.  121d  19. 

for-com-garim,  praecipio. 
for-ro-chon-gart  Wb.  20c  9,  Sg. 
199b  1  (rel.),  for-ru-chon-gart  Ml. 
145»  7  (rel.),  145a  8  (fait),  ar 
for-ru-ehon-grad  Ml.  34d  4,  for- 
ru-chon-rad  102d  15,  for-ror-con- 
grad  Sg.  199b  1  (rel.). 

to-air-ind-garim,1  polliceor. 

amal  du-nda-rair-giurtsa  Ml.  109c  9, 
do-rairn-gert  Wb.  14c  32,  25a  28 
(ait),  31*  7  (an),  31*  9  (rel.), 
30b  2  (rel.),  Ml.  46«  20  (rel.), 
136*  12  (rel.),  du-rairn-g&rt  Wb. 
5C  9  (aw),  30b  3  (*n),  33d  10 
(intan),  Ml.  74°  20  (rel.),  105b  11 
(rel.),  108b  7  (rel.),  108*  2  (rel.), 
123«  1  (rel.),  126*  10  (rel.), 
130c  16,  amal  du~nd-rai[r]n-gertar 
Ml.  67b  8,  do-rairn-gred  Wb. 
2C  12,  19°  5,  an  du-rairn-gred 
Wb.  19b  22,  33b  3,  huare  do- 
rairn-gerad  Ml.  113d  5. 


Elf  CLITIC. 


ni  em-gaih  Ml.  82d  19. 
Witb  ro-  prefixed,  nod 
rem-gabsat  Ml.  122d  8. 


far  as  1  know,  these  forms  occur  only  in  the  preterite.  At  p.  110  I  refer  them 
to  to-od-gabim,  tocbaim  e.g.  dofuargab,  as  above,  for  do-uargab  =  to-ud-n>-gab. 
Thus  we  should  have  ud  in  the  compounds  of  gabim  that  signify  actual  physical 
lifting  up,  tdcbaim,  conuebaim,  and  it  is  worth  noting  that  in  ooth  compounds 
ro  has  the  same  place.  A  further  compound  of  the  same  kind  is  arrocbat  LL. 
249»  2,  arrocbat  LU.  66»  11,  anocabtha  LU.  94  1.  19  (  =  ar-ro-Mrf-ya*-P). 

1  do-rairn-gert  LU.  97»    20,    do-rar-gertais  LU.   62b   23,    do-rairn-gertd 
LL.  252»  36. 


THE    PARTICLE    SO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 


115 


Orthotopic. 
fo-od-garim,1  indico. 
fo-$-rocurt  Wb.   24»  26,  fo-rdcrad 
19*6. 
to  air-icim,*  efficio. 

do-rdrrice  Wb.  3°  15  (rel.),  29,  do- 
rarice  (rel.)  19b  23,  du-rairic  Ml. 
33b  20  (rel.). 
con-to-airicim,  confero. 

las*  o-rt-taircU-siu  Ml.  77d  1. 
di-od-gellaim s  (?),  emo. 

da-rucelUat  Ml.  126*  7. 
eft-com-od-laim,  proficiscor. 

an  ai-ro-chum-lai  Sg.  7b  19,  as-ru- 
chum-lai  Ml.  17b  2. 
fo-ad-lagaixn,4  prosterno. 

fo-ralaig  Ml.  43d  5  (rel.). 
to-fo-illim,  mereo. 

com-air-lecim,  permitto. 

con-rair-leiciu*  Ml.  74°  15,  indaas 
o-id-rair-Ucis-siu  87a  8,  cot-rair- 
Uie  44d  16,  con-rair-leic  58°  6 
(rel.),  9-rair-leced  36»  29,  but  on- 
air-Uicthea  34d  21. 

ind-od-lud- (?),'  inire. 

tn-rualad-sa  Ml.  142»  2,  ani  in- 
rtM^  71c  7,  in-rualdatar  24b  11, 
62b  15. 


Enclitic. 


m  ro-thuilliwm  Wb.  24d  6. 

At  ru-m-chom-air-leicin-se 
Ml.  76d  5,  mm*  ro-chom- 
airleie  53d  9,  in-da-ron- 
com-ar-lecis-ni  (in-dan- 
ro-  Abc.)  77d  6. 

wad  rind-ualdatar  Ml.  24b 
11,  Awa  rind~ualad-su 
93c  14. 


1  Cf.  Windischs.v. /fcarim. 

3  do-raraicc  F£l.  Ag.  1 . 

s  Cf.  Verbal  8ystem  of  Saltair  na  Rann,  p.  66.  The  analysis  of  the  verb 
is  not  easy.  Forms  ending  in  -cell  might  be  explained  as  above,  but  what 
of  forms  like  doruaichill?  In  Ml.  darucelUat  should,  perhaps,  be  chained  to 
daruaceUsat. 

«  con-da -for  laig,  LL.  289*  47.  In  Ml.  123b  9  the  meaning  prosterno  does 
not  rait  the  context  well,  and  Ascoli  suggests  that  there  foraiaig  conies  from 
fo-luigim  abscondo,  cf.  forolgais  LU.  51b  14.  But  that  is  more  than  doubtful. 
To  cover  the  enemy  np,  or  hide  them,  would  be  a  curious  sort  of  circumvallation. 

*  The  analysis  of  the  verb  is  uncertain.  Ascoli  suggests  ind-fo-od-lml-, 
Thnmeyaen,  Kelto-Romanisehes  36,  \nd-o-lud-. 


116  THE    PARTICLE    RO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

Orthotonic.  Enclitic. 

com-fo-luaim,  convolo. 

o-ru-fo-luassat   ML    67c    16    (g. 
convolasse). 
to-ind-malcim,  promulgo. 
du-rin-mailc  ML  31d  3. 
for-aith-moiniur,  reminiscor. 
foruraithmimet  ML  135*  1.  ni  ru-for-aith-menair    ML 

24*  17,  24«  8. 
to-for-magim,1  augeo. 

du-ror-macht  ML  90d  1. 
to-ind-nacim,3  dono. 

do-r-rind-nacht  Wb.  20d  15  (reL). 
ad-com-olaim 3  (?),  coniungo. ' 

ad-ro-chom-ul  ML  58b  12  (reL). 
to-in-olaim,4  colligo. 

do-rin-6im.  51*  21  (reL). 
com-to-in-olaim,  colligo. 

lass  D-ro-th-in-oll  Sg.  66b  23. 
com-air-orcim,  erro. 
con-rer-ortatar   Sg.   210b   4   (/*ft), 
ML  75d  10  (reL). 
imm-ess-raim,5  navem  solvo. 

im-re-ra,  g.  solverat  Sg.  62b  7. 
ess-ess-regim,6  resurgo. 

as-rerachtWb.  4d  27,  13b  12,  15d  12 
(nr),  Tur.  19. 
di-ess-regim,7  desero. 

an  du-reracht  ML*  74b  4,  do-r&rachtid    nio-dt-raerachtatar  Ml.  57d 
(rc>L),    do-r-reractid    (rel.)    Wb.         12. 
18c  6. 


1  do-ror-macht  Ir.  Psalt.  337. 
-  do-rid- Httcht  Fel.  Nv.  12. 

3  nd-com-od-la-  Thurnevsen,  Rev.  Celt,  vi,  312,  cf.  p.  156. 
*  d»-dfi«,rihol  Ir.  Psalt.*214,  do-rinol  LU.  55»  32.    But  cf.  p.  156. 
5  A-scoli,  alter  Windisch,  postulates  simply  imm-ra%mt  but  both  the  vocalism 
aud  the  meaning  stem  to  call  for  something  more. 
«  as-rnacht  Fel.  Pr.  92,  Mr.  27. 
7  do-rtracht  Ily.  ii,  43. 


THE    PARTICLE    *0-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 


117 


Orthotopic.  Enclitic. 

air-di-ess-regim,  propono. 

ar-ro-dergua  Ml.  51a  13,  ar-ru- 
dergestar  Wb.  4C  13  (rel.),  ar-ru- 
derged  2b  10. 

di-od-rethim,1  resto. 

do-rua-rid  Ml.  44»  20  (rel.),  do-r-    ni  de-rua-rid  Ml.  31a  6, 
ruairthetar  Sg.  18»  16  (rel.),  do- 
rua-rthatar  6b  13. 

to-imm-to-rethim  (?),  ministro. 
do-d-rtm-thirid  Wb.  32*  15  (rel.), 
do-r-im-thirthetar  32b  5  (rel.). 
to-etar-rigim,  comprehendo. 

do-retar-racht  Ml.  33°  20  (esse  com- 
prehensum). 

to-fo-rindim,  signo. 
to-ro-ran  Ml.  29b  8. 

aith-to-fo-rindim,  repungo. 
ad-ro4hoirnd\u*  Sg.  181*  10. 

trcmi-to-fo-rindim,  transfiguro. 
trimi-ro-thorhditu-sa  Wb.  8d  26. 

eom  od-sanim,  desino. 

co-ro$an  torn  Ml.  113°  5  (cessasse). 


eom-od-fcagim,  moveo,  removeo. 
c9n~ro*caigi*-9%u  Ml.  21d  7,  &u*  «m- 
ro*a*t^45c2,  9-roicaiged  Sg.  19b  1. 

to-eom-sechnr,  persequor. 

du~ru-choi~$gestar  Ml.  64c  8,  e^-ro- 
choi-sgestar  98b  7,  du-ro-cho- 
tgutar  99b  11. 

com  to-com-sechnr,  consequor. 
j-rU'tho-chaisgmersu  Ml.  43c  9. 


»i  ru-chum~mnu%~m  Ml. 
94b  14,  in  ru-chum-san 
32d  26. 

ni  com-arscaiged  Sg.  20ob  2. 


i  So   Thnrneysen,   KZ.   xxxi,   74,  otherwise  Ascoli,   Gloss,   ebtxwiii ; 
ru*r*M  Ir.  Psalt.  30. 


do- 


11B  THE    PARTICLE    «0-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

Orthotopic.  Enclitic. 

in-com-sechim,  increpo. 

in-ro-ehoisseeht  Ml.  43d  27  (rel.),  but 
in-ehoiseeht  16°  10. 
to-dl-od-sechim,1  expergefacio. 

amal  do-ro-diusgad  Wb.  9d  3,  21b  6. 
fo-cem-selaim  (?),  aufero. 
fo-r-r6zulWb.  27*  19,  fo-ro-ehsalsat 
Ml.  18*  11,  fo-ro-xlad  31»  5. 
to-ess-semim,2  effundo. 
do-res-set  Wb.  20d  13. 
to-fo-ess-semim,8  creo,  condo. 

do>r6sat   Sg.   31b  2,   do-rosat   Per. 
12*  2. 
ad-com-senim,  expeto. 

ad-ru-chois-seni  Ml.  69d  4. 
to-ind-sdim,4  verto. 

do-rintai  Ml.  3a  7  (rel.). 
com-to-sdim,4  converto. 
co-ru-th6i  Ml.  51°  22. 
ar-ind-sorgim,0  immitto. 

<?r-n/i-*<irM[ar]  Ml.  99c  5. 
com-tatalgim,*  confoveo. 
o-ro4ata\le  Ml.  138*  7. 
com-od-tegim,7  eztruo. 
o-rotaig  Wb.  33»  5  (rel.),  Ml.  40d  5, 
con-id-rotig  Wb.  33*  2  (rel.),  <wi- 
ro-toich  Bv.  lb  1  (rel.),  con-r6tgatar 
Sg.  32b  6  (rel.),  eon-roiacht  Ml. 
♦  48d  27  (rel.). 


>  Pf.  p.  110. 

2  tu-n*set  Stowe  Missal  64b. 

3  Ci.p.  111. 
«  Cf.p.  111. 

*  So  Ascoli  analyzes  the  word ;  Windisch  would  refer  it  to  ar-c**-or 
favour  of  AscolTs  view  is  the  ro,  which  in  compounds  of  org-  is  regularly 
Cl   Skr.  srj? 

•'•  =fo-ad-to-alg-?  Cf.  do-dilgim  Trip.  Lifo,  Index,  da-rataile  LU. 
Am-  dv-n-atalcfe  Ml.  69c  3. 

7  j-ro-tacht  LU.  76*  9. 


THE    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 


119 


Obthotonic. 
fo-ad-tibim,  subrideo. 
md-fo-raitbi  Tur.  62. 

From  other  texts  may  be  added : — 

to-di-benim,  exscindo. 

d*ro-d-lad  ML  Pr.  96. 
ad-ar-benim,  expello. 
aton-rar-bad-ni  LIT.  84b  29,  cf.  at- 
mobradri  (for  atob-rar-bad-si  ?) 
ib.,  at-rarp%  Cormac's  Gloss,  s.v. 
Mas  foromai. 
di-od-berim,  fraudo,  privo. 

fo-od-berim,  adorior. 
fo+obart  LU.  113d  10,  fo-s-ro-bart 
Ir.Text.  ii,  1,  175. 
to-fo-oellaim,  circumeo. 
MniheU  LU.  98M6. 
to-imm-cellaim,  circumvenio. 

^rimeheWLJJ.  98*  13. 
iana-ad-cm,1  mutuo  videre. 
HHracacha  LU.  130b22. 
intt-&.feraim,  efficio. 

**m<Hroerod  F61.  Pr.  206. 
^od-ptbim,1  ascendo. 
fa-rocaib  Fel.  Oc.  24,  frin-rocaUat 

Jaa.16. 
fi  od-garim,  vocem  edo.        \ 
h-riucart  Trip.    Life,   do-r-riucart 
Cormac's  Gloss.  s.v.  prull. 
to-iana-garim. 
h-n-rim-gart-sa  LU.  124b  8,  do- 
nm-gart  It.  Text,  iii,    1,    200, 
<&  Windisch  s.v.  timmgarim. 


Enclitic. 


ni-4-derbrad  (?)  Hy.  v,  83. 


""ftoitattai  Ml.   17b  6  is  present,  but  perfect  without  ro-  is  found  in 

T?**  LL  266*  39-    Cf  •  P-  122- 
*«  the  compound,  cf.  Windisch  s.v \  fris6cbaim,  frisdcbat  LU.  81*  \ 


'39. 


120 


THE    PARTICLE    «0-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 


Orthotopic. 
to-ind-gellaim,1  polliceor. 

da-rind-gtdt  LU.  73b  14. 
com-od-laaim  *  (?),  discedo. 

con-ruala  Fel.  Jl.  12. 
to-ind-com-sechim,3  praecipio. 

do-rin-chotic  LU.  61b  1. 
di-od-sechim,  expergo. 

do-rimaig  LU.  91a  39. 


Enclitic. 


ni  der-saigLU.  130*27. 


IV.    Compound  Verbs  without  ro-. 


com-ang-,  com-ic,  posse. 

cot-aneccar-sa  Wb.  14c  40,  o-anacuir 
Ml.  119d  7. 


to-aith-com-ang-,5  evenire. 

Uc-com-nocuir  Wb.  10*  4,  amail  do- 
nd-ecomnucuir  Cod.  Cam.  38a. 


nw-choim-nucuir*  Wb.  19c 
10,  co  ni  coim-nacuir 
Ml.  116°  5,  naeh-eoim- 
nacuir  97d  10,  nod  cam- 
nacur  97d  4,  5,  ni  coim- 
nacmar-ni  53d  9,  135d4, 
ndd  cditn-nacaid  Wb. 
9b  2,  not?  com-naetar  Wb. 
8*  14,  n*  ehotm-nactar 
Ml.  19°  5,  n*  eom-ftatftar 
76*  7,  ni  coim-naetar 
135d4,  nod  choim-nactar 
66d  6,  infcw  warf  cotm- 
nactar  76d  5. 


1  Cf .  donindqett  LU.  133»  14. 

3  con-o-ld  Thunieysen,  Kelto-Roraanisches  35,  cf.,  from  ludt  conid-rualaid 
Hv.  v,  49. 

J  Ct.  douarchosaig  LU.  61*  42. 

4  The  later  coemnacair,  caomnacair,  seems  to  point  to  a  compound  mm-tmm-. 

5  Cf.  the  other  compound  do-chocm-yiacair  LIT.  98*  28.  In  later  Irian  ecm*ic 
is  common  in  the  sense  of  'happened.*  Cf.  also  do-n-ecmaicc  Fel.  Dec.  24. 
With  r(/-  do-recmaic  It.  Text,  iii,  1,  188,  cf.  dvr-ecmaingctar  ib.  127. 


THB    PARTICLE    SO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 


121 


Orthotopic. 
iiw-oom-ang,  fieri. 

/€>*--cm'nucuir  Wb.  22b  8  (amal,  bis), 
28c  14  (rel.),  for-com-nucuir  19c  3, 
^for-chom-nucuir  3d  25  (rel.),  /*•- 
chom-nocuir  11°  15  (rel.),  for-com- 
nacair  Sg.  148*  6,  Ml.  131°  14 
(rel.),  for-chom-nacuir  67°  18 
(rel.),  113d  3  („,!.),  t'w^n  /„._ 
com-nacuir  16°  5,  for-com-nactar 
51*  13  (Attar*),  M5d  8. 
ad-oom-ang-,1  icere. 

fM&-vm-a\ng  Ml.  19c  17  (gl.  pulsavit), 

ci-comcisset  Wb.  4d  15. 
frroT-banim,*  prosum. 

*+-ror-boi  Sg.   203a  18,  do-ror-bai 
HL  123d  5. 
•Math,1  mortuu8  est. 

*latKa[tar]  Ml.  98*  8. 
•"■iad-bath,  interiit. 
«~t*4i.bathatar  Ml.  36d  10. 

A-Wi*  Ml.  23*  10,  58c  4,  <to-m-for* 
23*  7  (rel.),  Tur.  135,  do-%-bertar 
Tur.  143. 
to-air-liwim,*  redigo. 

fa-*r-bartha  Ml.  99d  1  (pres.  du-n-er- 
terar  ib.). 


Enclitic. 

hi-for-com-nucuir  Wb.  28b 
6,  o7a  for-com-nacair 
Sg.  30b  3,  hi-for-com- 
nactar  Ml.  97a  5. 


i  Cf<  "Windisch  s.t.  ecmoing,  eo  n-ecmaingaem  Fe"l.  Ep.  7*  ad-comaic  LU. 
g5*  2U  98*  27,  ad-comced  98b  42.  In  Ml.  24c  17  adcomaing  is  intransitive,  as 
^  ^«iw«?  LU.  80b  36. 

*  C*.  Thorneysen,  KZ.  mri,  86. 

s  rf-te/A  Fel.  Pr.  190,  165,  LU.  65b  6,  8,  98*  6,  LL.  252*  60,  aUbathatar 
jj,.  251*  31,  snd-apad  LU.  69b  29,  oid-abbad  LL.  250b  25. 

«  A  new  formation  for  dorat,  cf.  Thnrneysen,  Rev.  Celt,  vi,  329 ;  dubbert 
«%    II,  13,  15,  eo  n-tubart  ib.  15,  do-bert  Hy.  ii,  53,  do-breth  ib.  2,  do-bert 

*  36,  43,  70,  84,  do-bert  Fel.  Ap.  14,  Oc.  18,  Nv.  2,  LU.  68b  8,  62b  10, 
&  19,  LL.  248»  16,  29,  do-bertatar  LU.  84b  33,  LL.  248b  29,  do-breth  Fel. 
5j,#  13,  LU.  57*  32,  59b  18,  74b  13,  LL.  250b  29,  do-bretha  LU.  84b  34,  LL. 
•$!•  8,  »i  to-brad  LU.  73*  42,  co  to-brad  74b  15.  These  forms  are  exceedingly 
^^inon  in  the  Sagas. 

#  Bui  do-r-air-bert  Trip.  Life. 


122 


THE    PARTICLE    SO-    IN    IRISH —J.    STRACHAN. 


Obthotonic. 
to-air-canim,  praedico. 

tair-chechuin  Wb.  4C  40,  4d  8,  amal 
du-*dar-chechain»  Ml.  66c  12, 
du-n-air-cechainn  (rel.)i  du-n-ar- 
cKechainn  64c  22  (rel.),  «V»-<£tr- 
eechnatar  Tar.  6,  do-ar-chet  Wb. 
4*  4,  26*  11  (rel.),  do-air-ch*t 
6b  26,  do-arr-chetl  5*  16,  6d  8 
(rel.),  <wa/  do-n-air-chet  13a  36, 
a*W  do-n-ar-chet  29c  3,  0  fatr- 
*M  15»  34,  tairr-chet  (rel.)  6d  6, 
7»  2,  do-n-air-ehet  Ml.  35b  9  (rel.), 
tair-cheta  Ml.  38c  9  (rel.). 
com-ad-celim,  celo. 

eon-aieeU  Ml.  49°  9. 
com-ad-certaim,'  emendo. 
eon-acerttu-ta  Ml.  2a  1,  con-aictrttts 
2a  13,  o-otVw*  2»  6. 
ad-cia,s  video. 
<k*-oA«m  Wb.  23*  11  (rel.),  ad-che* 
Ml.  96d  1. 
imm-ad-ciu,  mutuo  videre. 

ceta-ad-ciu,  primum  video. 

intan  ad-ceta-aca  Tur.  60. 

remi-di-air-ciu,4  praevideo. 

ess-ro-coilim,  destine 

<u-ro-choiUem  (MS.  -thoiU)  Ml.  22c  3 
(rel.),  at-ro-choihid  Ml.  95c  3 
(rel.),  as-ro-choiket  95c  2  (rel.), 
oi-ro-choiled  Wb.  27*  17. 


Enclitic. 

Mdi  tair  -  ehechnatar   Wb. 
5*  1. 


nl  ac-catar  Wb.  26b  11. 


fi$-mt<n-ai-aiaw  Wb.  18d  3. 


an  iwrf  rem-dtr-eaehmar-m 
Ml.  80b  14. 

With  ro-  prefixed,  dian-d- 
r-er-choil  Ml.  46c  7. 


1  Does  the  doable  r  indicate  that  this  compound  inserted  ro-  after  the  last 
preposition  ?  If  so,  then  some  of  the  other  compounds  which  have  «»r  as  their 
second  preposition  may  t>elon^  to  the  ro-  class. 

2  copt-idn-aicert  Fel  Ep.  105  (t11.  conacoicfrt,  coniteocert) . 

3  <t>  n-accatar  Tir.  11,  wvAom -«<*«-«*  LL.  248b  15,  *t  ae«i»  LU.  83»  28,  eia 
acta  88*  22  sq.  pass.,  ««  aftffc/r  58*  36,  9-accatdr  55»  35,  83»  20,  22,  86*  9, 
9-acta*  LL  2oOb  31,  nath-n-aicctu  Stowe  Missal  64 b. 

*  Cf.  p.  161  note. 


THB    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 


123 


Obthotonic. 
rSmi-eu-ro-coilim,  praedestino. 

remi-rur-choil  Wb.  4b  8. 
di-ro-odinim,  despero. 

do-ro-chdiiuem    Ml.    89»    6,    do-ro- 
ehdinut  46*  17,  13lc  9. 
to-air- crenim,1  redimo. 

du-air-chiuir  Ml.  73b  5. 
mith-cuad,  narravi. 

o  ad-chuaid  Wb.  21*  1 1,  ad-cuaid  Ml. 
65*  1  (iarrindi),  ad-ehuiaid  123d  4 
(rel.),  ad-cuid  126b  2,  110°  5 
(amal),  intan  ad-cdidemmar  Sg. 
43»6. 
di-enad,  ivi. 

do-chood  Wb.  17d  7  (rel.)i  do-chood-sa 
18d  6  (rel.),  <fo-oA0t<*  14°  20  (rel.), 
14d  30  (rel.),  28*  30  (rel.),  do- 
eoid  21*  12  (rel.),  31d  19,  do-coith 
11*  22,  <fo-«wtf  Sg.  2l7b  16,  dw- 
*A0U*  ML  84°  9  (rel.),  74»  12,  do- 
coid  43d  27  (rel.),  53°  19,  du-cuaid 
65°  9,  do-chotar  124c  26,  tweA  <fci« 
ehotar  38b  2,  du-cuatar  66«  16. 
to-dl-tmad,  vent 

do-do-thuid  Wb.  17b  29  (rel.),  24°  10 
(rel.),  27c  8  (rel.),  do-ds-chommar 
(rel.)  25*  12,  do-n-de-chommar 
(rel.)  24°  17,  <*«  do-d-chommar  23d 
23,  du-n-deehuid  Ml.  44b  1  (rel.), 
io-d$-ekuid  Sg.  199b  1  (rel.), 
Ml.  16°  5  (tWoii  .  .  .),  46b  6 
(rel.),  126b  10,  du-de-chummar 
lllb  4  (rel.),  amal  du-n-de-chutar 
111*  14. 
eeta-to-dl-edad,  primus  veni. 
ctta-tuid-chttar  (rel.)  Wb.  21c  5. 


Enclitic. 


With  ro-  prefixed,  ni  ru- 
der-choin  Ml.  44*  1. 


•i  ds-chud-sa  Wb.  14c  40, 
dia  n-de-chutth  16c  7, 
fit  ds-chuid  Sg.  148b  3, 
Ml.  54d  7,  98b  8,  nadn- 
ds-chuid  54d  3,  60  »-rf*- 
oAuiJ  65d  12,  eo  n-<U- 
ehummar  63°  14,  10- 
ikwA  A-^M  Wb.  9b  19. 


cosa  tuid-ches  Sg.  199b  1. 


1  du-air-cher  Arm.  186*  28. 


124  THE    PARTICLE   MO-    131    IRISH — J.    STRACHAH. 

Oxthotottic.  Kwuiffli 

friat-to-dl-eiiRd,  obviam  TenL 
frU-tuid-cketar  (r*L)  ML  67b  20,  22, 
firu-tmi^ketar  21c  2. 
fnr-di-ciRd,  subrenL 

hue  for-k-d^chud  ML  78c  9,  /«•-&- 
tAtftf  138*  7. 

remi-di-enmd,  praevenL 

*r*»-&-<*«te-Wb.5»30. 
in-cnid,  indicati. 

in-cuaid  g.  indicavit  Ml.  123d  7. 
imm-eluniiir,  mutuo  audire. 

immu-n-cua?4ummar  WT>.  18d  3. 
ad-eom-darc,1  vidL 

at-cko^-darc  ML  113b  6,  tftfjii  «?-*- 
dfliir*  Tut.  60,  ad-ckon-doirc  141 
(reL). 
to-ellaim,  furor. 

ma  du-d-*U  Wb.  22b  7. 
ad-cotadaim,'  adipiscor. 

mi  ad-chod*do$'$*  Wb.  7*  16,  «/- 
cotadug  ML  44c  18,  od-coUd 
43d  24,  id-eotadtam-ni  Tnr.  100, 
am*/  ad-id-chotaUat  Sg.  50*  3,  <«£■ 
dfefolM*  Ml.  54*  9,  123*  9,  ad- 
cotaUat  67*  10. 
oom-ecnigim,  cogo. 

*-eiai\if\iuet  Tur.  148. 

iar-fagim,*  interrogo. 

Witb  rv-  prefixed,  tub? 
riar-fact  Wb.  2*  18, 
nod  riar-facUUr  2*  19. 

to-ar-fenim,  manifesto. 

do-air-fenu$  Wb.  18d  7. 

1  nd-thfti-fare  Carm.  Ml.  passim,  at-ch(m~d<trc-*a  LL.  251b  13f  af*tAoM-4tfY- 
w  IX.  87'  2,  at-cKon-dcre  87b  sq.  passim,  at-cvn*arcm4r  85*  37. 

5  *d-f*4'ia<  Tir.  8. 

5  TLi*>  vtrb  happens  not  to  be  found  in  the  Glosses  in  the  orthotonic  form. 
In  f*thcT  u-xt«  it  is  regularly  without  n-.-,  except  where  tv-,  according  to  the 
Liter  custom,  is  prefixed  to  the  whole  compound. 


THE    PABTICXE    SO-    IN    IRISH— J.    STRACHAN. 


125 


Orthotonic.  Enclitic. 

fb-fuar,1  inveni. 
feib  fo-n-d-uair  Sg.  144b  3. 

com-ad-gabim,  contineo. 
con-acab  Ml.  100°  1. 

ar-gabim' (?),  teneo. 
ar-an-gabtot  ML  74b  2. 

to-ro-gabim,'  admitto,  committo. 

ma  du-ro-gbusa  Ml.  23c  13,  do-ro-gab    ho  tor-gab  Ml.  32*  23. 
71b  14,  1 1  lb  28  (rel.),  do-ro-gabsat 
54*  36  (rel.),  98°  6  (rel.),  du-ro- 
gaUat  (co),  do-ro-gbad  58d  1,  ho 
du-ro-gbad  32c  9. 

aith-gninim,4  agnosco. 

ad-geuin  Wb.  12c  13  (rel.),  ad-gen-    ni-n-aith-geuin  Ml.  52. 
ammor  14d  28. 


m  etar-geuin  Sg.  197b  10, 
naM -  id-  etar-giuin  Ml. 
42c  10,  anad  etar-gtuin 
Ml.  42°  15. 

ni  in-giuin  Ml.  69*  15, 
connach-n-in-geuin  Ml. 
52. 


-gninim,  cognosce 
as-gen-su  ML  140b  3. 

etar-gninim,*  dignosco. 
itar-gin-sa  Acr.  9. 


ind-gninim,  agnosco. 


ibim,*  epoto. 
au-ibum  Wb.  12a  17. 


»  fo-fuair  FeL  Ny.  7,  /o-/riM  Fb.  25,  Hy.  v,  79,  fo-s-fuar-sa  LL.  251*»  3, 
cf-  Windiach. 

*  If  it  be  not  rather  for  ar  (=«w  'when')  ran-gabsat,  g.  cum  tenuerunt 
earn.  The  compound  ar-gabim  is  found  with  ro-  in  con-dom-ar-r-gabad-sa 
Wb.  17*  14. 

»  a*  do-ro-gbus  F61.  Pr.  18. 

*  aith-gen  LL.  250*  26,  ata-geuin  250*  24,  at-geoin  LU.  71*  41 :  tnn 
««/A«A*t«  LL.  260*  26,  cf.  Ir.  Text,  ii,  1.  176  11.  9,  10. 

*  Present  Hirgein  Ml.  24*  19,  etemgin  102*  22. 

*  Cf-  Windiflch  g.v.  asibim. 


126 


THE    PARTICLE    SO-    IN    IRISH— J.    STRACHAN. 


Orthotonic. 
air-icim,1  invenio. 

ara-anic  Sg.  217*  4. 
fo-air-icim,2  invenio. 

hore  fo-n-air-nicc  Wb.  16b  2. 
imm-air-icim,8  convenio. 

imme-ar-naio  Ml.  24d  5,  ma  imm-id- 
arnactar  17b  19. 
to-air-icim,4  accedo. 

do-n-ar-nactar  Wb.  7b  13. 
ro-icim,  advenio,  assequor. 

r0'b-dnic-8i  Wb.  16d  40. 


com-ro-icim,  attingo. 

con-raincatar  Ml.  90d  20. 
to-icim,  venio. 

6  do-m-dnicc  Wb.  12c  9,  hdre  du-n-n- 
dnie  25*  21,  tdnicc  30d  11,  tanicc 
3*  7,  4d  26,  7C  7  (nuie),  tanicc 
Sg.  66*  17,  du-da-dndic  Ml.  123c  3 
(rel.),  tanaie  35d  1  (rel.). 


Enclitic. 


n%  far-nie  Wb.  2a  21. 


aith-com-ic-,6  evenire. 

at-tot-chom-nicc  Wb.  6b  13. 
ess-ro-illim,  mereor. 

ai-rotffi  Ml.  lllb  28  (rel.),  indas 
as-ind-roillsem-ni  119d  8,  ass-id- 
roillisset  61b  17  (rel.),  ei  as-id- 
roilliset  77*  15,  as-roilled  122b  13 
(rel.). 

1  nicon-airnecht  Uy.  v,  86. 
a  fo.8-fairnec-*a  LU.  65b  42. 
1  Cf.  Windisch  a.v.  imwatrrim. 
4  Cf.  Windifich  s.v.  fotrtrim. 
a  Cf.  Windisch  s.v.  at-chomnaic. 


ni  rdncatar  Wb.  6e  31, 
nod  rdncatar  Ml.  35b  25, 
97d  7,  eon  ranau?  52, 
0  r-lcht  2a  6. 


ni-ii-MfitM  Wb.  ld  1,  *- 
ten*?  3a  1,  cotdnic  8*  14, 
o-taniec  29b  2,  o-danicc 
3C  27,  o-dub-tanice  5C  10, 
o-d'id-taniec  12b  34,  ni- 
n-tdnaie  Sg.  26*  14,  »<f»- 
dun-tanaie  26b  2,  ni-»~ 
&mm  Ml.  87a  15,  cf. 
14d  4,  ^-toikiw  82*  9. 


THE   PARTICLE   BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAX. 


127 


Obthotoxic. 
ad-ro  illim,  mereor. 
co-ad*roiUiu*a  HI.  75a  1 1,  ad-roilliset 
Wb.  4<  35  (rel.),  ot-roilLmet  4«  15 
(rel),  cf.  HI.  46*  9,  ad-id-roill- 
i**tt  61*  17  (rel.). 


tcHdr-com^-laaim1  (?),  colligo. 

tt-v-com-kuiat  Wb.  7»  7. 
di-air.lengim,  deailio. 

b-nr-hKng    Tur.    59,  do-ar-blaing, 
60  (bis). 

to-lamur,  tento,  suscipio. 

fo-n-ldmastar  Wb.  17d  4. 
fo^om-od-langim  (?),  perfero. 

fo-coim-kchtar  HI.   47°   6,   cf.  /o- 
com-allag-sa  Acr.  2. 

twur-lecim,  cedo.f 

b-far-laicTux.  102. 
fb-ind-ar-lod,  subintravi. 
ftind-ar-lid*  Wb.  3»  6. 
to-lod,4  ivi. 

tfVfotf,  rf[o]Jt<ftf  HI.  55«  1,  Tor.  146. 
in-od-lod,'  inivi. 

in-daid  ML  25»  21  (rel.). 
remi-lod,  praeivi. 

remi-Uuid  ML  132°  13. 
ad-midinr,  adiudico. 


Enclitic. 

n?  ar-ikem-ni  Wb.  20d  14, 
n£  or-Attf  21a  17,  tint- 
d-ar-iUset  4°  39,  ni  ar- 
ihet  4d  10,  m  dir-illset 
Ml.  114«  9,  f*a*A-fJ- 
off-Art  54d  9. 


00  n-fo-lmamiur'Ml.  50d  8. 


MMtfeftr-JtoML  131b2. 


o-am-madar-sa  Wb.  26b  21. 


1  tar-com-ldd  LXJ.  65»  1,  tar-com-latha  LL.  289b  46,  don-arrchomlais  LU. 
115*  20,  cf.  p.  116  note  4.    Ascoli  refers  the  verb  to  -0/-. 

3  For  the  meaning  cf.  texlg  traigid  LU.  82b  \2~teich  LL.  80»  9,  <fo/#<* 
rr#»^«/LU.  82»»  14. 

'If  it  be  not  rather  for  fo-ind-ro-luidf  cf.  Stokes,  Phil.  Soc.  Trans. 
1891-4,  p.  153.    Butcf.  p.  135. 

*  con-tu-l\d  Rev.  Celt.  li,  450.     In  Ml.  65c  1  diluid  is  a  blunder  for  dia  luid. 

*  Bat  according  to  Thurneysen,  Kelto-Romanisches  36,  the  prepositions  are 
ind-o-z  cf.  p.  116. 


128 


THE    PARTICLE    SO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 


Orthotonic. 

imme-ro-midiur,  pecco. 

ar  im-ru-madir  Wb.  13b  31,  intan 
imme-ru-mediarTuT.  17,  imme-rui- 
mdetar  Ml.  46b  23  (rel.),  ohodain 
imme-ro-mas  1 1  lb  5. 

di-ro-moiniur,  obliviscor. 

for-nfoiniur,  invideo. 
a  for-menatar  Ml.  17b  16. 

to-aith-com-nacim,  tribuo. 

6re  do-n-ecom-nacht  Wb.  la  1,  do-n- 
ecom-nacH  25°  26  (amal),  33d  8 
(rel.),  tecom-nacht  26d  23  (rel.), 
dd-tcom-nacht  14c  33  (rel.),  do- 
ecom-nacht  Ml.  54c  26  (dedisse), 
du-icom-nacht  77c  5  (rel.),  do- 
n-ecom-nacht  54c  23  (dedisse), 
i[o-n]rf-wom-»a<?A<  69a  16  (rel.), 
du-n-ecom-nacht-su  56*  18  (rel.), 
du-n-ecom-nacht  55c  1  (rel.),  96b  5 
(rel.). 

eu-orgim,1  caedo. 


to-unm-orgim,  coarto. 
dan-imm-art  Ml.  14b  14. 

aw-com-orgim,*  caedo. 

08-eem-ort  Sg.  210a  6,  as-chom-art 
ML  34b  18  (rel.),  as-com-art  36b  22, 
08-ehom-arta  26d  11. 

•MS-oom-orgim,  confundo. 


Enclitic. 

inn    im-rui-md-etar    Ml. 
105*  1. 


wi  der-mmmar-ni  Ml.  64a  3. 


/ma  -  ^Vww  -  nacht 
19°  8. 


Wb. 


With  ro-  prefixed,  ho  r$$- 
aria  Ml.  34b  13. 


-*-aw-a[r]*  Ml.  103d  4. 


1  at-ort  (t.1.  urort)  Ffl.  Ap.  23,  Oc.  7. 
1  at-ctom-ort  F6L  Oc.  19. 


THE    PARTICLE    R0~    IN    IRISH — J.    STJUCRAN.  129 

Obthotoxic.  Enclitic. 

friss-com-orgim,  offendo. 
fria-com~urt'*a  Wb.  33*  1 2,  fris-com-     nod    frith  -  chom  -  art     M 1. 
artatar  5b  11  (rel.),  fritum-chom-        47*  2. 
art-sa  33*   12,  fris-com-art  Ml. 
63b  11  (rel.),  air frt8-com-art[atar] 
111*1. 

to-imm-com-orgim,  coarcto. 

do-b-im-chom-artt  Wb.  3b  21  (rel.), 
do-m-imm  chom-artatarWi.  39c  32. 

to-com-orgim,  detero. 

do-com-art  Ml.  45*  1 1 ,  do~com-artatar 
22d  4,  du-com-art  lllb  18,  aham- 
dacomart  (=  an -du- da -chom -art 
Asc.)  36*  9. 

com-to-com-orgim,  contero. 

eon-to-chm-airt-siu  Ml.  17*  2,  19c  7. 
to-air-com-racim,  congrego,  colligo. 

du-dr-chom-raic-Bet  Ml.  61 b  17. 

to-etar-rath-,1  comprehendere. 

€»r  du-etar-rid  Wb.  5C  13,  do-etar-rid 
19«  11. 

com-ad-rigim,2  alligo. 

eotob-dr-rig  Wb.  9b  19,  o-idn-ar~raig 
Ml.  15°  1  (rel.),  con-ar-racht 
123b  2. 

di-com-air-rigim,3  exuo. 

do-choim-ar-raig  Ml.  14b  1,  do-com- 
ar-raig  48b  15,  du-choim-ar-raig 
144b  1,  du-CQim-rachtar  100c  27. 


»  do-*n-eta r-rifi  LTJ.  70b  17,  »i  o-tetar-raid  73b  11. 

*  It  is  just  possible  that  this  compound  contains  ro-  before  the  verb,  and 
should  be  referred  to  Class  III. 

*  So  Ascoli.  But  is  it  dt-com-css-rigim,  with  ro-  infixed  according  to 
Class  III?  di-est-rigim  is  found  in  do-sn-ergcd  LU.  60b  13.  Cf.,  however, 
p.  155. 

FhlL  Trail*.  1895-7.  9 


130 


THE    PARTICLE    *0-    IN    IR18H — J.    STRACHAN. 


nioon-tarat  Ml.  36ft  1,  nod 
tarat  90°  18,  91*  21, 
ni  tart-met  Wb.  lb  17, 
ni  tarUat  24b  20,  ni 
tardad  Ml.  63d  5,  for$a- 
tardad  80d  4,  o-dardad 
98b  8,  nad  tarta  40*  13. 


Orthotonic.  Enclitic. 

to-rat-. 

do-ratw  Wb.  8°  6  (rel.),  intan  du- 
ratus  Ml.  103a  6,  do-ratau-siu 
Ml.  43d  18  (rel.),  44*  14  (rel.), 
do-rath  56a  15  (rel.),  du-ratais 
56b  24,  du-ratis  80b  2,  92°  8 
(rel.),  do-rat  Wb.  4b  10,  4C  35 
(rel.),  23°  17  (rel.),  31b  19  (rel.), 
Sg.  23b  5  (rel.),  Ml.  22d  19,  23c7 
(rel.),  25c  11  (rel.),  35d  3  (rel.), 
37a  16  (rel.),  54°  16,  136c  11 
(rel.),  118d  19  (rel.),  du-rat 
40b8  (rel.),  48a  21  (reL),  91a  21 
(rel.),  94c  17  {da),  do -r -rat 
Wb.  14°  38,  da-r-rat  28b  4 
(rel.),  do-ratsam  13d  15  (rel.),1 
da-ratsid-si  24b  21,  do-raUat 
Ml.  115b  8  (rel.),  amal  du-ratsat 
82c  8,  do-r-raUat  113d  7  (rel.), 
da-ratsat  73b  17  (rel.),  dos-ratsat 
44a  14,  do-ratadWb.  4a  18  (rel.), 
19b  15  (rel.),  2ic  3,  22a  19  (rel.), 
21°  17  (rel.),  Sg.  31a  6,  Ml.  24d 
81,  34a  24  (rel.),  44b  29  (intan), 
46b  26  (rel.),  53d  2  (rel.),  138a  6 
(rel.),  do-radad  Wb.  23c  16  (rel.), 
do-ratath  Sg.  7b  18,  du-ratad  Wb. 
33b  8,  Ml.  102°  7  (rel.),  104b  2 
(amal),  an  da-ratad  25a  1,  do-r- 
ratad  19c  6,  28b  6,  9,  do-rata  Ml. 
54°  17,  59a  18  (intan),  90c  25 
(rel.). 

friss-to-rat-,  oppono. 
fris-tarat  Ml.  5id  3  (rel.). 

air-od-salcim,  aperio. 

mcon-air-toil^c^et*  Ml.  31b  9. 


1  But  1  sg.  d'rat-sa  LU.  86b  XZ^doratusa  86b  36.     The  verb  is  common  in 
the  Sagas,  and  shows  the  same  inflexion  as  in  the  Glosses. 

»  Or  ^tiicw-air-ro'od-so,  as  other  compounds  take  ro-  P    Cf.  p.  110. 


THE    PARTICLE    «0-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  131 

Orthotopic.  Enclitic. 

dl-ro-scagim,  excello. 
do-r6-icais$etm.  119d  3. 

com-ad-scaraim,  diruo. 

cota- serai*  Ml.   91b   12,   o-ascarsat     in  corn-scar  Ml.  9lc  9. 
87b  22,  eon-ascrad  Wb.  21b  15. 

di-ess-sed-,1  desidere. 

du-n-48-tid  Ml.    121*   11  (rel.),  ho 
detid  Wb.  3»  7. 

in-di-eu-sed-,  insidere. 

m-deuidm.  20»  27,  in-destetar  58a  2. 

imm-sed-,*  circumsedere,  obsidere. 
jmma-iiassair  Ml.  43b  1. 

to- senium,  persequor. 

an  du-n-da-sepfainn*  Ml.  36d  17. 

com  ad-degim,4  quaero. 

con-aiUcht  Ml.  36b  5,  59c  3  (rel.),  fit  comtacht-su  ML  60b  20, 

98b  6, 132d  5,  ani  o-oitechtatar  Wb.  ni  comtacht  59c  3, 123c  3, 

8a  14,  indas  o-aittechtatar  Ml.  90b  ni   comtacht mar-ni  Wb. 

16,  con-aitechatar  44d  27.  24b  20. 

com-ad-tolim,5  dormio. 

ma  con-atil  Wb.  29d  15,  con-at-tail 
Acr.  7. 

to-com-tongim,*  iuro. 

du-cuitig  Wb.  33d  10,  du-cuitich  Ml. 
78*6. 
ad-tibim,7  rideo. 

9>ait-tibset  m.  110d  2. 


»  do-fe—id  Cormac's  Gloss,  s.v.  Uthech,  deissiter  LL.  248b  30,  furn-dcshtar 
LU.  83b  31. 

*  Cf.  tarratair  (ni  tarrattar  Acr.  72,  cf.  Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1891-4,  p.  504). 

3  do-sepkain  Hy.  v,  67,  do-sephnatar  62,  tafnctar  60,  to-sessa  LU.  83»  28. 
Bat  do't-roiphtutar  LU.  98b  32. 

«  9-ateeht  LU.  97b  1,9-atech  97*  36,  cf.  eon-niacht  (  =  con.diacht)  LU.  75*  10, 
28,  77*  38.  According  to  Thumeysen,  KZ.  xxxi,  74,  the  root  may  be  rfwy. 
la  it  really  a  compound  =rft-«a^-  ? 

»  Cf.  Windisch  s.v.  cotlaim,  eontultatar  Tir.  9,  from  com-toliin. 

•  Cf .  dara-dochtaistd  *  by  which  he  should  swear '  Ml.  78*  4. 
7  Cf-  eoCnuattiby  Cormac  s  Gloss,  s.v.  lethech. 


132 


THE    PARTICLE    120-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 


Orthotonic. 

du-fo-traccar,  opto. 

cia  du-d-fu-tharcair  Ml.  52,  du-fu- 
thractar  Wb.  20c  23,  23c  23,  du- 
fu~tharctar  Ml.  49a  17,  do-du- 
thractar  26b  1. 

ro-ucc-,  attingo. 

ro-uiccim  Wb.  9b  6  (rel.),  ro-uic 
27a  22,  ro-uc  Ml.  99a  2,  ru-uc 
63c  18,  rd-ue  45a  I,  ro-da-ucai 
46a  19  (rel.),  54d  16,  ra-ucsat 
Wb.  26*  11,  ru-hucad  Sg.  174a  1, 
rwtftfrf  174*  1,  flwa/  ru-n-ucad 
104a  8,  ro-uctha  (rel.)  132a  2, 
rwatf/<0  (rel.)  102c  7. 

to-uccim,  affero. 
do-nuccmsa  Wb.  30a  11,  tuieais 
Ml.  56a  13  (rel.),  du-uic  Ml. 
84c  24,  amal  do-n-uic  Ml.  10d  37, 
do-7i-uic  Ml.  16b  12,  huare  du-n- 
w'e  118b  6,  duic  $  du-uic)  40c  22, 
du-d-uic  67a  3,  du-dn-uic  44d  14, 
«fa-wi<?  (rel.)  50b  8,  118b  6,  da-n- 
uic  38b  4,  do-da-uic  (rel.)  131c  14, 
rfw-?/f  131c  1,  <fo-tt<?  38c  1,  2,  *m/<? 
(rel.)  Sg.  209b29,  fotYvMl.  98c  11, 
tfw/<?  67a  8,  a  tuic  84c  19,  rfw 
40c  19,  a  tuc  24b  25,  duicsem 
lllb  15,  du-nn-ucsat  92d  1  (tar- 
s*Wi),  rf[w]w<rctf  Ml.  56c  11, 
f«r«*rf  (rel.)  Wb.  24b  26,  28a  3, 
Ml.  71*'  9,  thucad  (rel.)  Sg.  45b  19. 

tO-UCCim,  intt  lligo. 


Enclitic. 

dia  n-du-thraccar-ta 
I4b5. 


Wb. 


ni-n-ruc  Wb.  21b  3,  nod 
rucsat  Ml.  23b  5,  nach 
rucsat,  n  is -rucsat  44a  15. 


ni  tuic  Sg.  209b  29,  Ml. 
51d2,  nitucSg.  100*7, 
foan-tuic  Ml.  35a  9,  fun- 
tuc  38c  5,  ni  tucsam  Wb. 
29b  14,  co  n-dutad  Sg. 
17a5. 


ni  tucus-sa  Ml.  91c  1,  na<J 
tfwfu*  Per.  la,  ni-tuctid- 
8i  Wb.  12a  3,  ni  tucsot 
Wb.  15a  32,  Ml.  75d  10, 
ni  thucsat  Wb.  8a  10, 
nad  tuctat  Ml.  75d  10. 


THE    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN, 


133 


From  other  texts: 
Orthotopic. 
ad-agim,  adigo. 

ad-acktatar  LU.  65*  12,  ad-acht 
Comiac's  Gl.  8. v.  rincne  (LBr. 
atrackt). 

imm-agim,1  circum-ago. 
imm-aeht  g.  iecit,  Arm. 
to-imm-ago,  id. 


Enclittc. 


to-ess-com-arcim,  salvo. 

donn-essm-art  Hy.  iii,  8. 
imm-com-arcim,  interrogo. 

im-chom-arcair  LU.  62*  7,  im-com- 
aretdr  24*  28,  immos-coem-arcair 
Cormac's  Gloss,   s.v.    prull,    iw- 
choim-ras  LL.  249b  18. 
eom-bongim,  frango. 

nath  eom-baig  Hy.  v,  77,  o-bocht  LU. 
77*  27,  cf.  con-bobig  RC.  xi,  446, 
du-chum-bai  450. 
di-canim,  cano. 

di-eachain  LU.  74*  39. 
focerdaim,  pono,  iacio. 

fo-chaird  Tur.  146,  fo-cairt  LU. 
44*  2,  fo-chairt  44*  5,  fa-chairt 
RC.  xi,  444,  fo-chartatdr  LU. 
92b  25,  97*  13,/(MT*MHy.  v,  48, 
72,  LU.  56b  6,  84b  37,  87*  29, 
97*  18,  fo-creua  85b  2. 
ad-cluniur,  audio.. 

ata-cualatnarHibeTnica,  Minora,  p.  72, 
**-*A/m  LU.  7lb  6,  cf.  Windisch 
Wb. 
for-elnniur,  audio. 


conid-timachtatar  LU. 
27. 


70b 


nifor-cualatar  LU.  65b  36. 


1  But  in  Salt.  R.  imracht. 


134 


THE    PARTICLE    fiO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 


Orthotopic. 

for-cuiriur. 
for-da-corsatar  Hy.  v,  66. 

duad,  comedi. 
Cf.  Windisch  Wb. 

to-air-ell-,  venire. 

Cf .  taraill  Windisch. 
do-ethaim,  adeo. 

do-eth  LU.  68a  27. 
to  fedim,  venio. 

do-faid  Hy.  ii,  9,  39,  47. 
ad-fiadaim,  narro. 

ad-fet  (vl.  at-fet)  Fel.  Fb.  22,  Mr.  23. 
Cf.  from  the  radical  ved,  adfessa 
LU.  58b  13,  ad-fessa  59*  7. 

com-gabim,  capio. 

con-gab  Hy.  v,  15,  Tfr.  2,  8,  12,  con- 
gabsat  Arm.  175b  2. 

ar-garim. 

ar-gairt  Hy.  v,  53. 

com-ad-garim,  voco. 

con  acrad  Cormac's  Gloss,  s.v.  lethech, 
cf.  Windisch  s.v.  conacraim. 

com-garim,  voco. 

cot  a -g  art  Windisch  s.v. 

com-air-icim,  convenio. 


Enclitic. 


for-icim,  invenio. 

fris-indlim. 
JrU-imlled  Fel.  M.  23. 


ni  corn-air -necmar  LL.  25 1 b 

11. 
co  corn-air -necmar  25  lb  12. 
co  com-ar-nect&r  LU.    83* 

4,  6. 

nifur-echt  Hy.  v,  80,  89. 


THB    PARTICLE    «0-    IN    IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  135 

Orthotopic.  Enclitic. 

to-aith-com-laaim1  (?),  colligo. 
do-ecmalta    LTJ.    55*    26,    tecmalta 
63»  16. 

to-ath-la-,  redire. 

do-ath-tesat  LTJ.  84b  42. 
to-com-od-la-,  proficisci. 

do-cum-ldsat3  LTJ.  55*  30,  documlaiset 
Cormac's  Gl.  s.v.  prull. 

to-leeim.' 

do-s-kic  LTJ.  86*  43,  cf.  Windisch. 
di-lengim,  salio. 

do-lleblaing  LL.  250*  28. 
ar-lod. 

eonid-n-ar-laid  Hy.  v,  20. 

to -ar-lod. 

do-n-ar-laid  Fel.   Dc.    8,    cf.   tarla 
Wind. 

imme-lod,  circumivi. 

imme-lotar  Tfr.  19,  cf.  I. 
to-com-nigim,  abluo. 

do-coemnactar  Fel.  Jan.  4.  , 

ess-renim,  vendo. 

<u-rir  Hy.  v,  61,  87. 
to-ar-rath-,  adseqai. 

do-fairthetar  LTJ.  78b  9.  ni-m-ar-raid  LTJ.  83b  25. 

eom-rigim,  alligo. 

con-rtcht  RC.  xi,  448,  o-reraig  LTJ. 
63*  17. 

to-ad-fcannaim,  adeo. 

do-n-ascnai  Fel.  M.  12,  Oc.  25,  do- 
da-auatuat  Hy.  v,  31,  53. 


»  Cf.  p.  127. 

*  Cf.  doeumUt  LL.  251*  29,  51. 

3  To  this  Terb  are  probably  to  be  referred  the  forms  that  Windisch  puts  under 


136  THE    PAKTICLE    fiO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

Oethotonic.  Enclitic. 

com-scribaim,  conscribo. 

con-ascriph  Ir.  Psalt.  1.  99,  eon-a- 
icribad  1.  102. 

ar-ntangim,  aedifico. 
ar-do-utaeht  Hy.  v,  73. 

fo-trucim,  lavo. 
fo-truiaet  Fel.  M.  8. 

Sporadically  in  the  glosses,  and  frequently  afterwards,  preterites 
that  originally  had  ro-  are  found  without  the  particle. 

Glosses1:— Wb.  do-foided  32d  14,  condigset  19*  1;  Ml.  as-b*rt 
16c  10,  09-m-bert  58c  6  (tntan),  124d  9  (huare),  amal  a*-ind- 
bertatar  124d  9,  dam-bide  58c  4,  [doc]orastar  39*  3,  du-corastar 
52,  huare  nadn-digni  23b  10,  cf.  nod  dingne  RC.  xi,  446,  du- 
gnitha  73*  19,  ar-gart  55c  1,  o-air-Uicthea  34d  21,  ooscaig  55c  1, 
du-rim  83d  6;  Tur.  for-cnad  (MS.  forcuad,  corr.  Zimmer)  49, 
<fo-w    146,    <fa-<w   147,    conocabsat    134,  fo-selgatar    143. 

Irish  Hymns. 

II.  (U'bert  (ter),  ad-gladastar  48,  connubcabsat  66,  con-hualai 
(  =  -od-lai),  forruib 2  8,  as-suith  (?)  58,  59,  conid-n-im-bert  64, 
ni-8-di-gaib  26,  66,  con-uccaib  64,  do-ilucestar  47. 

Felire  Oenguso. 

at-balt  Ep.  318,  fos-dail  Jl.  15,  fo-raith  Jan.  15,  no<?  cAnm- 
scaigset  Fb.  6. 

Tirechan's  Notes. 

<w-fortf  11,  13,  ro  n-epert  14,  ad-opart  4,  13,  15,  du-foid  14, 
/ciYa£  2,  8,  11,  15,  fu-8-6cart  8,  frti-gart  11,  fur-raith  11,  di-gini  6. 


1  At  Wb.  32d  9  far-chon-grad  seems  rnther  sec.  pres.  At  Ml.  125»  9  Ascoli 
would  change  cotatinairlic  to  cotanrairlic.  At  Ml.  83*  4  conuebad  should 
probablv  be  corrected  to  the  secondary  present  conucbada. 

2  I  take  this  to  stand  for  /o-n-rutm,  lit.  '  he  placed  it,  his  foot,'  so  forruim 
Tir.   13. 


THE    PARTICLE    HO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  137 

Tain  Bo  Fraich. 

as-bert  (always  without  ro-)  250b  24,  251*  11,  251b  8,  252*  6, 
do-corattar  248*  24,  do-gnith  248b  45,  250b  23,  30,  251b  44 
(by  eid  dernait  251*  18,  active  forms  dorihgensam,  etc.,  have 
always  ro-),  do-fiussig  ('awoke')  249*  36. 

Togail  Bruidne  D&  Derga. 

as-bert  83*  34,  83b  27,  33,  91*  6,  92b  26,  98*  33  (but  at-m-bart 
97*  30),  co  n-epert  84*  2,  an  as-breth  83b  33,  do-cer  98*  22,  fris-gart 
84*  2,  do-gini  83*  17. 

Tarn  Bo  Cuailnge  (LTJ.). 
as-b&rt  55*  29,  55b  16,  32,  36b  2  et  saepissime,  o-epert  35b  18, 
73*  13,  at-bert  64*  20,  77b  2,  w-&*r*  60*  33,  do-sm-bidc  82*  41, 
do-tmidc  77*  33,  ni-8-di-beirg  67*  37,  <fo-*?r  64b  24,  77*  26  (<fo-ro- 
ekair  saep.)  do-chorastar  65*  40,  do-corastar  82*  13,  to-cora&tar 
70*  10,  fo-s-ddiUst  65*  11,  oid-fdcab  64b  24,  fo-dailU  57*  8,  <to- 
y#»»  61*  19,  64b  23,  69b  24,  77*  20,  da-geini  64b  22,  do-gemat 
65b  11  (dorigeni  etc.,  saep.),  <k-^»$*A  57*  7,  59b  20,  63*  15,  65b  30 
(do-ronad  59b  41,  69*  27),  frin-gart  55b  17,  im-raidset  70b  1,  /w- 
rdihatar  59b  16,  tintdiset  65*  33. 


V.    Compound  Verbs  with  ro-  Prefixed. 

In  the  Old  Irish  Glosses,  in  orthotonic  forms,  ro-  is  found 
prefixed  in  a  couple  of  compound  verbs,  apparently  because  they 
had  ceased  to  be  felt  to  be  compounds.  Afterwards  this 
prefixation  becomes  more  and  more  common.  The  following 
occurrences  may  be  noted  from  the  Glosses  and  tho  other  early 
texts  referred  to  on  p.  79. 

Old  Irish  Glosses. 
com-techim,  increpo,  reprehendo. 

m  ru-d-choiicset  Wb.  28°  7,  ro-coscad1  Ml.  49*  5. 


>  Of.  «NMt  ro-cho$ea  Wb.  28b  28,  coicitir  22c  10,  coisetir  31b  25  beside  the 
other  forms  cited  by  Ascoli,  Gloes.  ccxlviii.  These  forms  may  have  been 
influenced  by  the  noun  cose  *  reproof,'  to  which  they  may  have  been  felt  to  be 
"  Cf.  dorinchciic  p.  120,  further  W.  cofjn,  by  cap. 


138  THE    PARTICLE    RO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

to-fo-sirim,  exploro,  quaero. 
ru-tuirset  ML  44d  23. 

To  these  may  be  added  ro-dersaig  Ir.  Psalt.  155. 

Felire  Oenguso. 
ro-s4uiriu8  Jn.  26,  ro-thuirsium  Ep.  75,  ro-tuirtem  Ep.   143; 
enclitic  na  ro-tutrmed  Ep.  122. 

Tain  Bo  Frdich. 
intan  ra-otlaicisiu  25  lb  13. 

Togail  Bruidne  Da*  Derga. 
ro-ath-chummad   99a    1,  ro-ddirt&a  97b   3,  ro-tkocaibset  85*  40, 
ro-8-frecair  97b  11. 

Tain  B6  Cuailnge  (LU.). 

ros-ecroth  ('shook')  64*  18,  ro-con-grad  73»  37,  ro-recair  57»  6, 
o  ro-chom-raicset  76B  11,  ro-im-rdidset  70b  47,  7lb  40.  With  uir- 
/otAl,  which  is  usually  without  ro-  (cf.  p.  124,  note  3),  ro-iarjacht 
65*  30. 


TUB    PARTICLE    *0-    D*    IHI3& — J,    STRAU1AN. 


139 


PART   II.     REMARKS, 

We  hare  cow  brought  together  a  mass  of  material  illustrative 
of  the  uae  of  the  particle  ro-  with  pre  tori  tal  tenses  in  Irish  from 
the  seventh  century  to  the  ninth.  It  remains  to  try  whether  we 
cannot  discover  some  leading  principles  to  guide  us  through  this 
maze  of  forms.  It  would,  indeed,  be  possible  to  confine  nndm 
to  the  hard  facts,  to  say  that  such  and  such  was  the  state  of 
matters  in  the  earliest  period  of  the  Irish  language  of  which  we 
have  any  knowledge;  how  it  came  to  be  so,  we  neither  know 
nor  care.  Such  a  course,  however,  might  well  seem  to  savour 
•caution.  So  while  we  seek  to  arrange  and  classify  the 
re  will  also  try  to  suggest,  so  far  as  we  can,  some 
explanation  of  them;  the  theories  will,  at  least,  serve  to  bind 
the  facts  together. 

h  explanations  must  of  necessity  carry  us  back  into  the 
prehistoric  period,  and  it  may  eecm  a  bold  thing  to  seek  to 
grapple  with  the  problems  of  the  development  of  ro-  in  L 
before  a  thorough  investigation  has  been  made  of  the  uses  of  re- 
in the  si>ter  Hrythonic  languages.  Such  an  investigation  is,  of 
course,  a  thing  greatly  to  be  desired,  and  it  may  well  be  that  it 
would  cast  light  on  some  dark  things  in  Irish*  Hut,  so  far  as  one 
Can  judge  from  the  material  collected  in  the  Grammatica  Celtic  a, 
iu  importance  for  Irish  might  very  easily  be  exaggerated.  The 
fundamental  functions  of  the  part  it  le  in  the  two  languages  are 
undoubtedly  the  same,  so  that  the  beginnings  of  the  development 
«o-  must  go  back  to  a  time  previous  to  the  splitting  up  of  the 
Celtic  languages.  In  simple  verbs  the  Brythonio  glosses  show 
parallels  to  the  Irish  usage ;  e.g.  ro-endihat  l  vibratus  est,* 
ro-fvltpw  g.  ulivavit,  to  which  the  corresponding  etymological 
form  in  Irian  would  be  ro-Jftuchj  ro-itmvas  g*  guturicavit;  further 
examples  from  the  later  language  will  be  found  in  Gram.  Celt-2 
118  sq-  But  already  ill  the  glosses  forms  without  ro-  are  more 
it — ttnait  g.  sparsit,  ('/remit  g,  attrivit,  Imimnt  laverunt, 
g.   I  ijvat   g,  tractus  est*     In  compound  verbs  the 

u*a£e  is  altogether  different :  cf «  guo-dei'muauch  with  Ir.  fo-ro- 
dmmidf  and  note  the  compounds  §m-te$ui*  g.  compiscuit,  di-guor- 
chii  testa  tus  est,  ar-uuo-art  hui  g*  vos  fascinavit,  which  in  Irish, 
a  dilfurent  preposition,  is  ad-ob-ra-qart-&i*     The  only  example 


140  THE    PARTICLE    RO-    IX    IRISH — J.    STRACHAX. 

of  ro-  in  the  interior  of  a  Brythonic  compound  that  I  know,  if  it 
be  an  instance,  is  dy-ro-dci*  (he  gave/  cf.  Zimmer,  EZ.  xxx,  219, 
and  here,  without  </y-,  the  form  is  regularly  rode*.  Further,  in 
Irish  the  difficulties  of  ro-  are  to  a  great  extent  connected  with  its 
use  in  compound  verbs,  and,  as  we  shall  see,  we  shall  have  to  keep 
in  view  the  process  of  building  up  these  compounds.  Now  the 
number  of  compound  verbs  common  to  Brythonic  and  Irish  is, 
as  a  glance  through  Stokes*  Urkeltischer  Sprachschatz  will  show, 
amazingly  small,  which  indicates  that  existing  compounds  were 
formed,  for  a  great  part,  independently  in  the  two  branches  after 
their  separation.  These  considerations  will  serve  to  take  from 
the  importance  that  one  would  a  priori  be  inclined  to  attach  to 
a  comparison  of  these  languages  in  respect  of  the  use  of  n>-. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  make  some  remarks  on  the  material 
that  has  been  collected,  and  will  consider  the  origin  and  function 
of  the  particle,  its  presence  and  its  absence,  its  position  in  com- 
pound verbs,  its  forms  and  its  accentuation. 


I.    The  Origix  jlxd  Frxcrcoy  of  ro-. 

Before  we  proceed  to  consider  the  origin  and  function  of  ro-, 
it  will  be  well  for  the  comprehension  of  what  follows  to  say 
something  of  a  distinction  of  kind  of  action  which  was  inherent 
in  the  oldest  phase  of  the  Indo-Germanic  verb,  as  it  is  in  the 
Semitic,  and  to  express  which,  when  the  meaning  of  the  original 
forms  have  faded,  new  means  have  been  devised  in  individual 
languages.  I  refer  to  the  distinction  between  imperfectire  and 
perfective  action.  A  full  discussion  of  the  subject  will  be  found 
in  two  most  instructive  papers — Streitberg,  Perfective  und  Im- 
perfective  Actionsart  im  German ischen,  Paul  und  Braune's  Beitrage 
xv,  71-177;  and  Herbig,  Aktionsart  und  Zeitstufe,  Indogermanische 
Forschungen  vi,  157-269.  For  the  Slavonic  languages,  in  which 
this  distinction  is  most  palpable,  Streitberg  gives  the  following 
definitions : — 

1.  "The  imperfective  kind  of  action,  called  also  durative  or 
continuative,  etc.  It  represents  the  action  in  its  un- 
interrupted duration  or  continuity.  Cf.  Old  Bulg.  lieti 
'to  mount,'  'to  carry  out  the  action  of  mounting,'  'to  be 
in  the  act  of  mounting';  Eng.  'to  be  mounting.' 


THE    PARTICLE    RO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  141 

2.  "The  perfective  kind  of  action,  called  also  resultative,  etc. 
It  adds  to  the  meaning  which  is  inherent  in  the 
verb,  further  the  secondary  notion  of  being  completed. 
It  denotes  accordingly  the  action  of  the  verb  not  simply 
in  its  progress,  its  continuity,  but  always  with  reference 
to  the  fact  of  the  completion,  the  attainment  of  the  result. 
Cf .  Old  Bulg.  vfadhti  '  mount '  (ersteigen),  i.e.  '  the  action 
of  mounting  in  reference  to  the  moment  of  its  completion. ' 
Accordingly  a  perfective  verb  of  necessity  includes,  besides 
the  general  verbal  notion,  which  it  has  in  common  with 
the  imperfective  verb  formed  from  the  same  root,  the 
secondary  notion  of  completion.9' 

The  farther  subdivisions  of  perfective  into  momentary-perfective 
and  durative-perfective,  and  the  classes  of  imperfective-iterative, 
like  Old  Bulg.  bivati '  wiederholt  schlagen,'  and  perfective -iterative, 
like  Old  Bulg.  ubivati  '  wiederholt  erschlagen,'  hardly  concern  us 
here.  But  it  is  of  importance  for  us  to  note  the  modes  in  which 
perfective  action  is  expressed.  In  I ndo- Germanic  the  means  of 
expressing  perfectivity  was  the  aorist  (Streitberg,  op.  cit.  139): 
<£  the  use  of  the  aorist  stem  in  Greek  and  Sanskrit.  In 
individual  languages,  when  the  Indo-Germanic  aorist  system  was 
broken  up,  or  where  its  original  force  had  faded  away,  if  the 
distinction  of  imperfective  and  perfective  were  to  be  expressed 
formally,  some  other  means  had  to  be  used.  Chief  among  these 
i*  the  use  of  prepositional  compounds  (cf.  Herbig,  p.  222  sq.). 
In  Blavonic  most  simple  verbs  are  imperfective;  they  become 
perfective  by  composition  with  a  preposition.  The  preposition 
^J retain  its  full  meaning  :  Old  Bulg.  nesti  'carry'  (imperfective), 
ftowttf  'bring  together.'  Or  the  preposition  may  lose  its  in- 
dependent existence,  and  its  meaning  may  become  so  faded  that 
it  brings  no  appreciable  difference  of  meaning  to  the  verb,  and  so 
becomes  a  purely  formal  means  for  the  expression  of  perfectivity, 
wen  as  in  Slovenian  po-,  in  Servian  wz-  (Streitberg,  p.  73).  The 
same  thing  is  found  in  Gothic.  Here  the  union  of  any  preposition 
with  a  verb  produces  a  perfective  meaning  (Streitberg,  p.  82) ;  but 
the  chief  symbol  of  perfectivity  is  the  particle  ga-,  which  had  so 
emptied  itself  of  all  independent  force,  that  it  was  least  likely 
to  bring  with  it  to  the  compound  any  new  shade  of  signification, 
•ad  so  was  fitted  to  be  tear  cfbx'}"  the  bearer  of  the  perfective 
meaning.    Cf.  Matth.  viii,  21,  frauja  uslaubei  mis  f rum  id  gaUfyan 


142  THE    PARTICLE    RO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAX. 

jah  gafilhan  attan  meinana,  tcvpie,  iirirpttyov  /*oi  irpGnov  arreXOeTp 
xal  Oa>jrai  top  waiepa  /tov,  Luke  viii,  10,  ei  saihwandans  ni 
gasaihwaina,  i.e.  'that  though  they  have  the  faculty  of  sight, 
they  may  not  perceive '  (cf.  Streitherg,  p.  83).  Many  other 
examples  will  he  found  in  Streitberg's  paper,  and  in  Recha,  Zur 
Frage  iiber  den  Ursprung  der  perfectivierenden  Function  der  Verbal- 
prafixe  (Dorpat,  1893),  p.  97  sq. 

One  point  more  may  he  noted.  A  verhal  form  in  its  origin 
perfective  may  come  to  he  merely  narrative  (constatierend) ;  from 
indicating  kind  of  action  it  may  come  to  indicate  simply  grade  of 
time.  Thus,  in  Latin  the  remains  of  the  sigmatic  aorist  have 
hecome  mixed  up  with  those  of  the  perfect,  and  are  not  dis- 
tinguishable in  meaning  from  them  ;  two  forms,  neither  of  which 
indicated  originally  past  time,  have  come  to  form  a  single  category 
indicative  of  past  time.  And  the  same  process  is  found  in  other 
languages. 

It  is  time  to  return  from  this  long  digression.  While  to  seek 
to  force  one  language  into  the  categories  of  another  is  a  fatal 
blunder,  the  comparison  of  a  language,  in  which  certain  categories 
are  particularly  clear,  may  help  to  cast  light  on  similar  things 
in  another  kindred  language :  witness  Streitberg's  brilliant  ex- 
position of  the  Gothic  verb,  suggested  by  Slavonic  categories. 
And  so  we  hope  that  the  above  considerations  will  furnish  help 
towards  an  understanding  of  some  points  in  the  Irish  verbal 
system. 

Etymologically  ro-  is  identical  with  Skr.  prdy  Gr.  irp6t  Lith. 
pra-,  Slav.  pro.  In  the  indicative  it  is  found  in  that  aggregate 
of  tenses,  which  corresponds  closely  to  the  Latin  syncretic  tense 
called  the  perfect.  In  simple  verbs  it  is  nearly  always  present ; 
in  compounds  it  is  sometimes  present,  sometimes  not:  we  shall 
see  that  certain  compound  verbs  regularly  take  ro-,  and  that  in 
others  it  is  as  regularly  absent.  But  whether  ro-  be  present 
or  absent,  the  force  of  the  tense  is  the  same.  The  particle  here 
adds  nothing  to  the  meaning  of  the  form ;  it  has  hecome  a  mere 
symbol  like  ge-  in  the  Modern  High  German  ge-geben.  Of  course, 
here  ro-  must  at  one  time  have  been  a  thing  of  life  and  blood ; 
but  if  we  had  only  these  indicative  tenses  to  reason  from,  it 
would  be  difficult  to  reconstruct  its  life-history  before  it  became 
a  shade.  Fortunately,  ro-  is  also  found  in  the  subjunctive  mood, 
and  with  this  difference,  that  here  in  the  same  verb  subjunctive 
forms  are  found  both  with  and  without  ro-,  and  that  a  difference 


THB    PARTICLE    «0-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 


143 


of  meaning  is  sometimes  clearly  appreciable.  Let  us  compare 
*ome  of  these  subjunctive  forms  with  indicative  forms  in  the 
lists : — 


Indicative. 
im-fir-kuig'p.llO. 


A-Mfemrtp.  111. 
di-rubalt  p.  92. 


**ru-bart,  dia    »- 
b-h*rt  p.  93. 

m-nri-titftftrp.  96. 
«*-NNfo»wr,  inn  dr- 

fanor-tu  p.  96. 
fo-ro-damar,  ni  for- 

fomair  p.  96. 


Subjunctive  with  ro-.    Sub junctivb  without  ro-. 
dia   n-immolh- 
gaithar  Sg.  3a  2, 
A8C.  Gloss,  clvi. 


im-for-lainge  Ml.  78a  8. 


br-H  p.  97. 


faro-gab  p.  98. 
w-m^Aor^fl^Ap.98. 

fo+*gniu9,nidernus 
p.  99. 

**to-ar-fyp.l02. 


to+o-lai^  ni  der- 
kwfeap.  102. 


**  t°r-mult  p.  103. 
darr^nms  p.  103. 


tintarrad  Hy.  ii,  18. 
(faa    n-ar-balam-ni    Ml. 

107d  4,   ar  »a<?A  Sr- 

balam-ni  Wb.  4b  19. 
ni  ir-baridWh.  1 3C 1 3,  cf. 

Zimmer,  Kelt.   Stud. 

ii,  40. 
arind-ro-chrietis'Ml.  85d  1 . 
co  n-dr-damat  Ml.  131d 

16. 
nad    for  -  damainn    Ml. 

107*  8. 

arin-de-roima  Ml.  39c  22, 
oid-n-de-roimed  55d  4. 

ar»«  der-gaba  Wb.  1 0d  1 3. 
m  tor-gaitha  Wb.  25b  5, 

coni-n-tor-gditar  14d27. 
*-<fer»a     Wb.     12b    6, 

Zimmer,  Kelt.  Stud. 

ii,  102. 
act  ar-roilgither  Wb.  27d 

13,  9-dr-Utgthar  ib., 

cf.  27d  14. 
da-ro-lgea  Wb.    31»   2, 

«ra  n-der-laigthe  Ml. 

32c    17,    Asc.   Gloss. 

clxxv. 
arna  tor-mal  Ml.  119b6. 
o-der-nma  Ml.  129a  14. 


am*  *p/«£  Ml.  77ft 
13,  cf.KZ.  xxxi, 
79. 

co  n-epred  Ml.  28b 
11. 


ciafu-dama'Ml.  68d 

14,  act  fo-daimtd 

Wb.  23c  7. 
mani-n-dimea    Ml. 

88c  2,  Asc.  Gloss. 

lxv. 

(ft>-lwM0M1.31a13, 
cf.  28c  15,31°  20. 

(fo-^Wb.  12°  45, 
Zimmer,  ib.  100. 


tnani  dilga  Ml.  46° 
15,  Ascoli,  ib. 


du-melmis  Wb.  10°. 
co  du-neua  Ml.  36a 
12. 


144 


THE    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 


Indicative. 
du-dr-baid  p.  108. 

do-ro-d-bad  p.  119. 
fo-racab,     nach-td~ 

farcaib  p.  113. 
as-rin-gaib  p.  114. 

do-roid-ni  p.  98. 
da-ruich  p.  98. 


SUBJUNCTITB  WITH  TO-. 


SUBJUNCTTVB  WITHOUT  f©-. 


con-d-dr-bastar  Ml.  95b  6, 

cf.  101°  6,  Sg.  211*10. 
do-ro-d-ba  Hy.  iv,  5. 
«rw«  farcabtis  Wb.  31d 

13. 
at-rin-gba  Sg.    169*  1, 

187*  1. 
do-rf oxter  Hy.  i,  34. 
o-dirais  .i.  corodigla  LIT. 

20b5. 


do-ro-sluind  p.  1 05.    ama  der-lind  Wb.  1 0C 14. 


<fo-»-a«ftj«*M1.20* 
9. 


artw  em-gaba  Ml. 
22*8. 

du-feudm.  33b12, 
cf .  Rev.  Celt,  vi, 
141. 


The  parellelism  between  the  indicative  and  the  subjunctive 
with  ro-  here  is  remarkable. 

Note  also  the  following  instances  where  ro-  in  enclisis  is  put  at 
the  beginning  of  the  compound. 


Indicative. 
ad-ru-amraigset    p. 

92. 
ni    ro-di-micestar 

Ml.  119*  10. 
etar-dan-roscar-ni, 

in  ru-etarscar  p. 

105. 
in-ru-samlasatar  p. 

105. 
ad-ro-threb  p.  106. 
nach-im-rind-arpa  % 

p.  112. 


Subjunctivb  with  ro-.    Subjitncttvb  without™-. 
con  ro-ad-amrigiher  Wb.     coad-amraigetar^ll. 

12d  29. 
o-ru-di-micedar  Ml.  129* 

14. 
ma  eter-rdscra  Wb.  9d 

31,   na    ru-etar-scara 

Ml.  54*  5. 
o  -ro-intsamlithe  Wb.  1 7*     ci  in-samlar  Sg.  1 b  1 . 

13. 
cor-ro~aitreba  Wb.  6b  3. 
arnach  -  #  -  rmi  -  arpither 

Wb.  6b  33. 


39b  8. 


at  nach-n-ttar  scara 
Ml.  79b  2. 


Once  or  twice  in  enclitic  forms  ro-  makes  its  way  to  the 
beginning  of  the  compound  {arna  rim-folhgar  Wb.  10c  14,  ni  ro- 
chumscigther  30b  15),  just  as  sometimes  in  the  indicative;  but 
these  irregularities  aro  few.  It  is  plain  that  ro-  in  the  indicative 
and  ro-  in  the  subjunctive  go  hand  in  hand,  and  must  have  had 
the  same  origin.     A  further  proof  of  this  is  that,  so  far  as  I  have 


THE    PARTICLE    RO*    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  145 

observed,  the  class  of  compounds  that  do  not  take  ro-  in  the 
indicative  do  not  admit  ro-  in  the  subjunctive.      In  Ml.  19b  6 
rtmiergnaiti*  is  probably  to  be  referred  to  a  compound  air-gninim. 
In  the  subjunctive,  then,  forms  with  ro-  and  forms  without  ro- 
are  found  side  by  side.     It  is  here,  accordingly,  if  anywhere,  that 
some  trace  of  the  original  force  of  the  particle  may  be  expected 
to  be  found.     It  has  long  been  pointed  out  that  in  particular 
cases  ro-  gives  to  a  present  and  an  imperfect  subjunctive  the 
force  of    a   Lat.    future    perfect    indicative,   and    a    pluperfect 
•   subjunctive  (Ebel  KSB.  ii,  193,  Gram.  Celt.2  413-4,  419,  422), 
e.g.   act   rocreUa    modo    crediderit,   ma   etarroscra  si  secesserit, 
riiiu  robeimmU  etir  antequam  fuissemus  omnino.     That  is  to  say, 
in  these  cases  the  subjunctive  with  ro-  corresponds  to  the  sub- 
junctive and  optative  of  the  Greek  aorist,1  and  to  the  Gothic 
perfective,  e.g.  John  viii,  31 :  iav   v/mei9  /xe/vipc  iu  rep  \d<yif>  ri£ 
«Vp,  i\rj0u>*  futOfjrai  pov  itrrc  jab  at  jus  gastandfy  ....  siponjos 
mtnaisiju}  (PBB.  xv,  125).     To  say  that  the  Irish  form  in  itself 
expresses  relative  time,  would  probably  be  as  wrong  as  to  assert  the 
»me  of  the  Greek  and  Gothic  forms.     Rather,  what  is  expressed 
is  the  perfectivity  of  the  action ;  the  relation  of  the  time  to  the 
time  of  the  main  verb  is  determined  by  the  nature  of  the  notions 
that  are  brought  together.    According  to  Zimmer,  Kelt.  Stud,  ii, 
124,  subjunctives  with  ro-  appear  with  precisely  the  same  meaning 
M  subjunctives   without   ro-.      Whether   in    any  cases    in  the 
•adjunctive,  as  in  the  indicative,  ro-  has  become  a  meaningless 
tyubol,  would  require  a  long  investigation  to  determine,  and  does 
Dot  really  concern  us  here.     But  if  the  relation  of  the  subjunctive 
*rih  r»-  to  the  subjunctive  without  ro-  be  that  of  the  Greek 
wri»t  to  the  Greek  present,  the  conditions  determining  the  use  of 
the  one  or  the  other  in  any  given  case  may  be  so  delicate,  that 
rt  behoves    us  to  be  very  careful   in   asserting   that    there   is 
absolutely  no  difference  of  meaning. 

We  have  seen  now  the  two  uses  of  ro~9  one  with  the  preterite 
«f  the  indicative,  where  it  is  merely  symbolical,  the4  other  with 
the  subjunctive,  where  it  has  a  perfective  force.    As  has  been 


Cf.  the  use  of  the  corresponding  Irish  form,  e.£.  ma  fristossam  si  abiur- 
JJJjfetts  Cod.  Cam.,  dia-n-a-aithersid  si  correxeritis  hoc  Wb.  9*  23,  Gram. 
"ft.3  467.  The  subjunctive  of  the  *  aorist  is  found  used  parallel  to  the  present 
*tytacnre  with  it)-,  e.g.  condemr  bidd  ocus  co  ro-chotlur  ni  ding  in  com  I  of  id, 
*"  b  ftlyv  col  KaraUpBrn  oh  fiaxovym,   Ir.   Text,   i,  268,  1.  8,  cf.  LL. 

*VL  Trass.  1895-7.  10 


146  THE    PARTICLE    RO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

seen  from  the  parallelism  of  their  usage  in  compounds,  the  one 
use  of  ro-  cannot  be  separated  from  the  other;  both  must  come 
from  the  same  fundamental  meaning.  It  may  be  noted  further 
that  ror  is  not  symbolic  of  past  time  generally  like  the  Greek 
augment ;  it  is  found,  not  with  the  imperfect  of  the  indicative, 
but  with  the  group  of  tenses  corresponding  to  the  Latin  perfect. 
Comparison  with  the  Slavonic  perfective  readily  suggests  itself, 
and  the  similarity  has  long  been  recognized,  Ebel  KSB.  ii,  100  sq., 
Zimmer  Kelt.  Stud,  ii,  122,  Thurneysen  Rev.  Gelt,  vi,  321  sq. 
From  an  original  perfective  meaning  could  be  explained,  on  the 
one  hand,  the  use  of  ro-  in  the  subjunctive,  and,  on  the  other,  the 
use  of  ro~  in  narrative  tenses  of  the  indicative,  for  perfective 
forms  readily  develop  into  an  expression  of  past  time:  compare, 
for  example,  the  use  in  Serbo-Croatian  of  the  perfective  present 
"as  narrative  present,  where  the  aorist  is  no  longer  -common," 
Herbig  IF.  vi,  191.  If,  then,  it  be  asked  what  was  the  original 
function  of  ro-  in  Irish,  the  probable  answer  would  be:  the 
particle  ro-  gave  the  verb  with  which  it  was  joined  a  perfective 
force. 

The  agreement  between  Celtic  and  Slavonic  is  rather  one  of 
general  principle,  and  must  not  be  pressed  in  detail.  Indeed, 
when  the  details  are  considered,  the  divergence  is  striking.  Celtic 
preserves,  to  some  extent  at  least,  the  formal  distinction  between 
perfective  and  imperfective  action  as  a  living  principle,  but  only 
in  the  subjunctive.  In  Slavonic  simple  verbs  are,  with  certain 
exceptions  (cf.  IF.  vi,  190),  durative;  compound  verbs  are  per- 
fective, whatever  be  the  preposition  they  are  compounded  with. 
In  Irish  ro-  is  found  also  in  compound  verbs,  which  according 
to  Slavonic  rules  would  have  been  perfective  in  themselves. 
In  certain  compounds,  however,  ro-  is  regularly  absent.  The 
particulars  we  shall  have  later,  when  we  shall  try  to  discover 
whether  any  plausible  reason  can  be  given  for  the  presence  and 
the  absence  of  ro-. 

The  question  how  it  was  that  ro-  developed  this  use  in  Celtic 
is  one  that  does  not  admit  of  a  dogmatic  answer.  Attention, 
however,  may  be  called  to  some  remarks  by  Delbriick,  Vergl. 
Synt.  p.  718  sq.  He  points  out  that  in  several  Indo-Germanic 
languages  compounds  with  pro-  have  an  ingressive  or  effective 
sense  approaching  that  of  the  aorist.  Formally  ro-  was  excellently 
adapted  to  become  a  symbol,  for,  apart  from  its  elative  use  with 
adjectives  and  nouns,  e.g.  m6r  *  great,'  ro-m6r  '  very  great/  it  is 


THK   PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  147 

found  only  in  the  verb,  with  a  meaning  so  faded  that  the  particle 
could  fulfil  its  function  without  at  the  same  time  giving  a  new 
nuance  to  the  fundamental  meaning  of  the  verb. 

If  it  be  asked  why  these  ro-  forms  are  not  also  in  use  in  the 

present  indicative,  the  answer  is  that  real  perfective  action  and 

real  present  time  are  mutually  exclusive :  cf.  Herbig  IF.  viy  200, 

Thurneysen  Be  v.  Celt,  vi,  322.     In  Slavonic  verbs  momentary 

perfectives  are  not  used  in  a  present  sense  (usually  in  a  future) ; 

the  present  is  expressed  by  the  iterative  perfective — seda  ' I  will 

sit  down,*  sidaja  'I  sit  down'  (Herbig  IF.  vi,  191).     However, 

in  Irish,  if  ro-  were  ever  found  in  the  present  indicative  of  verbs 

that  have  ro-    in   the  subjunctive   and  preterite,   the    category 

most  have  fallen  into  disuse  as  being  unfitted  to  express  present 

time,  and  superfluous  for  aught  else.     An  isolated  exception  is 

found  Sg.  198*  18  uare  asrobair  mulier,  meus  filius  7  asrob-  vir 

mea  filia,  '  because  a  woman  says  meus  filius  and  a  man  mea  filia? 

However  this  is  to  be  explained  (cf.  Zimmer  Kelt.  Stud,  ii,  124, 

Thurneysen  Rev.  Celt,  vi,  322),  little  stress  can  be  laid  on  such  an 

exceptional  form. 

In  ro-cluniur  'I  hear,'  and  ro-lamur '  I  dare,'  orthotonic  forms 
*ith  ro-  alternate  with  enclitic  forms  without  ro-  in  the  present 
«nd  in  the  other  tenses :  cf.  ro-cluinethar  Wb.  12c  22  with  ni-s- 
dninsihar  'he  does  not  hear*  Ml.  21b  2,  ro-laimemmar  'we  dare* 
Wb.  15°  19  by  nieon-laimemmar-ni  'we  do  not  dare'  Wb.  17b  8. 
Further  examples  will  be  found  in  Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1891-4, 
PP«  449,  450,  457,  etc.  A  similar  distinction  will  be  found  below 
in  ro-ffar,  ni  fetar.    How  this  is  to  be  explained  I  do  not  know. 

Aa  we  have  seen  above,  a  form  in  its  origin  perfective  may  come 
to  express  past  time,  and  it  is  not  in  itself  impossible  that,  as  has 
often  been  assumed,  a  present  with  ro-  might  be  used  in  the  sense 
°f  a  past.  But  examples  where  such  an  interpretation  is  probable 
™  the  Glosses  are  of  the  rarest.  Certainly  in  Ml.  24d  14  dia  fessar 
«tf  amssr  hi  rogabthar  in  salm  can  hardly  mean  anything  but 
'if  the  time  be  known  in  which  the  psalm  was  sung' ;  the  Latin 
context  is  si  seiatur  tempus  in  quo  psalmus  decantatus  est.  In 
wT>.  80b  15  Stokes  takes  ni  ro-chumscigthtr  in  the  same  way. 
Stokes,  K8B.  vii,  3  sq.,  quotes  many  cases,  a  great  part  of  which, 
kewever,  may  be  explained  otherwise ;  cf.  also  Verbal  System  of 
theSeltair  na  Bann,  p.  32.  It  is  unnecessary  to  pursue  the  subject 
hither  here. 
In  a  number  of  verbs  ro-  goes  through  the  whole  verbal  system : 


148  THE    PARTICLE    «0-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAN. 

such  are  tororbanim,  essrocoilim,  lorogabim,  euroiUim,  immromidiur, 
dirotcagim,  rouccim,  roiccim.  Here  it  may  be  presumed  that  ro- 
had  originally  a  fuller  meaning.  Thus  Windisch,  IF.  iii,  73,  has 
compared  imm-romidiur  with  Skr.  pramadati,  pramddyati.  Where 
both  sets  of  verbs  contain  ro-  there  is,  as  we  shall  see  when  we 
come  to  consider  the  position  of  ro-,  formally  no  difference  between 
these  verbs,  and  the  older  part  of  those  where  ro-  is  a  perfective 
particle. 

Perfective  forms  may  express  future  time.  But  Irish  had  other 
resources.  Still,  ro-  is  often  found  in  affirmative  sentences  with 
the  future  of  the  substantive  verb,  Gram.  Celt.1  414,  Verbal 
System  of  Salt.  p.  49.  So  regularly  in  positive  sentences  with 
fessur  Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1891-4,  p.  455,  otherwise  isolated  do-ro- 
thuusa,  decidam  Ml.  23c  23,  nid&rgenat  Ml.  80*  109,  ru-n-sluinfem- 
ni  Wb.  15*  4.  Apparently  no  need  was  felt  to  develop  a  double 
type  here. 

In  some  modern  Gaelic  dialects,  instead  of  ro-  a  prefix  Jo- 
appears  in  the  preterite.  The  history  of  the  form  does  not 
concern  us  here.  Only  a  couple  of  cases  may  be  noted  where 
this  do-  seems  to  make  an  early  appearance.  In  Ml.  Ill*  7,  8,  the 
forms  du-fo-dail  and  fu-H-dali  are  found  in  two  successive  glosses. 
In  Wb.  7d  11  dofarsiged  is  a  doubtful  word.  In  Fel.  Oeng. 
Nv.  6  the  MSS.  agree  in  do -leg  sat  from  legaim  'melt' 


II.    The  Presence  and  Absence  of  ro-. 

A.    In  Simple  Verbs. 

In  simple  verbs  in  the  earliest  Irish  known  to  us,  the  general 
rule  is  that  ro-  is  found  in  preterital  tenses,  both  active  and 
passive,  both  in  orthotonic  and  in  enclitic  forms.  The  examples 
will  be  found  p.  80  sq.  From  the  comparative  frequency  of  the 
tense  most  of  the  instances  come  from  the  *  preterite.  The  perfect 
is  also  represented  by  a  considerable  number  of  forms : — Orthotonic : 
Wb.  ro-m-bebe,  ro~cechladatart  ro-genir,  ro-t-gdd,  etc.,  ro-m-rtr, 
ro-fadatar>  ro-ir,  ra-midair,  sg.  ro-n-gmair,  ro-t-giutl,  Ml.  ro-bitha, 
ro-cachain,  ro-gdid,  etc.,  ro-n-genair,  ro-giuil,  ro~Uldatar,  ro-memaid, 
ros^ceng'jatar,  ro~tachatarf  ru-midair.  Enclitic :  Wb.  dia  ru~bay  Ml. 
cona  ro-gaidy  nad  ro-gaid,  dia  ro-guid,  dia  ro-gadatar,  co-rogenair. 
In  simple  verbs  instances  of  the  t  preterite  are  rare,  and  by  an 


THE    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  149 

unfortunate  chance  in  the  Old  Irish  Glosses  only  orthotonic  forms 
occur: — Wb.  ra-n-anacht,  ML  ro-mertatarf  ro-orty  ru-ort,  to  which 
may  be  added  ro-gelt  from  the  Southampton  Psalter. 

Whether  this  represents  the  original  state  of  things  may  be 
doubted.  It  is  a  priori  probable  that  certain  preterites,  from 
their  meaning  or  their  form,  were  perfective,  and,  accordingly, 
did  not  originally  take  ro-.  If  so,  then  they  have,  for  the  most 
part  at  all  events,  been  overwhelmed  by  the  rising  tide.  It  may 
be  noted  that,  in  orthotonic  forms  in  particular,  the  prefixation 
of  ro-  would  be  a  handy  device  for  enabling  a  pronoun  to  be 
incorporated  in  the  verb. 

There  are  some  exceptions  to  the  general  rule.  "With  hud 
'he  went'  ro-  is  regularly  absent:  cf.  pp.  87,  89-91;  further, 
Verbal  System  of  Saltair  na  Rann  (henceforth  cited  as  VSR  ), 
pp.  21,  22.  Isolated  forms  in  later  Irish  like  dia  r~luid  YSR. 
p.  21,  347,  do  not  affect  the  general  usage.  Another  form 
<*f  the  same  kind  is  fkar  'I  found,'  pass,  frith  'was  found,' 
cf.  pp.  88,  89-91,  VSR.  20,  21,  23,  36.  Both  of  these  are 
isolated  forms,  and,  if  because  of  their  meaning  they  did  not 
take  ro-  with  the  others,  their  very  isolation  may  have  protected 
them  afterwards.  In  compounds,  where  luid  serves  as  preterite 
to  a  present  luiy  ro-  is  sometimes  found.  It  is  possible 
that  to  these  two  should  be  added  a  third,  which,  however, 
occurs  only  in  enclitic  position,  ni  etade  *  he  did  not  obtain  it ' 
Ml.  Ill*  20,  trissan-Uatsat  Ml.  57*  3,  ni  hitas  LU.  89*>  18, 
^uuliach,  Ir.  Text,  i,  144  1.  7,  120  1.  21. *  Certainly  these  forms 
*K  not  found  in  the  earliest  Glosses ;  but  it  is  a  curious  fact  that 
*hokiQim  l  obtain,'  which  Ascoli  is  probably  right  in  regarding  as 
t  compound  of  etadaim,  never  takes  ro-,  and  that,  in  the  examples 
▼hich  he  cites,  neither  Uadaim  nor  etaim  take  ro-  with  the 
rabjunctive. 

As  we  saw  above,  there  are  some  verbs  that  vary  throughout 
fctween  orthotonic  forms  with  ro-  and  enclitic  forms  without  ro-. 
Thus  we  find  regularly  ro-cuala  but  ni  Mala,*  ro-fetar  but  ni 
fit*.  The  latter  has  lived  on  to  the  present  day  as  ni  fheadar. 
R  may  be  remarked  that  compounds  of  cluniur  and  fetar 
do  not  take  ro-.     From  the   third  verb  ro-lamur  it  so  happens 

'  Cf.  Zimmer,  KZ.  xxriii,  350.  With  itatt  an  irregular  analogical  formation 
*«*«■*-,  ef.  ttaste  Ml.  43*  20. 

8ihan  Erana,  Geiriadur  Cymraeg,  p.  774,  quotes  ry  giglef  by  ny  chiglef. 
How  far  the  distinction  is  carried  through  in  Welsh,  I  do  not  know. 


1<50  THE    PARTICLE    RO-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAK. 

that  no  preterite  forms  occur  in  the  Glosses.  In  later  texts  what 
seem  to  have  been  the  original  relations  are  somewhat  disturbed. 
In  orthotonesis  ro-  is  regular,  ro -lam  air  Fel.,  ro-l&tnair  LTJ. 
1 18»  37;  in  enclisis  by  ni  lamar  LU.  60*  26,  ni  Idtnair  81*  41, 
82*  33,  ni  lomar  Trip.  Life  166  1.  2,  is  found  nach  ro-lamar  LU. 
62*  29.  One  is  tempted  to  imagine  that  similar  relations  may 
have  existed  in  other  cases — that,  for  example,  by  ro-ort '  he  slew,' 
there  may  have  stood  ni  ort  '  he  did  not  slay,'  just  as  in  compounds 
of  -ort  there  is  no  ro-.  But  this,  however  probable  in  itself,  cannot 
be  established  by  sufficient  evidence.1  In  the  poems  in  the  Milan 
Glosses  occurs  ni  chelt,  but  this  isolated  form  cannot  be  considered 
very  decisive;  a  more  likely  case  is  ni  etade  above.  In  mad- 
genatar  Ml.  90b  12,  mad-genair  Fel.  Pr.  251,  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  we  have  something  original,  cf.  mad-bocht  Hy.  v. 

In  other  cases  forms  without  ro-  have  spread  at  the  expense  of 
forms  with  ro-.  In  the  Glosses  the  instances  are  few :  cf.  p.  88. 
Of  these  I  should  certainly  be  inclined  to  reject  ch$»  as  due  to 
a  scribal  blunder,  gensat  is  far  from  being  above  suspicion,  ni  leti 
occurs  in  a  passage  that  contains  also  the  later  a$bert,  and  that  is 
found  hard  by  another  gloss  containing  dambidc  and  dobert.  In 
later  texts  such  forms  become  more  common,  but  are  nowhere 
very  numerous:  cf.  pp.  88,  89-91,  VSR.  21,  23,  24,  26,  83.  One 
might  suppose  that  the  spread  of  these  forms  was  favoured  by  the 
fact  that  in  certain  verbs,  as  we  have  seen  above,  forms  without 
ro-  bad  their  place  from  of  old  by  forms  with  ro-.  It  looks  more 
than  a  chance  coincidence  that  in  Ml.  such  instances  are  enclitic — 
tit  leic,  ni  chelt,  ni  lilt  to  which  should  be  added  ni  pridched 
Wb.  33d  1,  nirransam  Wb.  19d  6,  if  Stokes  be  right.  One  might 
note  also  ro-loiscedh  by  ni  loiscedh  Ir.  Text,  iii,  1,  190;  this  is 
a  curious  parallel  to  ro-cuala  by  ni  chuala.  It  may  be  asked,  too, 
whether  the  historic  present  may  not  have  contributed  somewhat ; 
in  enclisis  it  is  not  always  easy  to  say  what  is  present  and  what  is 
preterite.  Again,  absolute  forms  like  gabais,  gabsait,  by  ro~gab 
may  have  helped.  But  it  is  impossible  to  make  out  the  develop- 
ment in  detail. 

Certain  new  forms  never  have  ro-.  This  is  so  with  the  absolute 
form 8  of  the  *  preterite,  6uch  as  creitis,  creitsit,  cf.  o  chreitstt 
Wb.  31c  7,  cichnaigistir  Sg.   152b  2,  and  with  pronoun  suffixed 

1  In  the  F61irc  occur  las-ort,  las-orta,  but  with  the  variants  lasrort,  Uurortm. 
Can  the  original  readings  have  been  lam-ort,  la*n-orla?  If  so,  the  forms 
might  tell  somewhat  in  favour  of  the  above  conjecture. 


THB    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAN.  151 

sauUi,1  leieti  ML,  both  in  late  passages,  farther  pp.  88,  89,  90,  91. 
The  reason  of  this  is  not  far  to  seek.  Forms  like  creiUit  by 
re-ereiUet  arose  in  imitation  of  the  absolute  present  creitit  by  the 
conjunct  no-crtitet,  and  absolute  forms  admit  of  nothing  before 
them. 

So  it  is,  too,  so  far  as  I  have  observed,  with  the  passive  participle 
-when  it  comes  to  replace  the  preterite  passive — brethae  Ml.  52 
(a  late  passage),  fechta  etc.  Hy.,  bretha  etc.  Fel.,  rithae  Tfr.,  etha 
etc.  p.  91.  As  1  see  now,  this  has  been  already  observed  by  Zimmer, 
XZ.  xxviii,  367.  His  two  exceptions  ro-bratha,  ro-bratta  come 
from  a  late  addition  to  the  Tain  B6  Cuailnge  in  LL.2 

B.    In  Compound  Verbs. 

Before  we  proceed  to  consider  the  use  of  ro-  in  compound  verbs, 
it  will  be  convenient  to  arrange  the  material.  First  we  will 
take  the  verbs  the  compounds  of  which  are  without  ro-,  then 
those  that  in  their  compounds  have  regularly  ro-f  and  lastly  those 
in  which  the  usage  varies.  In  each  of  these  three  classes  it  will 
be  well  further,  for  the  purposes  of  our  inquiry,  to  keep  apart 
the  three  tenses  that  make  up  the  Irish  preterite — that  is  to  say, 
the  t  preterite,  a  descendant  of  the  Indo-Germanic  aorist,  the 
perfect,  and  the  «  preterite.  Those  verbs  where  ro-  is  constant 
throughout  the  verbal  system  may  be  omitted : — to~ror-banimt 
0S$-ro-ooilim,  dl-ro-cdinim,  to-ro-gabim,  ro-icim,  <?**-ro-i7/t/w,  ad-ro- 
%Uim,  imme-ro-midiur,  di-ro-moiniury  to-rat-,  dl-ro-scagim,  ro-uccim. 

I.    Compound  Verbs  without  ro-. 
1.    The  t  Preterite. 
bath,*  ad-,  ess-ind-  (p.  121);   facht,  tar-  (p.  124);  ort,  eu-9 

1  These  forms  with  affixed  pronouns  like  saidsi,  gabs  us,  morsus  seem  to  have 
been  in  use  only  during  a  short  period.  In  the  Glosses,  as  we  have  seen,  they 
axe  found  only  in  a  late  addition  to  Ml.  (suffixed  t  is  found  earlier :  cf .  p.  88, 
Zeit.  f .  Celt.  Phil.  p.  11);  and  they  are  not  found  in  the  Saltair  na  Rann, 
where  affixed  pronominal  forms  in  general  are  rare  and  doubtful,  and  at  the 
■est  ere  found  only  in  chevilles  :   cf.  VSR.  pp.  12,  13. 

*  In  view  of  this,  the  examples  quoted  VSR.  37  require  revision.  I  had  not 
obeerred  the  principle  then. 

*  Zimmer,  KZ.  xxx,  148,  regards  ad-bath  as  derived  from  ad -bit  h,  a  perfect 
paeriVe  to  ro-H  'he  slew,1  and  adbathatar  as  an  analogical  formation  from  the 
angular.  The  difficulties  in  some  points  of  ZimmerS  explanation  have  been 
Minted  out  by  Thurneysen,  EZ.  xxxi,  80.  It  is  simpler,  with  Stokes,  Urkelt. 
m.  159,  to  look  upon  bath  as  a  non-sigmatic  middle  aorist  from  ^J  bha,  like 
mtk  'socked'  from  ^dhai.    Cf.  also  Penson,  Wurzelerweiterung  286. 


152  THB    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

to-imm-,  ess-corn-,  di -ess- com-,  friss-com-,  to-imm-com-,  to-com-f 
com-to-com-  (pp.  128,  129) ;  -diacht,  com-,  com-ad-  (p.  131) ;  and 
the  isolated  forms  conaicelt  (p.  122),  acht,  ad-,  imm-,  to-imm- 
(p.  133),  donnessm-art  (p.  133),  o-bocht  (p.  133),  ar-gairt 
(p.  134),  ardoutacht  (p.  136),  and  perhaps  inchoissecht l  (p.  128). 

2.    The  Perfect. 

ang-,  com-,  to-aith-eom-,  for-  (pp.  120-1);  *oeoha,  ad-,  imm-ad- 
(p.  122);  onala,  imm-  (p.  124),  ad-,  for-  (p.  133);  cuad,  aith-, 
dl-,  to-dl-,  friss-to-dl,  for-di,  remi-di,  ind-  (pp.  123,  124) ;  dare,  ad- 
cam-  (p.  124);  fuar,  fo-  (p.  125);  gen,  aith-,  ess-,  etar-,  ind- 
(p.  125);  anac,  air-,  fo-air-,  imm-air-,  to-air-,  to-,  aith-com- 
(p.  126),  eom-air-,  for-  (p.  134);  rath-,  to-etar-  (p.  129),  to-ar- 
(p.  135);  sed-,  dl-ess,  in-dl-ess-,  imm-  (p.  131);  sephainn, 
to-  (p.  131);  *tetol,  com-ad-,  com-  (p.  131);  *tetag,  to-eom- 
(p.  131);  traccar,  da-fo-  (p.  132),  aroair,  imm-com-  (p.  133); 
caird,  fo-  (p.  133),  duad  (p.  134),  fess,  ad-  (p.  134);  and 
the  isolated  forms  foooemallag  (p.  127),  do-faid  (p.  134), 
docoemnactar  (p.  135),  asrir  (p.  135). 

3.    The  *  Preterite. 

The  only  verbs  with  forms  of  frequent  occurrence  are  ad- 
COtadns  (p.  124)  and  to-nccns  (two  verbs,  p.  132);  less  frequent 
are  con-acertus  (p.  122),fo-lamastar  (p.  127),  cota-scrais  (p.  131). 
Isolated  forms  are  du-d-ell  (p.  124),  coneicn[ig]isset  (p.  124), 
con-acab  (p.  125),  ass-ibsem  (p.  125),  duarchom-raicset  (p.  129), 
oaittibset  (p.  131),  do-eth  (p.  134),  conascriph  (p.  136),  fo- 
truicset  (p.  136).  In  adcomcisset  by  adcomaing  (p.  121)  the 
s  form  may  be  based  on  an  old  perfect. 

II.    Compounds  with  ro-. 

1.    The  t  Preterite. 

bait,  ad-  (p.  92) ;  bert,1  ad-,  ar-,  ess  ,  for-  (pp.  92-4),  imm- 
(p.   106),  ad-od-  (p.  112),  fo-od-  (p.  119);  et,  com-,  dl-  (p.  97), 

1  It  is  possible  that  in  in-ru-ehoissecht  ro-  is  a  later  addition. 

2  The  compound  do-bert,  which  never  has  ro-,  is  a  late  formation,  cf.  p.  121 
with  note.  On  p.  121  the  solitary  form  duairbartha  appears  at  first  sight  to 
have  no  ro-,  but  it  is  not  impossible  that  it  may  stand  for  to-ar-ro-bretha. 
For  the  time  of  the  Glosses,  no  weight  can  be  laid  on  the  form  dwairbert 
in  the  Tripartite  Life.  Windisch,  Wb.  p.  437,  quotes  cotomberi  from  Fled 
Bricrend,  a  text  which  is  much  later  in  language  than  the  Glosses. 


THE   PARTICLE    30-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAN.  153 

ar-fo-  (p.  113);  jjart,1  aith-,  ar-f  to-  (p.  99), /rm-  (p.  107),  to-ad-, 
ess- com- y  to-air-ind-t  fo-od-  (pp.  114-5),  di-od-9  to-imm-  (p.  119); 
melt,  to-  (p.  103);  macht,  to-for-  (p.  116);  recht,  ess-ess- ,  rfi-*w- 
(p.  116)  ;  set,  to-ess-  (p.  118),  to-fo-ess-  (pp.  Ill,  118);  and  the 
isolated  forms  domroisectatar  (p.  105),  conrer-ortatar  (p.  116), 
arrin-sartatar  (p.  118),  darind-gult  (p.  120). 

2.    The  Perfect. 

ba  (blu),1  eeta-  (p.  92) ;  ba  (benim),  /or-,  tmm-  (p.  106),  to-fo- 

(p.  108),  etar-di-}  to-ess-  (p.  109),  imm-dl-  (p.  Ill),  ind-ar-  (p.  112), 

to-di-f  ad-ar-*  (p.  1 19),  ban-,4  to-for-  (p.  112);  bad,  to-ad-?  (p.  108); 

oer-,  to-  (p.  95),  «wt-fo-  (p.  109);  cechlaid,  fo-  (p.  95);  ciuir, 

ara-  (p.  96) ;  dLamar,  ad-  (p.  96),  damar,  fo-  (p.  96) ;  dedach, 

for-   (p.    97);     fed-    (ducere),8    di-    (p.    97);     fet-6    (dicere), 

m-ind-  (p.  113);  feth-,  fo-twtf  (p.  113) ;  fich-,7  <fr-  (p.  98);  *gega, 

to-  (p.  98) ;  *gegrann,  arf-,  »W-  (p.  101) ;  *memad,  to-  (p  103) ; 

nenasc,  «r-  (p.  103);  rath,  ind-  (p.  104),  fo-  (p.  108),  <ft-o(*-, 

fo-wm-fo-  (p.   117);   Bech-,  to-di-od-  (p.   110),  dl-od-  (p.   120); 

-teg-,  com-od-  (p.  118).    Isolated  forms  are  adro-gegonsa 8  (p.  97), 

foro-raid  (p.  104),  dorn-thethaig  (p.  106),  adroethach  (p.  108); 

durin-mailc  (p.  116).    As  to  foruar  (p.  98),  which  Windisch,  s.v. 

fihrim,  puts  down  as  a  perfect,  it  is  rather  an  *  preterite =^0- 

ft-/*r,  as  is  shown  by  the  constant  absence  of  i  infection  in  3  sg. 

in  the  Glosses,  and  by  the  compound  conforoirisset  (p.  109). 

3.    The  *  Preterite. 

The  mass  of  the  s  preterites  belongs  to  this  class,  and  it  would 
"•  useless  to  repeat  them  again.  Some  of  them  will  be  referred 
to  under  the  next  heading. 

The  isolated  forms  eonacrad,  eotagart  (p.  134)  from  later  texts  may  just  be 
■Motioned. 

On  this  verb  cf.  Thurneysen,  EZ.  xxxi,  pp.  92,  93,  who  shows  that  it  is 
•Wftponndof  blu. 

W.  lane  ata-ar-ban  Ml.  65*  14,  atat-airbined-m  g.  te  impellat  Ml.  86c  10. 
g  £fonn  of  uncertain  origin :  cf.  KZ.  xxxi,  p.  92. 

The  3  pi.  seems  to  be  found  in  Tirechan's  Notes  14,  act  aingil  dutfidcdar 
P»  !J*fJU*tar)  «saTe  angels  who  guided  it.' 

The  W.  gtcaut  indicates  that  -fid  in  the  unaccented  syllable  represents  an 
MGtofted  *fiath. 
\  tt.  1  vL.Jkhimmir  LU.  133*  41. 

A  momentary  formation  to  gloss  re-pupugi. 


154  THE    PARTICLE    30-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

III.    The  Usage  Varies. 
1.    The  t  Preterite. 

-nacim.  Without  ro-9  to-aith-com-naeim  (p.  128);  with  ro-f 
to-ind-nacim  (p.  116),  ad-nacim  (p.  107).  Of  to-ind-naeim  the 
enclitic  form  of  the  preterite  happens  not  to  he  found  in  Old 
Irish  ;  the  subjunctive  is  the  *  subjunctive  without  ro- :  cf.  below. 
Of  adnaeim,  the  earliest  form  of  the  enclitic  form  that  I  know 
is  ro-adnacht;  if  this  be  an  old  form,  then,  as  we  shall  see,  it 
may  point  to  a  later  addition  of  ro-. 

-sechim.  Of  inchomecht  and  inruehoiasecht  we  have  spoken 
above  (p.  152). 

2.    The  Perfect 

canim.  With  ro-,  for-roichan,  etc.  (p.  94) ;  without  ro-f  ap- 
parently to-air-eanim  (p.  122),  but,  as  was  pointed  out  there,  it 
is  not  certain  that  e.g.  tairehechuin  does  not  stand  for  to-air -ro- 
cechain.  The  isolated  dicachain  (p.  133)  may  be  mentioned,  but 
it  is  of  little  weight. 

-ClU.  Without  ro-,  ad-ciu,  tntm-ad-clu,  dl-air-clu?  (p.  122); 
with  ro-,  frm-ad-ciu,  di-aith-clu  (?) *  (p.  112).  Of  these,  /rw«- 
ad-clu  bears  upon  it  the  mark  of  a  comparatively  late  artificial 
compound.  In  the  other  instance  the  formation  of  the  compound 
is  doubtful  (cf.  p.  162).  On  p.  119  ro-  is  found  in  imm-ad-ciu, 
where  it  is  absent  in  the  Glosses. 

-crenim.  With  ro-9  to-aith-crenim  (p.  112);  without  ro-9 
apparently  to-air-crenim  (p.  123),  though  this  compound  is  open 
to  the  same  suspicion  as  others  that  have  air  in  the  second  place. 
As  for  to-aith-crenim,  the  very  form  of  the  compound  shows  that 
it  was  coined  to  translate  redimo,  for  in  an  old  genuinely  native 
compound  for  doradcher  we  should  have  had  *dorecer  or  the  like. 

-lengim  'leap/  With  ro-t  for-lengim  (p.  102);  without  ro-f 
dl-air-lengim  (?  p.  127),  to-lengim  (p.  107).  Perhaps  fo-lengim 
(p.  102),  which  shows  the  same  method  of  inflexion,  is  another 
compound  of  the  same  verb.1 

1  focoemallag-ta  'pertuli'  (p.  107)  differs  in  the  formation  of  the  perfect, 
and  has  no  ro-,  but  snows  likewise  an  «  aorist.  imm-fo-langim  *  efficio  differs 
in  inflexion  throughout,  rem-fo-langim,  which  Ascoli  puts  under  this,  belongs 
to  jb-lengim  above,  as  the  meaning  shows ;  moreover,  it  has  an  t  aorist,  which 
imm-Jo-langim  has  not. 


THB    PARTICLE    SO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  155 

lod.  Without  ro-,  fo-ind-ar-lod  (?),  lo-foi,  ind-od-lod,  remi-lod 
(p.  127),  ar-,  to-ar,  i*t*»-  (p.  135);  with  ro-,  imm-lod  (p.  102), 
ind-od-lod  (p.  115).  As  to  imm-lod,  the  position  of  ro-  in  the 
enclitic  forms  may  indioate  that  ro-  is  there  at  least  of  considerable 
antiquity ;  the  reverse  is  the  case  with  -rindualdatar. 

-midiur.  Without  ro-,  o-ammadar-sa  (p.  127);  with  ro-,  io- 
midiur  (p.  103),  ad-midiur  (p.  107).  With  the  latter  may  be 
compared  oonnarmadatar  (MS.  eonaeonnarmadatar,  corr.  Ascoli), 
if  it  does  not  rather  go  with  m  irmadatar  Wb.  5b  2 :  of.  Phil. 
Boo.  Trans.  1891-4,  p.  458.  The  meaning  is  different:  -am- 
madar  means  'I  adjudged,'  ad-ro-madair  means  'he  tried.'  The 
subjunctive  is  from  the  *  aorist  without  ro-  (except  in  imm-ro- 
midiur,  where  ro-  is  constant),  and  this  may  indicate  that  in  the 
preterite  ro-  is  of  later  introduction,  cf.  p.  162. 

-moiniur.  Without  ro-,  for-moiniur  (p.  128) ;  with  ro-,  ar-ru- 
muinut  (p.  103),  foruraith-minset,  ni  ru-for-aith-menair  (p.  116).  Of 
these  two  last,  the  former  shows  also  transition  to  the  «  preterite ; 
the  latter  shows  the  same  in  part,  and  bears  indications  that  it 
is  a  late  compound.  In  to-moiniur  by  forms  with  ro-  (p.  103) 
appear  forms  without  ro-  (p.  103  note,  p.  136).  The  fact  that 
the  subjunctive  has  no  ro-  might  seem  to  indicate  that  do-menar 
is  earlier  than  do-ru-menar ;  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  to  be  noted 
that  in  do-ru-mmar  ro-  preserves  its  place  in  enclisis,  so  that 
it  is  hard  to  say  whether  do-minor  is  historically  the  older  or  not, 
or  whether  the  development  may  not  have  been  do-minar,  do-ro- 
wUnar,  and  then  again  do-minar.  do-menar  is  certainly  found 
in  the  oldest  source,  and  if  ro-  in  do-ru-menar  of  ML  be  of  later 
introduction,  it  is  possible  that  it  retained  its  place  in  enclisis 
under  the  influence  of  the  similar  perfect  from  di-ro-moiniur, 
cf.  also  p.  128. 

-rigim  'bind.'  With  ro-,  clearly  doretarracht  (p.  117)  ;  without 
ro-,  eon-recht  (p.  172).  As  to  com-ad-riug  (p.  129),  it  is  not 
necessary  to  assume  that  the  perfect  contains  ro-,  nor  is  it 
necessary  to  postulate  ro-  in  do-ohoim-ar-raig  (p.  129). 

3.    The  $  Preterite. 

-fenaim.  With  ro-t  ad-ru-t-pin  (p.  97) ;  apparently  without  ro-, 
do-oir-fenu*  (p.  124),  but  it  might= do-air-ro-fenus. 

-gabim.  Regularly  with  ro-  (pp.  98,  107,  109,  110,  113,  114). 
In  the  face  of  this  agreement  the  isolated  conacab  (p.  125),  eon-gab 
(p.  134)  may  perhaps  be  reckoned  among  the  cases  where  ro-  has 


156  THB    PARTICLE    30-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

been  lost,  if  they  be  not  new  compounds  (cf.  however,  p.  164). 
arangabsat  (p.  125)  is  probably  to  be  explained  otherwise. 

-la-  '  go.'  With  ro-,  as-ru-luus  (p.  101),  (u-ro-chum-lai  (p.  115), 
con-ruala  (p.  120) ;  without  ro~t  do-ath-lasat,  do  cum-ldsat  (p.  135), 
but  in  later  texts. 

-la-  (put.'  With  ro-,  to-laaim  (p.  101),  and  adrochomul,  dorindl 
(p.  116),  if,  as  seems  not  improbable,  these  come  from  fe-  ;  without 
ro-,  tu-er-cofn-Iasnat  (p.  127),  do-ecmaltax  (p.  135). 

-lecim.  With  ro-,  ar-lecim  (p.  99),  fo-lecim  (p.  107) ;  without  ro-, 
to~air-lecim  (p.  127)  (unless  tairlaic  stand  for  to-air-ro-leic),  to-ltcim 
(p.  135). 

-salcim.  With  ro-9  to-fo-od-salcim,  to-od-salcim  (p.  110).  On 
p.  130,  as  has  been  pointed  out,  niconairsoil[c]iet  may  stand  for 
nlcon-air-ro-odsakset,  with  ro~  in  the  same  position  as  in  the  other 
compounds. 

-scannaim.  With  ro-,  to-indscannaim  (p.  110);  without  ro-, 
to-ad-8cannaim  (p.  135),  in  later  texts. 

Such  are  the  chief  facts  with  respect  to  the  distribution  of  ro- 
in  preterital  tenses.  The  explanation  of  these  facts  is  not  so 
obvious,  and  the  following  remarks  are  offered  by  way  rather 
of  tentative  suggestion  than  of  dogmatic  assertion. 

In  the  foregoing  lists  probably  one  of  the  first  things  to  attract 
notice  would  be  that  in  most  of  the  verbs  without  ro-  the  preterite 
is  the  t  preterite  (a  descendant  of  the  In  do-Germanic  aorist),  or 
the  perfect ;  the  «  preterite  is  rare,  and  is  found  only  in 
a  couple  of  verbs  of  fairly  frequent  occurrence.  On  the  other 
hand,  in  the  ro-  class  the  *  preterite  is  the  most  common  formation. 
This  division  corresponds  loosely  to  the  distinction  between  radical 
and  derivative  verbs.  Verbs  with  t  preterite  or  perfect  are  old 
radical  verbs;  verbs  with  *  preterite  are  for  the  most  part  deri- 
vative, though  a  number  of  Idg.  radical  verbs  have  also  adopted 
this  formation.  This  distinction  brings  us  so  far,  but  it  is  clear 
that  we  have  not  yet  got  to  the  root  of  the  matter,  for  a  large 
number  of  radical  verbs  with  perfect  or  t  preterite  have  ro-  in 
these  tenses.  It  is  necessary,  then,  to  carry  our  investigation 
deeper,  and,  in  the  first  place,  to  inquire  whether  any  plausible 
reason  can  be  adduced  for  the  different  treatment  of  verbs  of 
apparently  the  same  sort. 

1  Othere  would  analyze  this  into  to-aith-com-ellaim. 


THE   PARTICLE    220-    IN    IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  157 

We  have  seen  that  in  all  probability  the  original  effect  of  the 
addition  of  ro-  was  to  impart  to  the  verb  a  perfective  force.  Now 
in  Slavonic  and  in  Gothic  many  simple  verbs  are  in  themselves 
perfective  (cf.  PBB.  xv,  74,  103  sq.).  Hence  the  suggestion 
readily  offers  itself  that  in  Irish  the  verbs  that  do  not  take  ro- 
were  in  themselves  perfective  (Thurneysen,  Rev.  Celt,  vi,  322). 
But  before  this  hypothesis  can  be  more  than  an  ultimum  refugium, 
a  despair  of  any  further  explanation,  it  would  be  necessary  to 
show  that  at  all  events  the  bulk  of  these  verbs  have  perfectives 
corresponding  to  them  in  other  languages.  But,  so  far  as  I  know, 
there  are  only  one  or  two  where  this  might  be  plausibly  alleged ; 
-dnac  might  be  compared  with  Gr.  rj  vesica,  adcondare  with  Sk.  darg, 
which  in  the  Bigveda  forms  only  aorist  and  perfect  tenses.  On 
the  other  hand,  gabim  and  emim,  which  take  ro-,  correspond  to 
the  Gothic  perfectives  giban  and  niman.  So  then,  in  almost  every 
case,  this  would  be  reasoning  in  a  circle ;  such  and  such  a  verb  is 
perfective  because  it  does  not  take  ro-9  and  it  does  not  take  ro- 
because  it  is  perfective.  Still  the  suggestion  of  the  antagonism 
between  perfective  forms  and  the  particle  ro-  is  a  valuable  one, 
and  it  may  help  to  bring  us  nearer  to  the  goal,  only  by  a  some- 
what different  way. 

It  has  been  shown  by  a  number  of  examples  that  ro-  in  the 
indicative  and  ro-  in  the  subjunctive  to  a  great  extent  go  hand- 
in-hand.  Hence  an  examination  of  the  subjunctives  of  verbs 
without  ro-  may  help  somewhat  towards  the  solution  of  the 
problem.  Accordingly,  I  give  the  subjunctive  forms  of  verbs 
without  ro-9  so  far  as  I  have  noted  them.  Probably  the  list  will 
be  complete  enough  for  our  present  purpose.  Subjunctives  of  the 
s  aorist  are  kept  apart  from  the  others. 

PRE8ENT  AND 
PUTBBITB.  t  SUBJTTNCTTYE.  ImPBRFBCT  SUBJUNCTIVE. 

cot-anecar  p.  120.        ona  cumset l  Ml.  39°  26,     ona    cumgaxtis   Ml. 

cf.  Ascoli,  Gloss,  c.  102*  9. 

Uccom-nocuir]).  120.    doecmoised  Wb.  5d  26. 
#0Mtop.  120  note,     nod  n-ecmai  Ml.  15d  5, 

Ascoli,  Gloss,  cii. 

1  There  is  also  a  secondary  future  conicfed;  siefed  g.  potuisset  Ml.  14*  6,  m 
eumcmibtd  g.  nequiaset  42c  32,  eoniefimmis  a  diga[\]l  'we  should  have  been 
•hie  to  avenge  it '  Wb.  17*  10.  Similarly  from  to-iccim,  do-icfed,  etc.,  Ascoli 
CHoas.  ciii.  These  forms  are  used  in  the  double  sense  pointed  out  by  Thurneysen, 
KZ.  xxxi,  68,  as  imperfects  of  the  future  and  in  unreal  conditions ;  they  are 
not  osed  in  final  clauses. 


158 


THE   PARTICLE    SO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 


PRETERITE. 

for-com-nucuir  p. 

121. 
ad-chess  p.  122. 


ad~chuaidj>.  123. 
do-ehoody.  123. 

do-di-chuid  p.  123. 


ad-cotadus  p.  124. 
iar-facht  p.  124. 


ad-geuin  p.  125. 

ara-anic,  and  other 

compounds  of  tir- 

p.  126. 
fo-coim-lachtar  p. 

127. 
as -contort,  and  other 

compounds  of  or^- 

p.  128. 
cotascrais  p.  131. 


du-ndasepfainn    p. 

131. 
con-niacht  p.  131. 
du-cuitig  p.  131. 


t  Subjunctive. 
for-cuimsed  Wb.    4d   8, 

Ascoli,  Gloss,  ciii. 
fttfe?  n-acastar  Wb.  25b  28, 

cf.  duecastar,  Tfr.  3. 


Present  akd 
ixpebfbct  subjuhctcyb. 


^ot«    Fel.    Pr.    182, 

VSR.  56. 
do-edi  Wb.  29*  28,  Rev. 

Celt,  vi,    142,  VSR. 

17,  18. 
o-tuid-chisscd   Wb.    15c 

16,  don-di-chsitis  Ml. 

104°  5. 
cf.  itaste  Ml.  43d  20. 
iar-fassat  Windisch  Wb., 

tar-fais  LL.  181*  38, 

cf.  VSR.   69,   iarmi- 

doised  Ml.  32»  5. 


ar-i  Ml.  30d  24,  Ascoli, 

Gl088.  XCV,  8g. 

fo-chomolsam  Wb.  14b  15, 
fo-chomalsid  llb  2.    . 

du-fuarr,  etc.,  Ascoli, 
Gloss,  cxix-cxxii. 


(ft*-*?**  Ml.  61«  16,  (fw- 

sesdinn  41°  5. 
chon-denxn  Wb.  19d  24. 
dara-dochtaisedMl.  78"  4. 


«£<*<*  Wb.  llb22, 
<K*-arfA«  19b  6, 
0<*-<»&r  Ml.  3*  4, 
cf.  Windisch  s.v. 
ad-ciu,  Phil.  Soc. 
Trans.  1891-4, 
pp.  466-7. 


ad-cota  Ml.  20*  13. 


fl«M-^LU.71*34, 
aith-gnead  7 2*  25. 


arwrf  coscrad  Wb.  1 0° 
1,  co  chonscarad 
Ml.  23*  14. 


THE   PARTICLB   BO-    IN   IRISH— J.    STHACHAN. 


159 


Preterite. 
du-fu-tharcair 
p.  132. 


do-n-vccu*  p.  132. 
n£  tucus  p.  132. 


in-choiuecht  p.  128. 


do-nn-Msm-art    p. 
133. 

im-chom-arcair  p. 

133. 
*-&w?A*p.  133. 
fo-chaird  p.  133. 

ad-fessa  p.  133. 
do-coemnactar^.lZb. 


a*-rir  p.  135. 
con-reeht  p.  135. 


#  Subjunctive. 
do-fu-tkrts-se  Wb.  32»  9, 
do-du'thris  20b  9,  <*w- 
tfrtW  Wb.  4d  17, 
mi  -  duthraslar  Patr. 
By.  39. 


in-coissmed  Ml.  24°  22, 

cf.  28*10,56*  13,  Wb. 

2°  7. 
cf.  fut.  do-da-essarr  Wb. 

5°   12,  from  another 

compound. 
mme-choim-airsed  Ml. 

20b  18. 
co  chotabosad-si'Ml.  1 8*  7. 
cf.  9  fut.  fo-ehichur  [r] 

Wind.  Wb. 
cf.  * J-/w,  etc.,  VSR.  55. 
cf.  fut.  do-fo-nus-sa  Ml. 

47*  19,  by  fo-n&naig 

Hy.  iii,  6. 

con  da-rias  Ml.  21b  7. 


Present  and 
Imperfect  Subjunctive. 


do-n-fuca  Hy.  iv,  2. 
am  foitofc  Wb.  28d 

7,  cf.  27*  27,  30» 

19. 
t  n-ft>i*iw?  M1.24el  4. 


at-riad  Ml.  36»  29. 


The  most  striking  feature  in  this  list  is  the  large  number  of 
verbs,  particularly  of  common  verbs  that  have  the  *  subjunctive. 
In  connexion  with  these  verbs  two  things  may  be  noted — 
(1)  the  *  subjunctive  has  no  ra- ;  (2)  the  present  subjunctive, 
where  it  occurs,  has  no  ro-.  To  illustrate  this  further,  it  may 
be  worth  while  to  cite  other  verbs  with  the  *  subjunctive,  which, 
however,  have  ro-  in  the  preterite. 


Preterite.  t  Subjunctive. 

for-ru-dedach  p.  97.    for-n-diassatar  Ml.   39b 

12. 
du-da-ruid  p.  97.        do-n-fe  Hy.  i,  1. 


pRBSBNT  AND 

Imperfect  Subjunctive. 


160 


THB   PARTICLE    *0-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAN. 


Prstbbitb. 
da-ruich  p.  98. 


jn-roigrainn  p.  101. 
to-rdimed  p.  103. 

fo-ro-raid  p.  104. 
tn-ro-rorfp.  104. 

fo-ro-raid$.  108. 
08-rindid\>.  113. 
du-rin-Jidj).  113. 
du-ror-macht  p.  1 1 6. 


do-rind-nacht  p.  1 1 6. 


du~rin-mailc  p.  1 1 6. 
as-riracht  p.  116. 
du-reracht  p.  116. 

eon-rotaig  p.  118. 


#  SUBJUNCTIVE. 

rfw-/M«  Ml.   44*  9,   <fa- 

/*Mar  32°  20,  cf.  33b 

12,  29°  7. 
in-griastai*  Ml.  38d  5. 
rfo-ttw  Trip.  Life,  p.  84, 

1.9. 
fu-rastarm.  15b  11. 
tn-n?  Ml.  113*7,  134dl, 

in-restais  37d  1. 
don-foir  Hy.  v,  89. 
as-n-indiscd  Ml.  31*  22. 
want  thinib  Wb.  4»  27. 
tdr-mais  Sg.  208»  2,  3, 

tor-mastar  Ml.  20»  20, 

do-foir-msed  35*  17. 
do-n-indin  Wb.  13*  29, 

tind-nised  4b   13,  cf. 

KZ.  xxx,  66. 
du-in-mail  Ml.  50b  1. 
es-ersitis  Ml.   15e  7,   8. 
M  n-diirnid  Wb.  25d  27, 

cf.20M0,  Ml.  103*3. 
mm-  utastar  LL.  188b  17. 


Present  and 
ixpbrfect  subjumctxvb. 


Here  I  have  confined  myself  to  those  verbs  in  which  the 
preterite  of  the  indicative  happens  to  have  been  handed  down 
as  well  as  the  «  subjunctive.  By  including  other  verbs  the 
examples  might  have  been  easily  increased,  but  enough  has 
already  been  given  to  illustrate  the  principle.  To  the  former 
of  the  two  rules  that  compound l  verbs  do  not  take  ro-  in  the  8 
subjunctive  there  is,  60  far  as  I  have  observed,  only  one  apparent 
exception  in  the  Glosses,  that  i«  tdrbattar  from  to-ad-bad-  (p.  144). 
And  it*  may  be  questioned  whether  this  is  really  an  exception, 


1  This  rule  does  not  hold  altogether  in  simple  rerbs:  cf.  ar[ar]oiptitit  HI. 
131d  14,  con-roujset  Wb.  16c  23,  mani  roima  Ml.  89c  11,  ro~giyed  Ml.  32*  6, 
ro-n-atn  ro-m-ain  ¥k\.  Oc.  29.  Pr.  18.  Here  we  seem  to  hare  the  beginning 
of  an  extension  of  the  same  kind  as  the  spread  of  ro-  in  the  preterite  of  simple 
Terbe. 


TBB    PARTICLE   SO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  161 

or  whether  there  may  not  have  been  two  compounds  to-ad-bad- 

aud  to-ar-bad-,1  just  as  we  have  do-r-aithchiuir  and  do-air-ohiiiir ; 

ct  also  the  compound  du-air-fenus   '  manifestavi.'      In   a  later 

text  an    exception    seems    to    be    found    in   o-dirai*   (p.    144), 

*hich    seems    to    come    from    dl-Jichim;    in    the    Glosses  the    « 

•ubjunctive  has  no  ro-.      To  the  second  rule  an  exception  may 

b*  seen  in   the  verb   ad-gl&dur.      In  the    Glosses    the    present 

•tobjunctive  is  found  with  ro- :  immandrladmar  "Wb.  29d  10,  cf. 

«>*idnorladur  LU.  113*  7,  eonnarlaidid  Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1891-4, 

P*  497.    In  the  Sagas  are  found  an  *  future  adglaatmar,  ib.  497 

(V    a  reduplicated  future  ib.   507)   and  an   *   aorist  with  ro- 

*b*  497.     How  this  exception  is  to  be  explained  is  not  clear  to 

m*,     but   neither  it    nor  derais  can   be  held  to  invalidate  the 

#neial  rule.* 

Hut  how  is  that  rule  to  be  explained?  As  we  have  seen,  the 
Indo-Germanic  means  for  expressing  perfectivity  was  the  aorist. 
Th^  subjunctive  of  the  *  aorist  would  then  from  the  outset  express 
l^rtectivity  in  itself.  Consequently  in  Irish,  in  those  verbs 
*k^re  the  *  subjunctive  lived  on  from  of  old,  the  new  method  of 
exI^»*e88ing  perfectivity  by  means  of  the  particle  ro-  would  be 
^^ecessary. 

Tins  hypothesis  seems  to  furnish  a  simple  and  natural  expla- 
nation of  the  facts ;  indeed,  so  far  as  I  see,  it  is  the  only  one  that 
**ll  account  for  them.  It  also  supplies  a  reason  for  the  absence 
°*  **o-  in  the  preterite  in  the  case  of  most  of  the  common  verbs 
***fc  do  not  take  ro-  in  that  tense,  for,  as  we  have  seen,  the  great 
^^Jcrity  of  them  have  the  *  subjunctive.  Now  it  is  possible  to 
^^dewtand  why  we  should  find,  on  the  one  hand,  as-ort,  eon-diachty 
Bx^9  on  the  other,  as-ru-bart>  at-ru-balt.     In  the  latter  case  the 


0f  The  fact  that  a  in  the  perfect  and  the  s  subjunctive  often  has  the  mark 
^^lengthening  is  hardly  decisive  against  this.  Cf.  instances  like  moxrb 
^•■•^rpMiim,  etc.,  Gram.  Celt.*  26  (mixed  with  instances  that  are  to  be 
%  Whined  otherwise),  \ndrbm\m>  etc.,  ib.  881,  which  seem  to  indicate  that 
Oi*fc*>r*  T0We*  before  r  -f-  cons,  was  lengthened,  becoming,  perhaps,  half-long. 
p^  •  triple  length  of  vowels,  cf.  O'Molloy,  Grammatica  Latino-Hibernica, 
Jq!m   J 61 ;   his  examples  represent  the   Modern   Munster   pronunciation.      The 

^j«ct  would  probably  repay  a  thorough  examination. 
^Il     In  compounds  of  -ciu  we  find  by  de-n-ecaither  Ml.  73e  11,  -dtrcaither 
v**    102*  10,  cf.  above  p.  158,  and  the  indicative  forms  p.  112.     The  probability 
2*^^  is  that  we  have  to  deal  with  different  compounds,  dl-ad-c~tu,  and  perhaps 
£j  ••>•««,  cf.  ni-m-aircecha-sa,  arcastar  VSR.  p.  56.     As  to  dorecacha  in  Ml. 

*  1*.  112;  the  meaning  is  a  particular  one,  and  the  analysis  of  the  compound  is 
^Ttain. 

toSL  Irani.  1805-7.  11 


162  THB    PART1CLK    SO-    IN    IRISH— J.    STRACHAM. 

aorist  stem  was  either  not  formed  or  had  perished l ;  consequently 
the  perfective  ro-  made  its  way  into  the  verbal  system,  while,  in 
the  former,  where  the  Indo-Germanic  perfective  stem  lived  on,  it 
did  not. 

But,  it  may  be  urged,  a  considerable  number  of  verbs  that  form 
the  $  subjunctive  have,  nevertheless,  ro-  in  the  preterite.  That  is 
indeed  so,  as  the  list  on  pp.  159,  160  shows.  How,  then,  is  the  fact 
to  be  explained  ?  It  may  be  observed  that  ro-  has  somewhat  of 
a  tendency  to  spread  in  the  preterite.  Compare  ni  m-un-accamar 
"Wb.  18*  3  with  im-r-acacha  LXJ.  130b  22,  do-sephain  p.  131  with 
dotroiphnetar  LU.  98b  32,  du-ar-bartha  Ml.  99d  1  with  do-r-airbert 
Trip.  Life,  do-r-arbrad  Salt.  Rann  6922,  do-dnico  p.  126  with 
do-ranie  Salt.  Rann  5339.  In  all  probability  the  explanation  of 
ro-  in  the  above-mentioned  preterites  is  the  same ;  ro-  spread 
to  them  by  the  way  of  analogy.  Why  ro-  should  have  invaded 
some  verbs  and  not  others,  is,  of  course,  not  in  every  case  clear. 
Sometimes  a  reason  can  be  suggested.  Thus,  the  compounds  of 
-cuad  have  no  present.1  The  compounds  of  -iccim  are  in  very 
common  use,  and  a  form  much  used  is  less  likely  to  be  affected 
by  analogy.  Similar  reasons  could  be  urged  for  some  of  the 
others,  but  it  is  needless  to  go  into  detail.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  may  be  noted  that  many  of  the  compounds  into  which  ro-  has 
penetrated  are  of  very  infrequent  occurrence.  It  may  be  remarked 
further  that  in  the  old-established  compound  ad-eiu  there  is  no  ro-t 
while  the  new  compound  frm-accim  inserts  it  after  the  first 
preposition.  So  far,  then,  the  results  may  be  summed  up  as 
follows.  Verbs  that  preserved  the  *  subjunctive,  the  primary 
force  of  which  was  perfective,  did  not  develop  a  perfective  re- 
formation, and  in  consequence  are  regularly  without  ro-  both 
in  the  subjunctive  and  in  the  preterite ;  where  ro-  appears,  it  has 
come  in  by  way  of  analogy. 

So  much  for  this  class  of  verb.     Of  the  remaining  ro-less  verbs 


1  That  many  t  subjunctives  have  been  lost  in  Irish  is  certain.  Indeed,  so 
far  as  I  can  recollect,  the  *  subjunctive  is  limited  to  verbs  ending  in  a  guttural 
or  a  dental,  including  sennim,  which  ends  in  n.  There  are  none  from  roots 
ending  in  a  labial  or  a  liquid.  This  can  hardly  be  explained  save  on  the 
assumption  that  somehow  these  forms  were  unfitted  to  survive  in  the  struggle 
for  existence.  In  liquid  verbs  the  indicative  of  the  middle  aorist  lives  on 
much  disguised  in  the  t  preterite. 

2  That  is  so  in  the  Glosses.  In  VSR.  p.  63  have  been  noted  a  couple  of 
instances  of  a  present  -digthim,  •diehtim  to  di-cuad.  In  any  case  the  instances 
are  very  few,  and  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the  present  is  not  a  new  formation 
from  the  perfect. 


THR    PARTICLE    RO-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAN.  163 

one  of  the  most  common  is  -gninim  in  compounds.  Here,  again, 
the  subjunctive  -gnB,  -gnead  is  noteworthy.  It  is  formed  not 
from  the  present  stem  but  from  the  root,  so  that  formally  it 
might  be  more  properly  described  as  an  aorist  subjunctive.  Of 
somewhat  similar  formation  is  the  subjunctive  stem  of  a  number 
of  Yerbs  in  -enimt  benim  *  strike/  bia ;  crenim  '  buy,'  do-aith- 
ckretU  Ml.  123c  10 ;  renim  «  give,'  ni  riat  Wb.  28c  2,  as-riad 
Ml.  36»  29,  cf.  Gr.  wpinfuu  (Thurneysen  KZ.  xxxi,  84-8).  These, 
again,  are  formally  rather  aorist  subjunctives :  cf.  Thurneysen,  I.e. 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  they  do  not  take  ro- :  nachit-rindarpither l 
Wb.  5b  33,  is  an  exception,  and  the  position  of  ro-  in  this  form 
may  indicate,  as  we  shall  see,  that  it  is  a  later  addition.  As 
to  the  preterite,  -gninim  never  has  ro-.  Of  compounds  of  renim 
only  a  solitary  as-rir  is  found.  From  -crenim  the  artificial 
compound  to- aith- crenim  has  ro-f  in  to  air-crenim  there  is  no 
clear  trace  of  ro-,  and  it  is  not  necessary  to  assume  that  it  was 
ever  present.  In  compounds  of  -benim,  ro-  is  regularly  present. 
Probably  here,  too,  the  facts  may  best  be  explained  by  the 
assumption  that,  where  ro-  appears  in  this  class  of  verbs,  it  has 
come  in  by  analogy. 

Compounds  of  -cluniur  '  I  hear '  have  no  ro-.  It  is  not 
altogether  certain  whether  the  subjunctive  -door  is  an  s  stem,  or 
a  formation  of  the  sort  which  has  just  been  considered:  cf. 
Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1891-4,  p.  564. 

A  certain  number  of  preterites  are  protected  by  their  isolation. 
Such  are  at -bath,  an-ind-batht  ad-con-darc,  fo-fuart  dessid,  imm- 
*wtwir,  da  ad.  It  is  instructive  to  compare  the  compounds  of 
,/W  and  l*d-.  As  we  have  seen,  neither  of  them  take  ro-  in  the 
simple  verb.  Now  in  composition  fuar  is  just  as  much  isolated 
m  in  the  simple  form  ;  -lud-,  on  the  other  hand,  serves  as  the 
preterite  to  -lui.  Hence  fuar  in  composition  does  not  take  ro-, 
▼hile  in  compounds  of  lud-  there  is  a  tendency  to  introduce  ro-. 
About  the  remaining  verbs  there  is  little  to  be  said.  Some  of 
them  have  been  spoken  of  above,  p.  155.  Of  *  preterites  ad  cotadue, 
••  we  saw  before,  has  in  the  simple  verb  an  «  form.  Of  do-uccue 
'1  brought,'  and  -tucus  *  I  understood,'  it  can  only  be  said  that 
they  show  ro-  nowhere ;   in  the  former  verb  it  may  be  that  the 

1  Perhaps  also  ar-ind-ro-ehrieti*  Ml.  85d  1  is  an  exception.  Ascoli  suggests 
"feffMArifirftf,  but  -crinim  might  rather  be  expected  to  go  in  inflexion  with  the 
jkore  rerbt.  Should  we  read  arindroehrttit  P  In  either  case  the  form  would 
Nffrtgtdar. 


164  THE    PARTICLE    JK>-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN, 

kindred  ro-uccus  helped  to  keep  the  preterite  free  from  ro-.  In 
connection  with  cota  serais  it  may  be  remarked  that  several  verbs 
compounded  with  com-ad-  do  not  show  ro-.  Such  are  con-ascriph,  con- 
acertus  (both  of  them  probably  learned  words),  con-aicelt,  con-acab, 
con-acrad,  con-aittibset,  and  the  perfect  con-attaiL  Most  of  these 
are  isolated  forms,  and  whether  any  principle  underlies  this  I 
will  not  venture  to  determine.  Of  the  other  isolated  «  preterites 
I  will  say  nothing.  In  some  of  them,  at  all  events,  we  may  have 
instances  of  the  later  usage  without  ro-,  which  will  have  to  be 
considered  later. 

After  what  has  been  said  already,  the  preterite  with  ro-  may 
be  dismissed  briefly.  If  it  were  necessary  to  define  the  funda- 
mental use  of  ro-  in  the  verbal  system,  the  following  statement 
would  probably  be  not  far  from  the  truth — The  particle  ro-  served 
to  form  a  perfective  form  to  such  verbs  as  had  no  perfective 
(aorist)  stem.1  This  would  agree  well  with  the  facts  that  have 
been  noticed  already.  It  would  also  agree  well  with  the  fact 
tliat  the  great  mass  of  ro-  preterites  belong  to  the  s  preterite,  for 
the  s  preterite  is  xar  cfox^,  the  preterite  of  derivative  verbs 
which  in  Indo-Germanic  had  no  extra-presential  stem.  Perhaps 
the  introduction  of  ro-  into  the  preterite  may  be  not  unconnected 
with  the  formation  of  a  preterite  to  verbs  of  that  type.  The  « 
preterite  has  not  yet  been  thoroughly  cleared  up.  (Cf.  Brugmann, 
Grundriss  iii,  §840.) 

We  must  not  be  understood  to  say  that  every  ro-  subjunctive 
must  go  back  to  an  old  perfective  stem ;  when  once  the  type  was 
established,  it  may  have  spread  by  analogy.  In  the  examples 
given  on  p.  99  the  perfective  stem  is  probably  old  in  at  least 
a  great  number  of  those  verbs  in  which  ro-  stands  directly  before 
the  verb,  and  retains  that  position  in  enclisis. 

Again,  it  would  doubtless  be  going  too  far  to  assert  that  in 
every  instance  a  ro-  in  the  preterite  goes  together  with  a  ro-  in  the 
subjunctive.      In  many  cases  ro-  may  have  spread  independently 

1  Perhaps,  to  make  surer,  one  might  add  'or  no  perfective  present  stem/  for,  as 
we  saw  above,  it  is  possible  for  a  verb  to  be  perfective  in  itself.  For  the 
preterite  this  distinction  has  been  of  little  use ;  whether  it  would  be  anv  more 
nelpful  tor  the  subjunctive  could  be  determined  only  by  a  thorough  investigation 
of  the  syntax  of  that  mood.  Further  might  be  added,  perhaps,  *  or  where  the 
perfective  stem  has  been  lost.'  That  would  include  those  primary  verbs  which 
may  well  have  inherited  from  the  parent  language  an  t  subjunctive  that  was 
afterwards  lost.  If  the  loss  of  the  s  subjunctive  were  posterior  to  the  develop- 
ment of  the  ro-  category,  it  would  be  necessary  to  assume  that  ro-  came  in  dv 
analogy,  but  at  an  early  date. 


THE   PARTICLE    RO-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAN.  165 

by  analogy  in  the  preterite,  just  as  it  did  in  all  probability  in  the 
verba  that  were  considered  above,  p.  162.  As  we  shall  see  after- 
wards, the  varying  position  of  ro-  in  compounds  points  to  its 
introduction  at  different  periods. 

As  to  variation  of  usage,  whereby  in  compounds  of  the  same 

verb  ro-  sometimes  appears  and  sometimes  does  not,  the  most  that 

is  to  be  said  hus  been  said  already.     It  is  clear  that  the  usage 

is  determined  by  the  verb,  not  by  the  prepositions  with  which 

the  verb   enters  into  composition.      The   only  possible   instance 

to  the  contrary,  so  far  as  I  know,  which  could  be  quoted,  is  the 

usage  in  certain  verbs  compounded  with  com-ad-  (p.  164),  and  that 

may  be  a  mere  coincidence.      Considering  the   great  number  of 

the  verbs  in  question,  instances  of  variation  are  really  very  few, 

and  become  fewer  if  those  cases  are  taken  away  in  which  ro-  may 

have  become  indiscernible  after  the  preposition  air.     Of  the  others, 

many  occur  in   texts  later  than   the  Glosses,  and  they  may  be 

regarded  as  new  developments  rather  than  as  anything  old.     The 

instances  in  which  the  reverse  is  probable,  namely,  that  the  ro-less 

forms  are  the  older,  have  been  noted  before,  cf.  p.  155. 

It  has  already  been  remarked  that  in  later  Irish  there  is 
somewhat  of  a  tendency  to  omit  ro-  in  compound  verbs  in  which 
*+  was  present  in  the  older  language.  Examples  of  this  will 
oe  found  on  pp.  136,  137  ;  further,  it  is  possible  that  some  isolated 
n  less  forms  in  the  Glosses  are  to  be  explained  in  this  way, 
though  here  the  fact  cannot  be  established  with  the  same  certainty 

*  in  those  verbs  in  which  older  forms  with  ro-  occur.  It  is 
^possible  for  me  to  give  a  detailed  account  of  this  phenomenon 
tare.  The  instances  in  the  old  texts  that  we  have  examined 
9X9  not  very  numerous,  and  the  only  other  collection  that  I  have 

*  my  disposal  is  VSR.  pp.  20-34,  36,  37. 

In  the  oldest  Irish  Glosses,  as  will  be  seen  from  a  glance  at 
P*  136,  the  examples  are  very  few.  In  Ml.  it  may  be  noted  that 
y08  or  two  of  the  passages  in  which  these  forms  occur  have  other 
indications  that  they  are  later  than  the  bulk  of  the  Glosses.  Thus 
**  10  shows  by  -digni  dobert.  In  58°  6  by  asmbert  is  found 
**  to,  and  in  the  neighbouring  gloss  58c  4  dambidc  is  found  by 
*r*|rt.  Further,  several  of  the  instances  are  found  together  in 
1  «mger  gloss  of  the  same  kind,  55c  1,  and  ducorastar  occurs 
m  another  similar  gloss,  52,  which  contains  several  later  forms. 
It  is  probable  that  some,  at  least,  of  the  other  passages,  such 
M  16"  10,  39*  3,   124*  9,  must  be  regarded  in  the  sumo  light. 


166  THE   PARTICLE   RO-   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 

In  83d  6  durim  glosses  relatione  persequitur,  and  we  should 
probably  restore  the  present  durimi.  In  the  later  Turin  Glosses 
such  cases  are  proportionately  more  frequent,  likewise  in  the 
other  texts,  pp.  136,  137,  which  are  probably  to  be  referred  to 
the  end  of  the  eighth  or  to  the  ninth  century.  In  the  tenth- 
century  text,  the  Saltair  na  Rann,  the  instances  are,  as  might 
be  expected,  more  numerous,  but  still,  relatively  to  the  total 
number  of   forms,  they  are  not  very  frequent. 

In  the  lists  on  pp.  136,  137,  we  may  observe  that  the  examples  are 
particularly  frequent  from  one  or  two  verbs — asbert,  dogeni,  -digni, 
dognith  (but  -dernad),  docorastar,  docer — and  some  of  the  others 
are  found  more  than  once.  It  seems  impossible  to  say  why  ro- 
should  have  been  given  up  sooner  in  some  verbs  than  in  others, 
but  some  more  or  less  plausible  reasons  may  be  adduced  for  the 
general  fact  of  the  partial  omission  of  ro-.  (1)  The  analogy  of 
the  ro-less  verbs,  e.g.  as -her  t  :  ae-beir,  at-balt  :  at-bail,  fru-gart  : 
frie-gair^tar facht :  iar/aig,  as-art :  as-oirg.  (2)  Sometimes  in 
enclitic  forms  ro-  becomes  indiscernible,  e.g.  fit  ar-bart  (p.  92), 
ni  ar-chiuir  (p.  96),  ni  ar-gart  (p.  99),  and  the  enclitic  forms 
might  easily  have  affected  the  orthotonic.  (3)  .  The  loss  of  ro- 
might  further  have  been  helped  by  the  historic  present,  which 
in  the  3  sg.  in  many  cases  is  not  distinguishable  from  a  ro-less 
9  preterite.  Thus,  tintdieet  is  the  plural  of  Untax,  and  the  latter 
might  formally  be  either  pres.  indie,  or  ro-less  pret.  of  to-tndsdun. 
The  historic  present  and  the  preterite  are  often  found  together, 
e.g.  LU.  57*  30  dothiagat  .  .  .  co  feotdr  'they  go  .  .  .  and  slept,' 
69b  28,  30-5,  etc.  An  instance  like  do-cer,  which  has  no  present 
forms,  can  hardly  be  explained  in  any  of  these  ways.  Probably 
the  variation  between  forms  with  and  forms  without  ro-  in  other 
cases  leads  to  a  similar  variation  here. 

For  with  the  development  of  ro-less  forms  the  corresponding 
forms  with  ro-,  in  many  cases  at  least,  did  not  vanish  from 
literature.  Thus,  Salt.  R.  has  only  do-ro-chair,  tor-chair  (VSR. 
22-4),  while  in  tenth  and  eleventh  century  poems  do-cer  is 
frequent.  In  Salt.  R.  we  find  e.g.focart  by  forfuacart,  dorarngert 
by  tharhgert,  dosrinoUat  by  tindlsat,  and  many  others.  How  far 
these  double  forms  are  due  to  literary  tradition  I  have  no  evidence 
to  prove. 

In  a  couple  of  common  verbs  there  is  clear  evidence  that  the 
ro-le*s  forms  existed  only  for  a  limited  time,  and  that  the  forms 
with  ro-  continued  to  live  on  side  by  side  with  them.      From 


THB   PARTICLE   RO-   IN    IRISH. — J.   STRACHAN.  167 

tih'ur,  asbert,  as  we  saw,  begins  to  appear  in  the  later  Glosses, 
and  it  is  the  common  form  in  the  Sagas,  and  also  in  the  Salt.  E. 
(VSR.  24).  But  the  modern  dubhairt  cannot  be  derived  from 
this:  it  comes  from  adubairt,  a  later  Mid.  Ir.  transformation  of 
atrubairt.  So  rinneac,  go  n-dearnas,  rinneadh,  go  n-dearnadh  come 
from  dorigenus,  etc.,  not  from  do  genus,  etc.  Already  in  Salt.  K. 
in  this  verb  only  forms  with  ro-  are  found.  The  mass  of  verbs 
went  another  way,  but  of  that  we  shall  have  to  say  something 
under  the  following  heading. 


III.    The  Position  of  ro-. 

Before  proceeding  to  details  we  may  note  two  diverse  principles 
thereby  the  position  of  ro-  is  regulated  in  compound  verbs. 

(1)  In  some  compounds  ro-  stands  next  to  the  verb  irrespective 
of  the  number  of  prepositions  that  precede,  and  it  retains  this 
position  in  enclisis.  To  this  class  belong  most  of  the  verbs  on 
pp.  108-113,  and  many  of  those  on  pp.  91-108;  in  the  latter 
compounds  it  is  only  the  enclitic  form  that  can  determine  whether 
the  compound  belongs  to  this  class  or  to  the  following.  In  some 
compounds,  however,  ro-  stands  between  the  second  and  the  third 
prepositions :  do-for-chossol  (to-fo-com-*ali/n)t  dofortaile  (to-fo-od- 
*•&»),  do-dersaig  (to-dl-od-9*chim),  do-forsat  (lo-fo-css-iemim). 
Sometimes,  too,  ro-  standing  after  the  first  of  more  than  one 
preposition  retains  its  position  in  enclisis.  These  exceptions  will 
to  considered  later. 

(2)  In  other  compounds  the  rule  is  that  in  orthotonesis  ro- 
oomes  after  the  first  preposition,  in  enclisis  at  the  head  of  the 
compound  directly  after  the  particles  n?,  n&d%  etc. ;  in  other  words 
**-  follows  the  pretonic  syllable.  The  accentuation  •  of  ro-  itself 
m  «uch  compounds  will  be  discussed  in  another  section. 

Considering  the  importance  of  the  enclitic  forms  for  this  part 
of  oar  investigation,  it  will  be  well  to  exhibit  the  two  sets  over 
•gainst  one  another.     Unfortunately  they  are  all  too  scanty. 

I.  Verbs  compounded  with  one  preposition. 

f©«  REMAINS.  TO-  MOTB8  FOE  WARD. 

co  n-dtr-badad,  p.  92.  ni-r  ru-foir-ensda,  p.  95. 

co  n-cr-baltatar,  p.  92.  nicon-ru-ac-oobrus,  p.  95. 


168 


THE   PARTICLE   *0-    IN   IRISH — J.   8TRACHAN. 


fO-  B.BMAIN8. 

ni  ar-bart,  p.  92. 
nt  ar-burt,  p.  93. 
9-arr-ceoratar,  p.  96. 
inn  dr-damar-su,  p.  96. 
nad  for-damarsa,  p.  96. 
nt-m-thor-gaith,  p.  98. 
ni  ar-gartf  p.  99. 
ni  ar-ginsat,  p.  99. 
m  der-g&ni,  p.  99. 
dia  for-gensam,  p.  101. 
con-da-ar-hg%  p.  102. 
n«  der-laichta,  p.  102. 
nio-im-ru-ldatar,  p.  102. 
asa-to-rdimed,  p.  103. 
ni  tor-mult,  p.  103. 
nio-tor-menar-sa,  p.  103. 
ni-n-ar-raimf  p.  104. 
nifor^roim,  p.  106. 
ni-n-ar-la88air,  p.  107. 
o-irraeht,  p.  108. 


tt>-  MOTES  FORWARD. 

in  rad-chotadaiged,  p.  95. 
m  rb-tho-chureitar,  p.  96. 
ni  ru-frilh-gab,  p.  98. 
m  ru-th6-gaitsam,  p.  98. 
nad  reildisem-ni,  p.  102. 
ni  ro-di-tnicestar,  p.  103. 
f'n  ru-etar-war     )       -0- 
(7m*  in  retarscar  ) 
nad  ro-to-dlaigestar,  p.  106. 
na<£  rim-gab,  p.  107. 


By  these  may  be   mentioned  the  following  subjunctives   (cf. 
pp.  143,  144):— 


arin-de-roima. 
arna  der-gaba. 
o-der-nessa. 
arna  der-lind. 


eon  ro-ad-amrigther* 

9-ro-intiamlithe. 

cor-ro-aitreba. 


2.  Verbs  compounded  with  more  than  one  preposition. 
(a)  In  orthotonesis  ro-  stands  before  the  verb. 


nad  tarbas  (?cf.  pp.  160-1),  p.  108.     nad  ru-chum-gab,  p.  109. 
manid-tes-ar-bi,  p.  108. 
con-da-tuar-gabma,  p.  110. 
dia  n-im-for-lainged,  p.  110. 
9ii  thar-ilb,  p.  111. 


THB   PARTICLE  *0-   IN   IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  169 

(b)  In  orthotonesis  ro-  stands  between  the  second  and  the  third 
prepositions. 

ni  ar-roii,1  p.  113.  hi  ro-im-di-bed,  p.  111. 

nack'id'farcaib,  p.  113.  nach-im-rind-arpai,  p.  112. 

niern-gaib,  p.  114.  ni  ru-thor-ba-sa,  p.  112. 

con-da-forlaig,  p.  115.  in  ru-fres-cachae,  p.  112. 

ni^-de-raerachtatar,  p.  116.  ni  ro4huilli*8emy  p.  115. 

ni  de-rua-rid,  p.  117.  ni  ru-m-com-air-leicia-se,  p.  115. 

ni  com-arscaiged.  p.  117.  nod  rind-udldatar,  p.  115. 

ni  der-saig,  p.  120.  ni  ru-for-aith-menair,  p.  116. 

ni  ru-ckumsanus-sa,  p.  117. 


The  tendency  in  Irish  is  for  the  former  principle  to  give  place 

to  the  latter,  and  this  change  has  begun  in  the  time  of  the  Glosses. 

Cf.  by  ar-for-chelta  p.  109,  ar-n-dam-roi-chlis-ni  p.  112;  by  dan- 

4"taig  p.  110,  do-ro-diusgad  p.  118,  cf.  VSR.  1.  680 ;  by  do-forsat 

P-  111,  do-r6sat  p.  118,  which  is  afterwards  the  regular  form,  cf. 

^SB.  1.  474  sq. ;  by  doinUarrai  p.  Ill,  do-rintai  p.  118,  in  the 

■enae  of  'translate';  by  con-to-roe  p.  131,  co-ru-tMi  p.  118.     Cf. 

*°rther  du-m-imm-er-ckell  p.  109,  with  do-rim-chell  p.  119,  cf.  VSR. 

J-  ^80;  do-imm-arnad  p.  108,  with  do-rimnai  VSR.  1.  781 ;  *iW- 

^•Wto*  p.   110  with  do-rinnscan  VSR.  1.  673.     So  in  enclisis  by 

^^^thor-gaiih  we  have  ni  ru-thd-gaitsam,  in  the  subjunctive  ro- 

*etaux8  its  original  position,  cf.  p.  143 ;   by  ni  ern-gaib  we  have 

***  r+tn-gabsat ;  cf.  also  nod  ru-chum-gab  by  orthotonic  conn-uar-gab 

P-  IO9.    in  the  later  language  the  latter  mode  of  arrangement  for 

^  xxiost  part  prevails. 

t  ®£     the  two  principles  it  is  certain,  both  from  a  priori  con- 

^k^^tions  and  from  the  general  course  of  the  development  of  the 

^S^fcage,  that  the  former  is  the  earlier.     And  this  principle  also 

**^    good  in  those  compounds  enumerated  on  p.  151  in  which  ro- 

extexicls  through  the  whole  verbal  system,  including  verb  nouns;3 

.  ^**1t  it  is  not  certain  that  this  is  not  for  ar-ro~et,  cf.  Thurneysen,  Rev.  Celt. 
^1  *^3,  and  o-roitatar  above,  p.  97  ;  or  ar-em-  and  ar~fo-em-  may  have  become 

'  An  exception  would  be  found  in  tororbanim  if  Thurneysen's  hesitating 

w°*Ution  of  the  word  into  to-ro-fwr-fm-  be  right.  But  it  is  to  be  noted 

to*  It-wr-  ex  hypothesi  from  do-ro-for-  shows  no  mark  of  lengthening  on 
lb*  second  syllable,  and  the  analysis  is  doubtful. 


170  THE   PARTICLE   RO-   IN   IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

in  the  parts  in  which  ro-  appears  in  both  classes  there  is  formally 
no  distinction  between  the  old  perfective  compounds  and  those 
compounds  in  which  ro-  may  be  assumed  to  have  had  its  full 
prepositional  force.  We  may,  then,  lay  down  the  rule  that  in 
verbs  compounded  with  prepositions  originally  ro-  stood  directly 
before  the  verb,  and  retained  that  position  under  all  circumstances. 
If  it  be  asked  how  ro-  came  to  hold  this  position,  it  would  be 
a  fair  answer,  so  far  as  concerns  the  perfective  compounds,  that 
the  formation  of  a  perfective  stem  with  ro-  started  in  the  simple 
verb,  and  that,  when  the  verb  came  to  be  compounded  with 
prepositions,  ro-  retained  its  original  place  just  like  the  augment. 
But  what  of  those  compounds  in  which  ro-  is  an  ordinary  pre- 
position? These  puzzled  me  for  a  long  time,  until  at  last  the 
idea  occurred  that  this  order  may  have  been  proethnic.  This 
suspicion  was  confirmed  by  an  examination  of  the  usage  in  Yedic 
Sanskrit  and  in  Homer.  In  the  constant  compounds  (durchgehenden 
Verbindungen)  enumerated  by  Delbriick  in  his  Altindische  Syntax, 
pp.  434-9,  prd  is  always  nearest  to  the  verb.1  So  in  Homer, 
iTrifrpotfffiiy  €7riirpo^€tvt  iiriirpoidWto,  airorpotTipn,  itcTrpoicaXeto, 
6>r7rpo\ei7ru),  ire  purpose  tv,  inremrpofairyu),  {nreKwpoOia),  vrreKirpoXvto ; 

the  only  exception  that  I  have  discovered  is  irpoKaOtgdrrw 
B.  463,  which  may  be  regarded  as  the  beginning  of  a  later 
principle.  Other  Idg.  languages  I  have  not  examined,  but  this 
agreement  between  the  West  and  the  East  should  be  sufficient 
in  itself. 

Compounds  of  the  earlier  type  containing  only  one  preposition 
hardly  call  for  any  further  discussion.  It  may  not,  however,  be 
amiss  to  take  some  illustrative  examples  of  the  building  up  of 
compounds  with  two  or  more  prepositions.  From  dnint,  which  is 
not  found  as  a  simple  verb,  the  perfective  stem  would  be  ro-dn-. 
This  occurs  in  aith-rodn-,  imm-ro-dn-t  p.  92.  From  the  latter,  with 
the  addition  of  to~,  which  is  often  prefixed  without  appreciably 

1  Before  consulting  Delbriick  I  looked  through  the  instances  given  by 
Grassmann  in  his  Worterbuch.  If  my  observations  be  accurate,  he  gives  sixty 
compounds  of  two  prepositions  from  forty -one  roots,  in  which  prd  stands  nearest 
to  the  verb.  The  exceptions  are  few  and  isolated.  In  several  of  them  prd 
stands  loosely  at  the  beginning  of  the  sentence :  RV.  v,  2.9,  x,  47.6,  vii,  84.1, 
t,  49.5,  ix,  64.19,  ix,  103.1,  viii,  58.1,  vii,  1.4;  on  rt  duhanti  prd  vdndm, 
iv,  24.9,  cf.  PBW.  8.v.  duh.  The  remaining  instances  are  yo  na  iddm-idam 
purd  prd  vdtya  oniniya,  viii,  21.9,  and  printdr  r'thayah  sthdvirir  a*%kthatat 
ix,  26.3,  truly  a  scanty  remnant. 


THE   PARTICLE   120-    IN    IEISH — J.    STRACHAN.  17l 

changing  the  meaning,  comes  to-i/nin-ro-an-  p.  108.     From  gahtm 

with  ud~  would  come  *ad-rQ-$ab*.     This  compound  has  not  survived 

independently,  but  it  forms  the  base  of  to-ud-ro-t/ah-  p,  110,  and 

tom-ud-rQ*0ab-  p.   109  ;    tbe  enclitic  form  of  the  latter  is,  it  is 

tnae,  ~ru-ekum-$ab-t   but  the   position   of   ro-  iu   orthotonesis  is 

ittfticiuiit  evidence  that  this  is  an  old  compound,  and  -ru-chum*jah 

baa  accordingly  been  put  down  among  the  instances  of  tran^; 

ineatiotied  above  p.  169.    From  #&im  'turn*  would  come  rv*$6*f 

fan-tit-,  \w,  ii  the  base  of  c&m*to-r<f*o-  p.  1 1 1,  and  possibly, 

though  not  necessarily,  of  do-n-int-unai    ib.     From  tdbaim  with 

«rf-  might  come   ad-ro-*eI&*t   and    from   this  again   to-ad-m-telb- 

P-  HI.    Other  compounds  of  the  same  kind  may  be  considered  to 

have  arisen  in  the  same  way,  whether  the   intermediate   stages 

to  havu  been  actually  handed  down  or  not, 

Aa  we  have  seen,  p.  169,  some  compounds  take  ro*  before  tbe  last 

Chief  among  this  class  are  verbs  with  initial  s  eoni- 

ith   ud-f  where  this  order  is   regular.     The  examples 

dunfmaile,  dorotik  p.  110,  from  the  stems  tQ-fe-ro-ud-salc-, 
to-mirf-tiifr..  It  is  to  be  noted  that  mk-  is  never  found  in 
Irish  without  ud-\  the  base  of  composition  was  not  salc*l  but 
•d-ttk-}  in  which  tbe  assimilation  of  d  to  «  was  doubtless  very 
tarif. 

&rimi$  p.  120,  dandertaig  p.  llQ=dhrQ~ud-Meh-f  to-di-ro-ud- 

•*k*  In  this  root  ttd-  is  found  only  in  these  particular  compounds. 

&rmn  p.   1 17 =Mm*ro-ud*Mn-.     Now  iu  orthotonesis  here  ro- 

tUada  after    the    first    preposition,    and    the   only  enclitic  form 

that  has  been   preserved    for   us    is  -rutJmtman^   so  that   at   first 

fight  tins  compound  seems  one  of  the  later  type.     But  the  verb 

ha*  every  appearance  of  being  an  old  one,  and  there  is  nothing 

i  cipro Wide   in    the   assumption  that  -ruchumsun  has  replaced  an 

'tmarmn, 

wnrotcaig  p.   \  17  =>evm-ro-ud -teach-*     Here  the  antiquity  of  the 

compound  is  guaranteed  by  the  enclitic  -co  mar  scathed. 

Three  of  these  verbs  begin  with  *  followed  by  a  vowel,  and  it 
might  perhaps  be  urged  that  e.g.  *ud*ro-*ak  became  ro*oualc  by 
<iisjiiacement  of  ro-  to  preserve  the  unity  of  the  verbal  system* 
it  this  consideration  did  not  prevail  in  ad  ro*telb  ,  where  ro*  kept 
position  even  though  this  involved  the  loss  of  #  iu 
Again,    conrotcaiff   cannot    be    explained    iu    this    way, 
another  suggestion  seems  more  probable,  namely,  that  in 


172  THE   PARTICLE   RO-   IN   IRISH — J.   8TRACHAN. 

these  verbs  ro-  was  introduced  by  analogy  at  a  time,  and  this  may 
have  been  very  early,  when  ud-  had  become  assimilated  and  was 
no  longer  felt  to  be  a  separate  particle.  It  is  not  at  all  improbable 
that  from  old  perfective  compounds  ro-  spread  at  an  early  period  to 
others,  whether  as  the  bearer  of  a  perfective  force  or  as  a  mere 
symbol  of  the  preterite.  Similar  to  the  foregoing  compounds,  and 
doubtless  to  be  explained  in  the  same  way,  are  doresset  p.  118, 
doforsat  p.  Ill,  from  fo-ro-^M-wm-,  to-fo-ro-esssem-.  Here,  again, 
the  base  of  composition  is  not  $etn~9  but  essem- :  cf.  Ascoli,  Gloss, 
ccxliii  sq.  Tet  another  probable  instance  of  the  same  kind  is 
doforchouoly  p.  110,  if  it  be  rightly  analyzed  into  to-fo-ro-comsal  . 
Cf.  also  forrdxul,  p.  118.  As  for  adconrotaig,  p.  Ill,  it  is  a  purely 
artificial  imitation  of  ad-struxit,  and  proves  nothing  for  conrotaig, 
into  which,  as  the  verb  has  the  s  subjunctive,  ro-  probably  came, 
earlier  or  later,  by  analogy. 

There  still  remain  a  few  forms,  which  do  not,  like  the  preceding 
instances,  fall  under  any  apparent  rule :  -farcatb,  -farlaig,  -erngaib, 
-deraeracktar,  -deruarid;  arroit  is  doubtful,  cf.  p.  169.  These  agree 
in  the  position  of  ro-  in  orthotonesis  with  the  later  type,  but 
retain  ro-  in  the  same  position  in  enclisis.  That  there  were  other 
compounds  of  the  same  kind,  is  probable,  but,  unfortunately,  in  the 
absence  of  enclitic  forms  it  is  impossible  to  detect  them,  and  any 
explanation  of  these  few  isolated  forms  must  be  very  problematic. 
The  presence  of  the  particle  after  the  first  preposition  might  be 
explained  in  two  ways :  either  it  shifted  forward,  as  in  the 
instances  quoted  on  p.  169;  or  it  stood  there  from  the  first,  either 
because  the  compound  was  a  later  one,  or  because  ro-  was  inserted 
by  analogy  in  a  preterite  where  it  was  originally  absent.  In 
explanation  of  the  retention  of  ro-  in  enclisis  there  are  again  two 
possibilities :  either  the  addition  of  the  particle  was  prior  to  the 
working  of  the  later  law,  or  it  was  kept  in  position  by  the  influence 
of  old  compounds  beginning  with  the  same  preposition.  A  probable 
instance  of  such  an  analogical  influence  is  eo  torinscan,  Trip.  Life, 
p.  226,  1.  1  (by  tindarscan,  p.  54,  1.  25),  for  -torinscan  is  later  than 
the  Glosses  and  consequently  later  than  the  working  of  the  new 
principle.  Such  are  the  theoretical  possibilities,  certainty  it  is 
impossible  to  reach  without  further  evidence.  By  -farcaib  is 
found  the  subjunctive  -farcabtis,  p.  139,  which  may  argue  a  con- 
siderable antiquity  for  the  position  of  ro~  there.  Supposing  the 
old  preterite  stem  to  have  been  fo-ad-ro-gab-9  the  orthotonic  and 
enclitic  forms  would  have  been  *fodrgab-,  nl  filrgdb-.     By  these 


THE   PARTICLB   «0-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  173 

there  would  have  stood  from  fo-gabim,  forogab,  nl  fargab1  (perhaps 
with  the  first  syllable  long:  cf.  p.  161,  note).  Is  it  impossible  that 
this  parallelism,  helped  by  fo-acaib,  -facaib,  etc.,  by  fo-gaib, -fagaib, 
etc.,  in  the  present  produced  foracaib,  -farcaib  ?  As  to  -farlaig, 
it  might  stand  directly  for  -fo-ad-ro-laig,  and,  assuming  that  ro- 
ttood  once  next  the  verb,  foralaig  might  be  a  similar  transformation 
of  %fodrlaig  under  the  influence  of  the  present  fo-dlaig,  where  the 
second  part  was  no  longer  felt  to  be  a  compound.  But  this  is 
mere  conjecture.  In  -deraerachtar,  -deruarid,  ro-  has  probably 
been  added  to  originally  ro-less  preterites :  cf.  p.  162.8  ass-ind-gabim 
has  the  appearance  of  being  a  fresh  compound,  and  -erngaib  may 
be  due  to  the  influence  of  -erbart,  -erbalt,  and  the  like. 

We  pass  now  to  compounds  where  the  new  order  prevails — ro- 

*tand8  after  the  pretonic  syllable.     Here,  again,  it  is  impossible  to 

**y  how  many  of  the  compounds  in  the  Glosses  followed  this  rule, 

for  a  verb  can  be  assigned  with  certainty  to  this  class  only  if  it 

shows  an  enclitic  form.     In  these  compounds  certainly  ro-  was 

a  mere  symbol  of  the  preterite,  as,  indeed,  it  doubtless  was  in  some 

°£  those  that  have  been  considered  above. 

"W"hence  come  the  compounds  of  this  class?  Either  they  are 
compounds  formed  at  a  later  period,  or  they  are  transformations 
°*  old  compounds  after  the  later  type.  From  the  gaps  in  the 
3"ec<>*d  it  is  not  always  possible  to  refer  with  certainty  a  particular 
ll*stance  to  the  one  class  or  to  the  other.  Some  compounds, 
**°W©ver,  betray  their  late  origin  by  exhibiting  forms  that  could 
**°fc  lave  survived  the  transforming  influence  of  the  Irish  accent. 
^&cli  are  ni  rufrithgab,  in  radchotadaigset,  ni  ruthochurestar? 
tn    vufir$$cachae,  ni  ruforaithmenair.     Some  have   evidently  been 

.  Does  a  trace  of  this  survive  in  forogab,  foragabtat,  with  their  remarkable 
y  Variation  between  e  and  g  is  found  in  turebdil  by  turgbdil.  From 
****«r-yo£im  the  regular  verbal  noun  would  be  tergbdil  or  turgbdil;  e  of 
""^&4ti  mav  be  due  to  the  influence  of  tdebaim  of  kindred  meaning. 

Xn  confirmation  of  the  remarks  made  there  it  may  be  pointed  out  that 
j*  y>e  bat,  pp.  159-163,  verbs  compounded  with  more  than  one  preposition 
UjJ^ly  have  ro"  a^ter  the  first.  Unfortunately,  hardly  any  enclitic  forms 
oce***'.  In  asa~tor6imed  ro-  keeps  its  position  in  enclisis,  but  this  may  be 
exM*ined  as  above,  p.  172.  The  only  case,  so  far  as  I  know,  in  which 
*  QfHnponnd  containing  more  than  one  preposition  from  a  verb  that  has  an 
1  *°*ist  seems  to  infix  ro-  after  the  last  preposition,  is  the  doubtful  do-drbaid, 
^^•hkh  cf.  pp.  160,  161. 

^^  According  to  Zimmer,  Kelt.  Stud,  ii,  123,  ni  ruthochurestar,  m  ntforaith- 
■Jf^if  come  from  older  ro-less  *wi  thochurestar  *m  foraithmenair.  But 
**tfc»  there  is  absolutely  no  proof.  According  to  the  laws  of  the  Irish 
*j**ut,  it  is  equally  impossible  that  these  two  imaginary  forms  could  be  old. 
*•*•  is  no  evidence  that  the  position  of  ro-  is  not  as  old  as  the  compounds. 


174  THE   PARTICLE   HO-   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAX. 

coined  to  translate  Latin  words.  Thus,  -radchotadaiged  expresses 
reconciliatus  est,  immeruidbed  is  a  literal  translation  of  circumcisus 
est  like  the  German  umschneiden.  Some,  from  the  infrequency  of 
their  occurrence  outside  the  learned  literature,  incur  the  suspicion 
of  being  learned  formations.  Some  of  the  verbs  are  really 
denominatives  treated  as  though  they  were  compounds.  Thus, 
foreennim  is  certainly  a  denominative  from  forcenn,  and  adcobraim 
may  possibly  be  a  re-formation  from  accobur.  Cf.  also  fo-ro-thaig 
by  ro-fothaig  from  fothaigim,  a  derivative  from  fotha  *  foundation ' 
— Trip.  Life,  Index,  s.v.  fothaigim. 

Compounds  with,  frith-,  so  far  as  I  have  noted,  either  must  or 
may  belong  to  this  class.  Cf.  also  frisrocaih  p.  119  with  ro-  in  the 
second  place.  This  would  seem  to  indicate  that  frith-  is  of  later 
origin,  and  entered  later  into  composition  than  other  prepositions. 

Examples  have  been  given  above  of  the  shifting  of  ro-  in  enclisis 
after  nl,  etc.  It  shifts  in  precisely  the  same  way  when  another 
preposition  is  added.  Cf.  o-ro-thinoll  by  do-rinol  p.  116,  o-ru- 
thochaisgessersu  by  du-ru-chaugestar  p.  117,  o-rd-taircis-siu  by 
do-ramie  p.  115. 

A  peculiarity  is  to  be  noted  in  compounds  beginning  with  for-, 
cf.  p.  94  note,  Joruraithminset  p.  116,  Stokes  in  the  Academy  for 
July  14,  1883;  ro-  is  inserted  fo-ro-r-,  as  though  the  preposition 
were  not  for-,  but  /o-.  For  other  examples  see  Trip.  Life, 
p.  lxxi. 

Of  transition  from  the  earlier  type  to  the  later,  examples 
have  already  been  given,  p.  169.  In  dorairbert  compared  with 
duarbartha  (=zto-ar-ro- bertha?),  p.  162  (cf.  doruargaib  VSR.  1.  675, 
by  do-fuargaib  1.  646),  ro-  has  been  introduced  after  the  first 
preposition  where  it  may  have  become  indiscernible  after  the  last. 
It  is  possible  that  this  may  have  happened  in  other  compounds,  e.g. 
dururgab  p.  113,  but  this  cannot  be  put  forward  as  certain. 

In  later  Irish  the  increasing  tendency  is  to  prefix  ro-  to  the 
whole  compound,  not  only  in  enclisis  but  also  in  orthotonesis ;  the 
compound  is  treated  as  though  it  were  a  simple  verb. 

In  compound  verbs  without  ro-,  or  in  which  ro-  is  the 
preposition,  ro-  is  sometimes  prefixed  in  enclisis  in  the  Glosses, 
diand-r-erchoil  p.  122  (similarly  after  a  preposition  remi-ri-erchoil 
ib.,  a  compound  coined  to  express  prae-destinavit),  ni  ru-derehoin 
p.  123,  ndd  r-iarfact  p.  124,  ho  r-esarta  p.  134.  Later  also  in 
orthotonesis,  ro-dersaig,  ro  iarfact  p.  138,  cf.  VSR.  1.  485.  But 
the  common  verbs  of  this  class  commonly  remain  without  ro-. 


THE   PARTICLE  RO-   IN   IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  175 

In  the  Glosses  ro-  seems  to  be  prefixed  to  a  compound  in  ru- 

tuirset,  but  tuirim  may  have  been,  or  may  have  been  felt  to  be, 

a  denominative  from  tuir  *  search ' :  cf.  ro-coacad,  p.  137,  with  note. 

There  is  undoubted  prefixation  in  ru-n-eilhstary  ro-heilledy  p.  102. 

In  the  other  texts,  p.  188,  the  instances  are  still  very  rare ;  as  to 

ra-otfaicis,  tho  only  example  from  Tain  Bo  Fraich,  wo  have  seen, 

p.  171,  that  otlaicim  must  from  an  early  period  have  been  felt  to 

be  a  simple   verb.      By  the   latter  half  of   the   tenth   century 

prefixation  of  ro-  has  become  very  common.     Examples  will  be 

found,  Trip.   Life,  pp.  lxx,  lxxii-lxxxii,  VSR.  pp.  23,  25,  26, 

31,  32,  84.     Transition  may  have  been  easiest  in  compounds  where 

the  corresponding  simple  verb  had  gone  out  of  use.     Still,  in  these 

tenth-century  texts  examples  of  the  older  usage  are  very  numerous. 

Certain  compounds  seem  to  have  had  more  power  of  resistance, 

*ttch  as  those  beginning  with  m*-,  -Srbailt,  -Srbairt,  -trracht.     In 

the  common  verb  dorignius,  ro-  has  retained  its  original  position 

t°  the  present  day.     The  details  of  the  gradual  prefixation  of  ro- 

do  not  belong  to  the  period  which  we  are  considering. 


IV.    The  Forms  op  ro-. 
1.  ro-  appears  as  ru-. 

"or  ro-  is  frequently  found  ru-.     This  variation  is  not  confined 

tor*°-,  but  appears  in  a  number  of  other  particles — do-  du-,fo-fu-t 

etc.       The    proportion   of  u  to  o  is   different  in  different  texts. 

An**s,  to  take  the  three  great  collections  of  Old  Irish  Glosses,  u  is 

Very*  frequent  in  ML,  not  frequent  in  "Wb.  (except  in  glosses  from 

~    second  hand,  fols.  33*-34a :    cf .  Zimmer,  Glossae  Hibernicae, 

^0    or  in  Sg.      Zimmer,  Kelt.  Stud,  ii,  85,  86,  would  make  the 

J^Ut  responsible  for  the  u  forms;   in  support  of  this  he  brings 

or^"ard  instances  in  which  pretonic  o  varies  with  accented  u. 

.  ^    the   case  is  hardly  so   simple.      True   it  is   that  u  is  not 

'^©quently  found  under  the  accent,  but  o  is  also  common  in 

^*t  position,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  u  often  occurs  in  unaccented 

fables.     Hence,  no  doubt,  other  factors  have  to  be  reckoned 

^T1^*  such  as  perhaps  the  consonantal  environment,  the  obscura- 

??**   of    the   vowel   sound   in    unaccented    syllables,    dialectical 

^*<&iences,  and  the  like.     But  a  thorough  investigation  of  this 

^^stion  would  carry  us  too  far  away  from  our  present  theme. 

^**  will  accordingly  content  ourselves  with  noting  some  facts 


176  THE    PARTICLE    *0-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

about  the  distribution  of  ro-,  ru-  in  the  Glosses,  and  offering 
some  tentative  suggestions  thereupon.  It  will  be  convenient  to 
consider  first  the  instances  where  the  particle  stands  at  the 
beginning  of  the  verb,  simple  or  compound,  and  afterwards  the 
cases  where  the  particle  stands  in  the  interior  of  a  compound 
verb. 

(a)  ro-  stands  at  the  beginning : — 
Here  Sg.  does  not  exhibit  ru-  except  in  the  substantive  verb, 
ni  rubai  7b  3,  ni  rubi  21b  13.  But  the  total  number  of  oc- 
currences is  so  small  that  this  may  be  purely  accidental.  In 
Wb.  a  certain  regularity  may  be  observed.  In  proclisis,  as  may 
be  seen  from  p.  80,  rw-  is  found  most  frequently  after  the  particles 
ma  (4)  and  ce,  cia  (2);  it  occurs  once  after  an,  but  here  ro-  it 
more  frequent;  two  instances  may  be  excluded  as  coming  from 
that  part  of  Wb.  in  which,  as  we  have  just  seen,  if  prevails.  Now 
in  Wb.  u  for  o  is  regular  after  ma — ma  dugnether,  ma  nubbaitsem 
(in  nu  u  is  the  original  vowel),  ma  rufeeta,  manudfel.  So 
after  ce,  cia — ce  rudglanta,  ce  nutad,  ce  dugneu,  ce  dumelmis, 
ce  dugnemmii,  cia  nubed,  ce  nuslabrutar,  fols.  1-12;  but  here  in 
fols.  14-20  (I  have  not  examined  further)  o  is  the  rule — cia 
rodbatar,  cia  doberthe,  ce  nonmolid,  ce  nonairid,  cia  dorattid,  eia 
dogneo.  After  an  if  is  not  uncommon — an  dugniat,  an  dudeeta,  an 
dumelam.  Here,  then,  we  seem  to  have,  if  not  an  absolute  rule, 
at  least  a  clearly  marked  tendency.  The  reason  of  the  change 
can  only  be  conjectured;  it  would  be  in  accordance  with  well- 
known  linguistic  facts  that  a  syllable  standing  before  the  main 
accent  should  become  still  more  weakly  accented  when  preceded 
by  another  word  which  had  a  slight  accent  of  its  own.  Thus 
we  might  have  rocUalatar,1  but  ttid  rudchualatar.9  In  enclisis 
nearly  all  the  examples  of  ru-  in  Wb.  come  after  dia  «-.  We 
shall  see  below,  p.  187,  that  it  is  probable  that  in  simple  verbs 
the  accent  at  an  early  period  began  to  pass  from  ro-  to  the 
verb,  and,  if  this  were  so  after  dia  *-,  these  instances  might 
be  accounted  for  in  the  same  way  as  the  preceding.  Of  the 
two  remaining  cases  ni  ruanus  favours,  irrufolnaetar  is  not 
against  such    an   explanation.      In    Ml.   the   case    is   somewhat 

1  As  '  in  Irish  is  used  to  indicate  length  of  vowel,  I  use  '  to  mark  the 
primary,  "  to  mark  the  secondary  accent. 

3  In  Sg.,  so  far  as  I  have  examined,  in  these  cases  o  is  the  rule  except  after 
ma — ma  duellatar,  ma  dutlltis,  ma  nubed,  ma  nutoltanaiged,  hut  ma  rfocvtjyaffer, 
ma  dodrumenaiar,  eia  doinscana,  ce  nodjll,  eia  dobertAar,  em  doeoitgedar,  etc 


THE    PARTICLE    &0-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  177 

different.    As  we  saw  above,  the   change  of  o  to  u  has  gone 

much  farther  in  this  text.     Thus,  in  proclisis  ru-  is  found  after 

cia  (there  seem  to  be  no  instances  of  ma)  and  prevalently  after 

«•;  but  it  is  also  found  in  many  other  instances,  for  which  no 

absolute  rules  can  be  laid  down,  and  with  regard  to  which  we 

can  only  say  that  in  other  pre  tonic  particles  u  appears   under 

similar  surroundings.     As  the  variation  between  ro-  and  ru-  in 

orthotonesis  is  so  loose,  it  is  impossible  to  regard  the  variation 

in  enclitic  forms  with  the   same   confidence   in  Ml.  as  in  Wb. 

Certain  facts,  however,  point  in  the  same  direction.     After  ndd 

and  after  an  infixed  pronoun,  in  which  cases  the  following  syllable 

was  most  surely  accented,  only  ro-  is  found.     So,  too,  where  the 

phonetic  changes  in  the  following  syllable  show  that  the  accent 

must  have  fallen  on  ro- :  -rdgbad,  -rdgnath.1     On  the  other  hand, 

the  position  of  the  infixed  pronoun  in  ni  ru-s-cdmallasatar  indicates 

that  the  accent  fell  on  the  following  o :  cf.  p.  186.   Note  further  the 

forms  con  ru-ileachta  and  eona  ru-aigsetar,  on  which  see  p.  187.8 

Finally,  when  ro-  is  prefixed  to  compound  verbs,  it  commonly 

appears  as  ru-  in  Ml. :  see  p.  187.     In  this  case  Wb.  prefers  ro-. 

(h)  ro-  stands  in  the  interior : — 
In  this  position  ru-  appears  regularly  in  a  few  common  verbs — 
dribaU,  autrubert,  arrilbart  p.  92,  atrHbart  p.  93,  forriLbart  p.  94, 
i*m*rMart  p.  106,  doritmadir  p.  103,  imriimadir  p.  128,  dorilmenar 
P- 103.'  In  all  these  verbs  u  is  followed  by  a  labial.  Is  this 
treason  of  the  vocalism?4  Compounds  of  berim  are  peculiar; 
Ate  active  is  almost  without  exception  -rhbart  (=rd-ber<8>to),  the 
P^ve  is  regularly  -rdbrad  (^rd-brito-).  How  is  this  to  be 
Mcounted  for?     The   only   apparent   difference  is  that   in   the 


Por  ro-gnith.  The  regular  form  would  have  been  -ronad,  cf .  doronad=di  -ro- 
^*»  hut  g  has  been  restored  by  analogy. 

It  is  very  doubtful  whether  preterites  preceded  by  ho  should  have  been 
Pt  among  the  enclitic  forms.  Cf.  on  the  one  band  hucuringaib  p.  114,  o  adaiaid 
P-  123,  ho  durogbad  p.  125;  on  the  other,  hua  rindualadsu  p.  115,  ho  tor  gab 
P* .126,  ho  resarta  p.  128.  The  explanation  seems  to  be  that  5  was  used  both 
^otf  and  with  the  relative  n :  cf .  GC.  713. 

Perhaps  another  instance  of  the  same  kind  may  be  dorumalt,  VSR.  1.  467 ; 
a  th»  text  m-  is  very  rare,  so  that  the  form  is  probablv  an  old  one,  though 
#  *ho  appears:  cf.  p.  103,  Windisch  s.v.  toimlim.  The  passive  might  be 
exJ*ted  to  be  doromlad,  but  I  have  no  example  of  it. 

m_Jh&  what  of  the  verb  of  existence,  in  which  o  is  frequent,  p.  87?  e.g. 
**£&■««?  ro-boi.  In  three  of  the  verbs  above  the  vowel  of  the  following 
W*Me  was  originally  slender,  and  it  may  have  been  so  in  atruhalt :  cf .  the 
"ftiiactive  stem  ad-oel-.  Contrast  with  nadrdbe  forrumai,  imrubai  p.  106  a 
>•*•*!,  imm-rd-bi, 

AIL  Trams.  1S95-7.  12 


178  THB   PARTICLE    JK>-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAH. 

former  instance  the  particle  is  followed  by  a  single,  in  the  latter 
by  a  double  consonant.  One  might  compare  perhaps  a*rolUi%ad 
by  the  side  of  asrulmta  p.  102.  This  explanation  would  not  apply 
to  immrdmaty  but,  if  there  be  anything  in  the  above  suggestion, 
ro-  might  have  come  in  by  analogy  in  a  form  not  in  frequent 
use.  Another  common  verb  in  which  u  is  regular  is  immriilaid 
(*=imm-rd-luid),  p.  102:  cf.  Windisch,  s.v.  immlai,  VSR.  1.  398. 
Here  we  may  see  the  timbre  of  the  u  whioh  originally  stood  in 
the  following  syllable.  Cf.  atridufa  p.  101  =ess-rd~ Idus,  where 
the  u  has  swallowed  up  the  preceding  a  and  communicated 
its  timbre  to  the  /,  which  in  turn  affected  the  preceding  o; 
contrast  asrdla  ib.  Sg.  has  the  artificial  compound  inrusamkuaiar 
p.  105:  cf.  p.  189.  In  Wb.  the  remaining  instances  are  very 
few.  They  consist  of  the  artificial  compounds  cetaruchreti, 
eiaiuruchreitset  p.  96,  eeturupridach  p.  104,  forrutuidigtrtar 
p.  105,  on  which  see  p.  189,  along  with  arrudirg$$tar}  arrudtrg$d 
p.  117.  In  Ml.  ru-  is  much  more  common.  Cf.  o-ru-dele 
ML:  con-ro-delgg  Sg.,  for-ru-g6ll  Ml.:  for-ro-gelsam  Wb., 
ad-ru-threb  (by  ad-ro-threb)  Ml. :  ad-ro-threb  Wb.,  Sg.,  ar-ru-dibaid 
Ml. :  ar-ru-dibaid  Wb.,  as~ru-chumla6  Ml. :  as-ro-chumlai  Sg., 
for-ru-chongart  Ml.:  for-ro-chongart  Wb.,  Sg. ;  many  other 
preterites  occur  only  in  Ml.  It  may  be  noted  that  in  the  vast 
majority  of  instances  the  vowel  of  the  following  syllable  is  $ 
or  t.  Can  this  have  influenced  the  vocalism  ?  Cf.  rubrigach** 
*rd-brigach  Ml.  37b  passim.  But  rw-  is  found  before  consonants 
followed  by  other  vowels — forrudrub  (but  frisrodunsat)  p.  78, 
durusluind  (by  doroduind)  p.  105,  etarrutuidiged,  t'armurusudigestar 
p.  105,  asruchumlat  p.  115,  arruthroith  p.  106,  fosruchongart 
p.  114,  conrufoluassat  p.  116,  duruchoisgestar  (by  durochoisgettar), 
oruthochaisgesser  p.  117,  adruchomeni,  eoruthdi  p.  118;  before 
vowels  adruamraigset  p.  92,  arrudig  (by  arroaig)  p.  97.  Some 
of  these  forms  will  be  considered  below,  p.  189. 

2.    ro-  becomes  ra- 

occasionally  under  the  accent,  when  the  following  syllable 
contains  or  originally  contained  a.  This  is  most  common  in  l&- 
*  throw,*  and  Id-  'go.'  Cf.  -r&Uid  p.  83  = -rd-te#ttf,  nacham-rdlae 
p.  86,  o-ral  Wb.  7»  4  (in  ni  rdhat  p.  86,  cor-rdhat  p.  90,  ro-  has 
been  restored  by  analogy),  do-rdlad  p.  101,  immus-rdla  p.  107. 
Otherwise  it  is  found  sporadically,  fuand-rdgab,  dia-ragbtha  p.  86, 


THE    PARTICLE    R0~    IN    IRISH — J,    STRACHAN. 


170 


fti-s-ragbwat  im4£-r&pa&  p>  90,  adob-rdgart  p«   99,   m 
t=-f^M<i«)   Stowe  Missal,   but  *dar-roWa  Sg.  71*,   etc,      The 
Mme  phenomenon  is  found  elsewhere,  e.g.  dordt :  nad  iir§i  p,  ISO, 
^U:  ilS,  etc*     The  regular  development  seems  to  have 

\mn  muck  crossed  by  analogy. 


3,    ro-  becomes  r- 

under  the  accent  before   a  vowel  p.   182,  in  post-tonic  position 
JK  180,    la  Middle  Irish  also  after  nlt  etc.,  e,g.  ftlrkt>=ni  > 
p.  185 ;  hero  r  appears  in  the  Glosses  only  in  unaccented  copula 
forma,  cl  p.  87. 

4*  foror-  in  compounds  with  for-. 

ta  rerb«  compounded  wi th  far- ,/ww-  often  appears  in  orthotonic 
forma  of  the  preterite.  The  general  condition  seems  to  be  that 
the  ?erb  should  contain  an  infixed  pronoun.     Thus,  fo-r-rat 

*i*>*ia  (but  fortdiUi,  etc)  p.  92,  /fl-f-rprfln*  *=/*-«- 
*  p.  94f  fo-t+rdirgdl  (but  forrdgeham  l)  p,  99,  fo-da-rdrcenn 
mfrad—fo-n-rdreongrad  (but  forr&elwngart)  p.  IM, 
cL  faurinUngMtar  VSR.  L  436*  On  the  other  hand,  fimtfaft 
;.  farrudedackm  p,  97,  fttrruhhlangainri  forroflbliny  p.  102, 
forrmiiigutar  p.  105,  The  rule  seems  not  to  have  operated 
combined  with  the  vowel  of  a  reduplicated  perfect  to 
form  ftfr:  of,  p.  181.  Thus  ire  nave  for-tan-roichtifi-ni,  p,  !»■!.  The 
*x«plion  is  intelligible  from  the  peculiar  phonetic  conditions. 
Id  ML  135*  1  fornraithmimet  seems  at  first  sight  an  exception. 
But  it  is  to  be  observed  that  this  glosses  mctmnisse.  Now  the 
regular  way  of  expressing  the  Latin  infinitive  is  by  the  use  of 
the  infixed  relative  :  cft  Zimrner,  Gcitt.  Gelehrt.  Anz,  1896,  p.  387. 
race   we   should    probably   restore  forruraUhtmmet  =fo-n-ritf  ~ 

nutt.      In    Ml.    127c     10   form-in- chenad-sa    forms    a 

caption,  but  here  the  position  of  the  infixed  pronoun  (p.  180) 

iow«  that  we  have  to  deal  with  a  new  formation.     In  the  Feiire 

ngnso  Proh  173r  if  the  MSS.  be  right,  farorhurt  is  used  where 

Glosses  would  have  hndforrubarl;  it  is  supported  by  Prol.  87, 

irhcre  the   readings   seem   to    point  to   an  original  fororcennta. 

Similarly  f&rorcwtgart.  Trip.   Life,   lxxi      But  these   exceptions 

Inter  documents  do  not  in  validate  the  original  rule. 


but  in   Irish  the   relative  \  often 


i  Tfcw  i»  nelatiTe  in  mea 
nfttiprtewd-     Miuiy  examples  at  tkte  will  be  found,  pp.  S0-S43 


180  THE    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAX. 

5.    Post-tonic  ro-. 

After  the  accent  ro-,  in  accordance  with  the  general  rule,  loses 

its  vowel,  e.g dkrbadad=-di-ro-baded  p.  92,  dofdrbad=to-fd-ro- 

bHh  p.  108,  -£rbart=*-e88-ro-bert  p.  93,  dot&rbai***to-h%-ro-b\  p.  109, 
-drdamar=-dd"ro-ddmar  p.  96,  -drraim=*-dd-ro-rim  p.  104,  conndar- 
gab=con-Hd-rO'gab  p.  109,  dunfortailc^to-n-fd-ro-ud-taile  p.  110, 
dudirilbsety  ni  tdirilb^to-dd-rosclbsat,  n!  td-ad-roselb  p.  111.  If 
the  result  he  rr+ cons,  the  douhle  r  is  generally  simplified,  -drbart 
=z-dr-ro-bert  by  -drrbartatar  p.  92  (cf.  -drrceoratar  p.  96),  -drgart= 
•dr-ro-gart  p.  99,  -drgensat^-dr-ro-ginsat  p.  99.  Cf.  yorft,  if  it  be 
rightly  derived  from  *garuos9  *garruos,  *gars%o*t  KZ-  xxxiii,  304. 
Corresponding  to  -roimid  =  -rd-memaid  (cf.  p.  181)  we  have  -td- 
roimed=-td-ro-memaid.  If  r  gets  into  a  position  where  it  is 
unpronounceable  as  a  consonant,  it  becomes  g,  and  this  vocalic  r 
develops  according  to  the  timbre  of  the  following  consonant. 
Thus,  -tindarican=-td-ind-ro-9can  p.  110,  -cdmarseaiged=*~cdm-ro~ud- 
scagedp.  117,  doimmarnad^to-lmm-ro-anad^.  108,  but  dumlmmerchell 
=  to~tn-imm-ro-chell  p.  109.  On  p.  108  tessarbai  comes  irregularly 
from  td-688-ro-bdi  (the  regular  development  would  have  been 
terbai).  We  may  assume  that  tess-  has  been  preserved  here 
through  the  influence  of  cognate  forms  tesbanat,  Utbuith,  etc. 
How  is  dointarrai  p.  Ill  (cf.  -tintarrad,  Hy.  ii,  18)  to  be 
explained?  Could  it  stand  for  to-ind-ar-8di=*to-lnd-ro-86i  with 
d  for  t  after  do-intai,  etc.,  ro-  becoming  g*  before  the  loss  of 
intervocalic  8  ?  or  could  it  possibly  come,  as  Ascoli  suggests, 
from  to~ind4o-ro-8di?    Cf.  tarro8air=td-ar-8ia88air. 


6.    Infection  of  ro-. 

If  a  slender  vowel  has  been  lost  in  the  following  syllable,  vowel 
infection  is  regularly  expressed:  -rdHgiu8=-rd~legu8ip.  83,  -rd'lgUid 
p.  86,  duro'lged^to-rd-kgad  p.  102,  dorH'mdetar  =  to-rd-midetar 
p.  103,  immer&dbed^imme-rd-di-blth  p.  111.  Irregularly  dorodbad, 
p.  119.  If  the  following  slender  vowel  be  not  lost,  then,  as 
a  rule,  infection  is  not  expressed.  But  occasionally  it  is.  Thus, 
in  adrlmim,  tonmim,  forimim  it  is  regular  in  the  Glosses,  adrxl'rim, 
doru'rim,  forxCrim  p.  104.  Further,  nod  rd'thtchtsat  by  nw- 
rdthechtsat  p.  86,  arar&chiuir  p.  96,  for&g&ni  p.  101,  fortilUchta*** 
fo-rd'slcchta  p.  105.  On  dorigniu8>=*di-rd'g$nu8,  cf.  Zimmer,  Kelt. 
Stud,   ii,    105,    138;    Thurneysen,    Eev.    Celt,    vi,   321.     From 


THE    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  181 

-rd-Uie   comes    -rlUc9    ni    rMic,    nach    re'lced    p.    86,    arareHced 
p.  101. ' 

7.    r0-  +  reduplicated  perfect. 

In  the  reduplicated  perfect,  when  ro-  bore  the  accent,  the 
reduplicated  consonant  disappeared  by  dissimilation,  and  ro-  with 
the  reduplication  vowel  became  rfli-,  rde-,  where  oi,  oe  are  genuine 
diphthongs:  cf.  Thurneysen,  Rev.  Celt,  vi,  155,  323  sq. ;  R. 
Schmidt,  Idg.  Forsch.  i,  43  sq.  Thus,  forrdichan^for-rd-chtchan 
p.  94,  fordichlaid  p.  95,  dor  dig  a  *  p.  98,  atarAigrainn,  inrdigrainn 
p.  101,  fordiblang,  forroebling  p.  102,  -tdroimed  p.  103,  arobroinatc 
p.  103,  dorrdeblaing  p.  107,  adrdethach  p.  108. 

Apparent  exceptions  are  forrudedach$u,  forrudedgatar  p.  97, 
rirogegonsa  p.  101,  forruleblangatar  p.  102,  doruthethaig  p.  106.  Of 
these  adrogegonsa  is  clearly  a  momentary  formation.  Lat.  punxi 
would  he  rogegonsa,  so  re-punxi  is  of  course  ad-rogegonsa ;  whether 
the  inventor  pronounced  it  to  himself  adrogegonsa  or  adrogegonsa, 
^^d  not  trouble  us,  though  the  former  is  perhaps  the  more 
probable.  In  place  of  forruleblangatar  Ascoli  probably  rightly 
ro8ge8t8  forukblangatar.  For  ro-Ublangatar  is  saluerunt,  so  why 
should  not  subsiluerunt  be  expressed  by  the  simple  process  of 
prefixing  /a-  =  sub-  ?  As  to  forrudedach,  doruthethaig,  they,  too, 
cm  only  be  explained  as  new  formations.  In  fortanroichechnatar, 
droigegrannatar,  both  in  ML,  we  have  an  admixture  of  -rdichnatar, 
^pannatar  and  rocechnatar,  rogegrannatar9  whoever  is  to  bear 
the  blame  of  these  monstrosities. 

la  ho  rumaith  p.  86,  forrochain*'  the  reduplicated  perfect  has 
^b  replaced  by  another  formation.  In  view  of  these  forms 
it  Would  perhaps  be  rash  to  assert  that  inrograinn  is  necessarily 
*  clerical  error  for  inroigrainn. 

8.    Elision  and  contraction  of  ro-  under  the  accent.4 
Ct  Thurnoyscn,  Rev.  Celt,  vi,  155. 

'Similarly  -tolfei  becomes  -telci.  Cf.  dolUci  traigid  LIT.  82b  14  with  teily 
2"^»rfLU.  82b  12  =  Uich  LL.  80»  9.  For  the  meaning,  cf.  ni  tarhcid  traigid, 
"*••  Aacoli,   Gloss,   clxi,   on  which   page  to- lie-  should   be   substituted   tor 

In  the  passive  doroigad  by  the  regular  dorogad,  if  not  a  blunder,  must 

,**ribed  to  the  influence  of  the  active. 

T  Cf.  di*  r'maid  VSR.  1.  437,  ni  rochan  1.  434. 
-.1  express  myself  here  according  to  the  traditional  theory,  cf.  Thurneysen, 
*£•  Celt.,  I.e.,  but  it  is  certainly  strange  that  the  vowel  of  the  accented 
•y«able  should  be  the  one  to  disappear.     Cf.   M.  d'Arbois  de  Juhuinville, 
*****  Celt.  xvii.  295.  note.     But  this  is  not  the  place  to  discuss  the  mutter 

*l*gtlL 


182  THB    PARTICLE   MO-    IN    IRISH —J.    8TRACHAN. 

A.    ro-  stands  at  the  beginning  after  con-,  ni-,  etc. 

(a)  ro-  +  vowel. 

(a)  nod  ran,  ndd  rhirg$ittry  na-n-r&irg$iur  p.  83,  in  rddcMotadaiged 
p.  95,  nod  reildisem  p.  99,  du§  in-retar$car  p.  105,  Ao  rharU  p.  128, 
ma/  rlmgab  p.  107,  nachim-rindarpai  p.  112,  nod  HndualdaUur  p.  115, 
iui</  riarfaci  p.  124  :  cf.  ama  rimfolngar  Wb.  10?  14. 

{/?)  hi  rtt  dnttf  p.  83,  <ww  ru-digutar  p.  86,  jmomi  ru-dccobrus 
p.  95,  tit  ru-etarscar  p.  105,  wt  ro-imdibed  p.  Ill :  cf.  the  sub- 
junctive forms,  eon  ro-ddamrigther,  etc.,  p.  168. 

It  will  be  observed  that  elision  is  constant  after  an  infixed 
pronoun  and  after  nod.  The  former  fact  is  in  accordance  with 
the  general  Irish  law  that  the  syllable  following  the  infixed 
pronoun  must  bear  the  accent.  As  we  shall  see,  p.  186,  dis- 
placement of  the  accent  means  displacement  of  the  pronoun. 
Why  ndd  should  differ  from  Hi  and  nd,  is  not  so  easy  to  conjecture. 
Can  the  difference  be  due  to  the  final  (pronominal?)  d?  In  ni 
ruanus,  eona  ruaigtetar  I  take  it  that  the  enclitic  form  has  been 
replaced  by  the  orthotonic:  cf.  p.  188.  This  belief  is  confirmed 
by  ni  rditea  below,  for  if  contraction  took  place  after  *S,  when 
the  verb  began  with  /,  much  more  might  it  be  expected  to  take 
place  when  the  verb  began  with  a  vowel.  In  compound  verbs 
the  presence  of  ro-  in  this  position  is  comparatively  recent:  cf. 
p.  173.      On  the  accentuation  of  these  forms,  see  p.  186  sq. 

(J)  ro-  +/-. 

(a)  ni  roitea—nt  rd-foitea  p.  83. 

'/*}  conid-ro-foihigettar-p  82,  ir-ru-follnattar  p.  83,  dia  ru-fotUiged 
p.  86,  nirru-fdircneda 1  p.  95,  ni  ru-frithgab  p.  98,  in  ru-frltcachae 
p.  112,  ni  ru-foraUhmenair  p.  116.  Cf.  subj.  eon  ru-fdilnither=* 
fo-llnatkar  Wb.  1*  9.  The  regular  development  appears  in  the 
common  verb.  The  literary  foihigur  resists  it  even  when  the 
accent  is  enforced  by  the  infixed  pronoun.  On  such  purely  learned 
words,  cf.  Thurneysen,  Rev.  Celt,  vi,  319,  323. 

(0  ro-  +  ,-. 

(p)  in  rusoer,  frisM-rv-tnidiged,  eon  rusleaehta  p.  86. 

The  regular  development  is  not  found  in  the  indicative  of  the 
simple  verb,  but  it  is  in  the  subjunctive  amdeh  r&-Hca=rd~$luc*a 
Wb.  14d  21. 

1  Betd  ni  ru/oirentds  f 


THE   PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  183 

B.    ro-  stands  in  the  interior. 

(•)  ro-  +  vowel. 

(«)    1.  ro-  +  3. 

ad-rdichsetar  p.  91,  frU-rdiUiur,  imme-rkni,1  for-rdtus,  o-rhirUdar 
p.  92,  fru-rdcocha,  do-rdcraid  p.  112,  etc. 

2.  ro-  + 1. 

ar-ud-riig,  do-r&Uat,  do-ret,*  eon-id-r&rp  p.  97,  *«*m-rera,  etc., 
p.  116,  do-rktarraeht  p.  117,  do-resset  p.  118. 

8.  ro-  +  ». 

Oi-rdiUi  p.  126,  ad-rdilliset  p.  127 ',  fu-rdillissem  p.  101,  but,  when 
the  accent  moves  forward,  wf   drihem^   cf.   ardisriur>  forderuiur 
below.    On  the  other  hand,  as-rindid,  du-rinfid  p.  113,  im-rlmgabsat 
p.  114,.  do-rintai>  ar-rinsartatar  p.   118,  do-rimgart  p.  119,   <fa- 
rindgulty  do-rinchoisc  p.  120.     As  as-roillim  is  doubtless  a  very  old 
compound,  not  exposed  to  any  influence  of  analogy,  the  develop- 
ment there  must  be  regarded  as  regular ;  the  others,  as  the  position 
of  ro-  shows,  are  of  later  origin,  and  they  are  probably  to  be 
explained  in  the  way  that  Thurneysen  has  suggested  for  dor  it. 
In  -rlcht  p.  126,  where  i  has  come  from  an  original  e. 

1  How  is  adroni  to  be  analyzed  P  Above  I  followed  Asooli  in  postulating 
i  compound  aith-an-  ;  Thurneysen,  Rev.  Celt,  vi,  137,  assumes  aith-an.  But 
tta>  to  judge  from  all  the  other  instances,  we  should  have  expected  -ran-. 
The  only  circumstances  in  which  -row-  might  be  looked  for  would  be  if  the 
"J«b  began  with  a  consonant  or  with  o.  Windisch,  Wb.,  and  Stokes,  Trip. 
ljf*>  give  the  verb  as  aithenim,  but  that  does  not  mend  matters.  Can  the 
!*b,  whatever  be  its  origin,  have  been  treated  as  though  it  were  aith-nim  ? 
"■fortunately  no  other  parte  of  the  verb  are  found  in  the  Glosses,  but  cf. 
"•  *fa,  adneu,  which  Ascoli  quotes. 

*  According  to  Thurneysen,  Rev.  Celt,  vi,  323,  in  arroet  (disyllabic,  VSR. 
^  ***)>  p.  113,  ro-M  has  combined  into  a  diphthong.  He  considers  this  as  the 
n8*kr  development,  while,  e.g.,  doret  is  due  to  the  generalizing  of  the  rule 
™  accented  o  vanishes.  Above,  p.  169, 1  compared  o-roitatar  (which,  however, 
•Wit  have  been  influenced  by  cotioi-).  The  subjunctive  forms  arin-derdima 
H.  3$e  22,  oid-n-derdimed  6bd  4,  might  also  be  cited.     On  the  whole  it 

•  "*tter  to  leave  the  question  an  open  one,  to  be  decided  by  further  evidence. 
*"•  •  of  fo-  certainly  does  form  a  diphthong  with  a  following  e :  cf .  ar/oim, 
**&***  Pass,  and  Horn.  p.  709,  foemaim  0' Gorman's  Mart.  ed.  Stokes, 
^^faofnhaim  O'R.    But/o-  has  peculiarities  of  its  own.    It  loses  o  before 

•  Under  the  accent,  but  not,  so  far  as  I  have  observed,  before  e  and  t.  Cf. 
**f*i9m**to-fd-est-iem  with  teistiu=.t6-ess-*emtion-,  further  foendel,  faoinnell 

flying' o/o-wkW,  faotamh,  fdesam  (g.  f&euama,  LU.  69»  24)  =fo-$etsam 
(V#*«).  As  to  arfemthar,  which  Thurneysen  adduces  to  prove  the  loss  of 
•»  ft  Si  infer  to  look  upon  it  as  a  mixture  of  ar-em-  and  ar-fo-*m-. 


184  THE    PARTICLE    RO~    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

4.  ro-  +  8. 

(o)  at-rdr  p.  92,  ad-rdbart  p.  112,  fo-r6cradf  in-rValad  p.  115, 
dv-rHarid,  eon-rdseaig  p.  117,  o-rdtaig,  o-rdtgatar  p.  118.  The 
resulting  o  is  rarely  marked  long,  and  it  is  hard  to  say  how  far 
contraction  has  taken  place.  The  diphthong  ua,  where  it  is 
found,  can  be  explained  otherwise.  In  do-rlucart  p.  119,  do-riusaig 
p.  120,  the  vocali8m  is  peculiar.  Has  it  been  influenced  by  that 
of  cognate  forms,  -dlucair,  -dluschi,  etc.  ? 

09). 

ad-ru-amraigset  p.  92,  ar-ro-*igf  ar-ru-aig  p.  97,  cita-ru-oirtned. 

Here,  again,  this  must  be  regarded  as  a  later  principle :  cf .  p.  189. 
(b)  ro-  +/-. 

(a)    1.  rd-fi-. 

du-da-ruid  p.  97,  fo-rHireth  p.  98.  I  suggested  above  that 
fo-ruar  'effecit*  came  from  fo-ro-fer,  but  that  is  more  than  doubtful, 
and  1  have  no  certain  explanation  of  the  form. 

2.  rd-fi-. 

da-rHieh  (but  pass,  do-rdacht)  p.  98. 

3.  rd-fo-. 

do-rdrtad  p.  107,  do-rdrpat,  arn-dam-roichli$-9e  p.  112,  to-rdran 
p.  117,  do-rdsat  p.  118 ;  ro-fdi-  in  do-rdid  p.  98. 

(y3)  in-ru-filly.  98,  con-ru-foluassat  p.  116. 

These  are  purely  artificial  compounds.  The  former  is  a  literal 
translation  of  im-plico,  the  latter  of  con-volo. 

(e)  ro-  +  *-. 

(a)  ar-rdi9iur=ar-rd-sis*iur,fu~rdi88estar'p.  105.  If  for-deri*iur 
p.  Ill  be  rightly  analyzed,  then  arrdisiur  :  fordermur=adidilli  : 
ni  drilli. 

(/3)  ad-ro-soid,  etar-ru-suidiged,  for-ru-tuidigeitar,  iarmu-ru- 
tudigettar,  in-ru-samlasatar  p.  105. 

The  regular  development  is  seen  in  the  old  compounds  ar-sissiur, 
fo-sissiur.  Under  (/})  the  last  four  compounds  are  simply  literal 
translations  of  Latin  words. 


V.    The  Accentuation  of  ro-. 

The  common  rule  in  Old  Irish  is  that  ro-  is  treated  as  an 
integral  part  of  the  verb,  and  is  subject  to  the  general  laws  that 
govern  the  Irish  accent.     Only  two  cases  call  for  special  remark — 


THE    PARTICLE    2*0-    IN    IR18H — J.    STRACHAN.  185 

(1)  where  ro-  stands  at  the  beginning  of  a  verb,  or  of  a  verbal 
compound,  after  the  particles  ni,  ndd,  con,  etc. ;  (2)  where  in 
a  compound  verb  ro~  holds  the  second  place  in  orthotonesis. 


1.  ro-  stands  at  the  beginning. 

After  the  particles  ni,  ndd,  etc.,  the  accent  lights  on  the  following 
syllable.  Moreover,  where  a  pronoun  is  infixed,  the  accent  is 
on  the  syllable  that  follows  the  infixed  pronoun  (Thurneysen, 
Rev.  Celt,  vi,  130).  Examples  of  this,  where  the  position  of 
the  accent  is  clear,  either  from  phonetic  changes  produced  by 
the  accent  or  from  the  presence  of  an  infixed  pronoun,  are  ni 
rditea,  nad  rdn,  ndd  rdirgsiur,  na-n-r&irgsiur,  cani  rdlsid,  ni 
rdilgius  p.  83,  ni-9-rdchret,  fua-rdgbad,  nad  rdgnatha,  ni  rdkat, 
naeh-a-rdmarb,  ni-s-rdthechtusa,  nad  rdilgisid,  ni  relic,  fuand-rdgabt 
nach-am-rdlae  p.  86,  ni-t-rugbusa,  cor-rdhat,  cor-rdemid,  ni  raid 
p.  90,  in  radehotadaiged,  nad  rHldisem,  nad  rimgab,  etc.,  p.  182. 

When  we  come  to  Mod.  Irish,  we  see  that  a  change  has  taken 
place.  Here  we  have  always  niorchar,  ndrchar,  gurchar,  etc., 
a  change  which  can  be  explained  only  on  the  assumption  that 
ro-  has  become  atonic.  And  this  change  is  not  of  to-day  or 
yesterday.  From  the  evidence  of  the  Saltair  na  Rann  it  is 
probable  that  the  transition  was  practically  complete  before  the 
end  of  the  tenth  century,  as  the  following  considerations  will 
show. 

(1)  The  vowel  of  ro-  has  often  vanished,  e.g.  diar  luid,  diar 
maid,  diar  lass,  diar  choisc,  cor  letair,  nir  leicsetar,  etc.  (VSR. 
pp.  21-33). 

(2)  Where  ro-  is  still  written,  the  metre  often  shows  that  the 
accent  stood,  not  on  ro-f  but  on  the  following  syllable.  Thus 
we  have  co  ro-bdnacht — gdrbchacht  SR.  2228,  co  ro-thdgad — 
chdbair  4559,  co  ro-cktimcaiged — tiinscanad  6231,  co  ro-thdfind — 
tdekim  6405,  cond  ro-thdllai—gldnnai  7168,  co  ro-thriall—dian  2848, 
dia  ro-genair — gdir  2736,  ♦  ro  glnair — tMir  3716,  ol  ro-llnad — 
dlgal  2509,  o  ro-chrddsam—forfdcsam  1486,  o  ro-dtJiain — dthir  6245. 
The  only  exceptions  that  I  have  noted  so  far  are  cona  rdmarbtais — 
ara  edmaltis  5603,  co  rdldd—dnad  5100.  co  rdemid—fdelid  5891, 
eo  rdUatar  5603.  And,  with  the  exception  of  the  first,  these  are 
peculiar  forms  such  as  would  be  more  likely  to  resist  change. 

1  Bat  in  O.Ir.  the  usage  of  o  varies :  cf.  p.  177,  note  2. 


186  THE    PARTICLE    RO~    IK    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAK. 

(3)  The  infixed  pronoun  follows  ro-,  ni  ro-*-luaid  5112, 
ni  ro-*-liuna  6531,  arnd  ro-n-juapra  6425,  co  ro-s-tktkin  (ctohim) 
2196,  co  ro-n-eroil  3707,  co  r*-[*]-*%  5655,  co  ro-n-giuil  (mrbo 
chiuin)  6957,  co  ron-dusaig  (rochursaig)  6690,  co  r-das-cuibdig 
7862,  co  ro-n-sdtra  8224,  dia  ro-t-t&rmchell  7387,  dia  ro-t- 
chruthaigcd  1793.  Exceptions  are  nocho-t-rdla  4110,  ni-*-reIic 
6721,  again  two  peculiar  forms.  This  change  may  best  be 
explained  by  the  supposition  that  the  orthotonic  forms  were 
generalized  and  spread  into  the  enclitic  position,  just  as,  conversely, 
in  most  compound  verbs  in  the  modern  language  orthotonic  forma 
have  been  replaced  by  enclitic. 

It  is  a  far  cry  from  the  tenth  century  to  the  time  when  the 
Old  Irish  Glosses  were  composed,  and  it  would  be  interesting, 
if  one  had  the  necessary  collections,  to  trace  back  the  history 
of  the  change.  But  in  the  absence  of  such  collections,  it  must 
be  sufficient  for  the  present  to  inquire  whether  in  the  Glosses 
any  traces  are  already  to  be  discovered  of  the  new  accentuation. 

We  have  seen  above  that  one  of  the  distinctive  marks  of  the 
new  order  is  that  the  infixed  pronoun  is  inserted  no  longer  before 
ro-,  but  after  it.  In  the  Glosses  there  are  a  couple  of  examples 
of  this — *i  ru-s-cdmallaiatar  p.  86,  niru-m-chdmairUiciuo l  p.  115  s — 
both  from  Ml.  Here  the  accent  may  without  hesitation  be  placed 
on  the  following  syllable.  In  cases  like  nicon  ruaccobrus,  ni  rutho- 
churettar,  in  rue  tar  scar,  ni  roimdibed,  ni  ruthogaiUamy  ni  ruforatth- 
menair,  etc.,  pp.  167-9,  where  ro-  is  put  at  the  beginning  of  a 
compound  verb  instead  of  in  the  interior,  and  in  ni  ruder choin 
p.  123,  where  ro-  is  prefixed  to  a  compound  already  containing  ro-, 
Zimmer,  Kelt.  Stud,  ii,  123,  cf.  Thurneysen,  Rev.  Celt,  vi,  323, 
seems  to  be  right  in  assuming  that  the  accent  stood  on  the  syllable 
after  ro-,  nicon  ruaccobrus,  ni  ruthdchurestar,  etc.  The  position  of 
ro-  in  itself  would  not  prove  this;  the  introduction  of  ro-  in  this 
place  would  naturally  be  based  on  the  analogy  of  the  simple  verb, 
and  if  in  the  simple  verb  the  accent,  without  exception,  fell 
on  the  particle,  the  same  might  be  expected  to  happen  in  the 
compound  verb.  Nor  would,  e.g.,  the  preservation  of  f  in 
foraithmenair  be  a  proof,  for  in  a  new  formation  /  might  very 
well  have  remained  even  if   the  accent  fell  on  the  preceding 


1  In  Ml.  77d  6  Ascoli's  correction  of  mdaroneomairlecuni  to  indanrocomairUe- 
itni  seems  to  me  far  from  certain,  but  how  the  form  is  to  be  regarded  is  not 
clear.     It  almost  looks  like  an  admixture  of  the  old  and  the  new. 

2  Cf.  mi  ro-t-mmmchtatar,  p.  90. 


THE    PARTICLE    SO-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAN.  187 

syllable :  cf .  conid-rd-foihigettar  below.   But  there  are  other  indica- 
tions.    (1)  The  form  ni  rumcomairUieut*  conclusively  proves  this 
accentuation  for  at  least  one  instance.      (2)  The  preservation  of 
the  vowel  of  ro-  in  nieon  ruaecobrus,  etc.,  can  hardly  be  explained 
in  any  other  way.     (3)  The  frequent  use  of  ru-  for  ro-  is  perhaps 
best  explained  on  this  assumption.     In  some  cases  the  accent  un- 
doubtedly fell  on  the  ro~  syllable,  as  is  proved  by  the  loss  of  the 
o — nod  rimgab,   nod   rhiUuem^   ndd    riarfact,   nod  rindualdatar, 
nachim-rlndarpai)  dian-d-rtrchoil,  in  rddchotadaiged,  dus  in  retarscar, 
ho  rUarta.    For  the  key  to  this  we  must  turn  to  the  simple  verb. 
As  we  saw  above,  after  ndd l  or  an  infixed  pronoun  ro-  regularly 
loses  its  o  before  a  vowel;   e.g.  ndd  rdirgsiur,  na-n-rdirgsiur  (of 
the  treatment  after  inn  and  o  there  is  no  instance).    Here,  then,  the 
compound  verb  follows  the  analogy  of  the  simple  verb.     In  the 
simple  verb,  too,  there  are,  as  might  have  been  expected,  indica- 
tions of  a  change  of  accent,  though,  unfortunately,  the  material 
is  scanty.     We   have,    however,    as  parallels  to  the  compound 
forms,   ni  rus-cdmallasatar    (see    above),    and    ni   rudnus,    cona 
rudigsetar  (by  ni  rdilgius,  ni  rditea,  ni  rklie).    It  may  be  said, 
then,  that  after  an  infixed  pronoun,   and  after  ndd  (of  other 
particles  there  is  little  evidence),  the  accent  regularly  fell  on  the 
following  syllable,  while  after  nl  (and  probably  after  some  other 
similar  particles)  the  accent  had  begun  to  be  transferred  to  the 
following  syllable.     That  this  transition  should  be  more  thorough 
'  in  compound  verbs,  is  easily  intelligible,  for  it  is  natural  for  the 
young  generation  to  follow  the  new  fashion.     How  far  the  change 
had  gone  in  the  simple  verb  after  nf,  etc.,  in  the  period  of  the 
Glosses,  it  is  impossible  to  say.     The  instances  are  few,  and  of 
ftae  many  are  ambiguous ;  the  most  certain  instances  of  a  change 
We  been  noted    above.      It   would   not   be    safe   to   lay   any 
rtttss  on  the  preservation  of  /  and  *  in  words  like  dia  tufoilsiged, 
fib*rmtidiged.    After  all,  these  are  literary  words,  and  in  such 
H^idrrdfoikigtotar  shows  us  that  contraction  need  not  follow, 
tahaps  eon  ru-sleachta  is  stronger  evidence.     It  is  an  every-day 
^ord,  and,  with  the  accent  on  ro-,  we   should  have  expected 
**  rkilUchta  or  the  like :    cf.,  however,  dorosluind,  p.  189.     In 
"1>.  in   particular   the    sinking    of   ro-  to  rw-  may  very   well 
Mdictte  a  change  of   accents.    As  we  saw,  p.  176,  the  change 


/Whit  was  the  accentuation  of   nod  rotodlaigestar  and  nod  ruehumgab, 
was! n»-  is  prefixed  to  a  compound  and  is  preceded  by  ndd? 


188  THE    PARTICLE    RO-    IN    IRISH — J.    8TRACHAN. 

of  o  to  u  in  this  text  is  not  frequent,  and  seems  to  take  place 
only  under  certain  conditions.  In  Ml.  this  criterion  is  hardly 
so  sure.  But  considering  the  almost  unanimity  with  which  m- 
is  here  found  in  the  forms  that  most  certainly  follow  the  new 
accent,  it  is  not  improbable  that  some  portion  at  least  of  the 
ru-  forms  on  p.  86  are  to  be  accented  in  this  way.  In  the  Irish 
Psalter,  1.  11,  an  instance  of  the  new  accentuation  seems  to  be 
seen  in  tresa-roohdchatn. 

As  was  said  above,  the  new  accentuation  seems  to  have  come 
about  through  generalization  of  the  orthotonic  forms.  Thus  we 
may  suppose  that  under  the  influence  of  rodnus,  *ni  rdnus  became 
ni  rodnus,  ni  rudnus.  In  Middle  Irish,  when  the  atonic  o  was  lost, 
ni  rudnus  would  become  again  ni  rdnus.  But  to  trace  the  gradual 
progress  of  this  development  I  have  no  material. 

2.  ro-  stands  in  the  second  place. 

In  this  position  ro-  regularly  bears  the  accent.  The  evidence 
is — (I)  The  phonetic  changes  which  the  accent  produces:  asrubart, 
forroichain,  and  the  like,  p.  181,  durdchthaisset,  dordgbad,  durdilged, 
immerdrdus,  inrdrthatar,  ataruirmiset,  immertiidbed,  foruilechta, 
adrdichsetar,  frisrdihiur,  etc.  (2)  The  position  of  the  infixed 
pronoun  :  ar-id-rdchell,  fo-n-rdchled,  fo-s-rddamar,  du-da-ruid9 
do-d-rikmenatar,  d-a-rhnesus,  etar-dan-rdscar,  fos-rdmamaigestar,  a 
new  verb  which  shows  that  the  principle  was  a  living  one :  cf .  eota- 
rddelc  p.  97.  In  the  Saltair  na  Rann,  so  far  as  I  have  observed, 
the  infixed  pronoun,  without  exception,  holds  this  place.  (3)  In 
verse  evidence  may  be  got  from  the  metre.  Cf.  for  the  Felire 
Oenguso,  Stokes,  Rev.  Celt,  vi,  289-90,  and  note  from  the  Saltair 
na  Rann  instances  like  dorutnensat — -fosrHgensat  3689,  imrdraid — 
cobair  1915,  dordchrobair — cldthchobair  3608,  doritmat — chxibat 
4243,  dorlmthaa—flndchaBB  5973,  and  at  the  end  of  a  line  dorddi- 
usaig — diumsaig  6935. 

In  the  Glosses  are  found  a  few  real  or  apparent  exceptions. 
They  are  rather  of  the  nature  of  incidental  vagaries,  and,  so  far 
as  I  see,  are  of  no  importance  for  the  general  development  of 
the  language. 

(1)  The  infixed  pronoun  in  a  few  cases  follows  ro-,  which,  in 
accordance  with  the  general  law,  would  indicate  that  the  accent 
fell  on  the  following  syllable.  In  Wb.  the  only  instance  is  doro- 
n-donad-ni  p.  97,  and  Zimmer,  Gloss.  Hib.  p.  107,  is  probably  right 


THE   PARTICLE    SO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  189 

in  conjecturing  that  it  is  a  clerical  error  for  do-n-rodonad-ni.  In 
ML  occur  arro-t-ntithiM,  araru-t-neithius  p.  104,  forru-m-chenad~*a 
for  what  would  be  regularly  fo-dam-rorccnad-sa  p.  95,  and  probably 
lau  adru-8-pin1  'when  he  swore  by  it*  p.  97.  The  only  later 
instance  of  the  kind  that  I  have  to  hand  is  foru-8-genair  Trip. 
Life,  16, 1.  26,  but  fo-t-rtigensat,  fo-s-rHgensatar  VSR.  784,  786. 

(2)  Sometimes  ro-  is  preserved  before  a  vowel.  From  Ml.  come 
adrvamraigset  p.  92,  arroceig,  arrukig  p.  97,  but  with  an  infixed 
pronoun  ar-ud-reig.  The  first  word  is  a  denominative  from  adamra, 
coined  to  translate  miror,  and  treated  as  though  it  were  a  com- 
pound. From  the  later  language  I  have  no  parallel  instances. 
From  the  form  of  the  words  the  accent  should  have  followed  ro-, 
but  that  is,  after  all,  a  matter  of  very  little  moment.  On  p.  107 
cita-rwrirtned  is  somewhat  different.  It  may  be  doubted  whether 
in  this  artificial  compound  the  accent  of  the  simple  verb  was 
not  retained.  In  favour  of  this  view  is  perhaps  the  vocalism 
of  ro-  in  cetaruchreti,  ciaturuchreitset  p.  96,  eeturupridach  p.  104, 
all  from  Wb. ;  yet  we  find  ceta-thuidchetar  Wb.  21°,  and,  with 
infixed  pronoun,  cet-id-deirgni  p.  109. 

(3)  Certain  compounds  exhibit  peculiar  forms.  About  adro- 
gtgoma,  forruleblangatar,  forrudedachw,  doruthethaig  something 
has  been  said  already,  p.  181 ;  and  as  they  are  irregular  artificial 
forms,  the  question  of  their  accentuation  need  not  trouble  us 
further.  In  inrufill,  inrusamlasatar,  etarrusuidigedy  forrusuidi- 
gutar,  tarmurusudigestar  we  have  literal  renderings  of  Latin 
words,  probably  formed  from  the  simple  verbs  by  the  easy  process 
of  prefixing  the  appropriate  preposition.      The  fact  that  s  and 

/  remain  would  not  be  a  fatal  objection  to  placing  the  accent  on 
the  particle,  but  ru-  points  perhaps  rather  to  accentuation  of  the 
following  syllable.  Cf.  also  the  artificial  eonrutessaigestar  p.  106, 
eonrufoluauat  p.  116,  oruthochaisgesser  p.  117,  coruthdi  p.  118. 
The  equally  artificial  trdtaireissiu  p.  115,  adrothoirndius,  trimi- 
rothoimdius  p.  117,  orotataile  p.  118,  have  ro-,  but  that  is  in  itself 
no  proof  that  ro-  bore  the  accent.  In  dodrdlluind  p.  105  we  have 
regular  assimilation  when  the  accent  is  reinforced  by  ro-;  at 
the  same  time  it  is  very  unlikely  that  in  dorosluind,  etc.,  the 
accent  stood  on  the  last  syllable ;  in  Ml.  aspiration  of  «  is  not 
expressed,   and  so  this    may  stand  for  dorosluind.     In  adrdsoid 


1  Cf.  with  «*-,  atpena  Ml.  39b  6.    Zimmer,  Kelt.  Stud,  i,  121,  analyzes 
into  *d-ro-m~/mt  but  that  should  have  given  *adre*pen. 


190  THE  PARTICLE    JtO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAH. 

p.  105  compared  with  arrdistiur,  $  (  =  i  ?)  is  irregularly  retained, 
for  there  is  no  good  reason  for  accenting  the  word  otherwise; 
bat  we  do  not  know  the  age  of  the  compound,  or  how  far  it 
was  a  learned  word.  Ont  of  the  Glosses  I  do  not  remember  to 
have  seen  it,  except  in  the  enclitic  form  orfotst,  which  became 
generalised.  80,  then,  the  exceptions  to  the  general  rule  are  few 
in  the  Glosses,  and  mostly  of  a  peculiar  character;  in  the  Saltair 
na  Rann,  so  far  as  my  observation  goes,  there  are  none.  It  makes 
no  difference  whether  the  verb  be  an  old  perfective  compound,  or 
one  of  those  into  which  we  have  assumed,  p.  162,  that  r*-  came 
later. 

YL     ASPTJUXIOR  AFTER  ft-. 

The  investigation  here  must  practically  be  based  on  the 
consonants  e  and  t :  p  occurs  in  loan-words  and  is  rarely  aspirated ; 
aspiration  of  #  and  /  is  sometimes  marked  in  8g.,  bat  it  is 
usually  unexpressed ;  aspirated  /  and  $  are  sometimes  omitted — 
*i  rwmeiutt  p.  112. 

In  the  interior  of  compounds,  and  at  the  beginning  of  words 
after  ai,  ndd,  etc,  aspiration  is  regular  after  #■*-.  The  few  cases 
in  the  Glosses  where  it  is  unexpressed  must  be  put  down  to 


Aspiration  after  r»-  at  the  beginning  of  orthotonus  forms  requires 
more  careful  consideration.  First  of  all,  relative  forms,  where 
the  relative  n  has  been  lost  before  the  following  consonant,  most 
be  set  aside.  It  may  look  like  reasoning  in  a  circle,  but  these 
cases  are  to  be  recognized  only  by  the  absence  of  aspiration.1 
We  must  also  set  aside  the  instances  where  r»-  is  followed  by 
any  other  infixed  pronoun.  Having  so  far  cleared  the  way,  we 
will  now  consider  the  residuum. 

In  relative  forms  where  the  relative  particle  is  unexpressed 
aspiration  is  regular.  This  follows  from  what  has  been  amid 
above.      The  examples  will  be  found  pp.  80-86. 

The  non-relative  forms  must  be  taken  seriatim — 

\Tb.  24*  3  r+-t*tkicAsimr  i*rm  cktnn  eo$m  'I  fought  for  it 
hitherto/  The  sentence  seems  not  to  be  relative,  and  there  is  no 
infixed  pronoun. 


1  On  the  oeusson  of  tbe  reiatw  mrticlt*  d.  Ebel,  XSB.  vt  38  so.     Bat  Ike 
raks  are  not  ia  every  respect  bard  iftl  last. 


THE    PARTICLE    BO-    IN    IET8H — J.    STRACHAN.  191 

Wb.  6°  27  ar  ro-cies  side  mor  n-imnith  'for  he  suffered  much 
tribulation.' 

Wb.  5*  24  rumugsat  1.  ro-ceehladatar  'they  smothered  or  they 
dug.'     There  is  no  reason  for  supposing  an  infixed  pronoun. 

"Wb.  26b  6  ro-comalni*idsi  an  ropridchissemni  l  ye  have  fulfilled 
what  we  have  preached.' 

Wb.  17*  6  ro-eretus  donginid  1 1  believed  that  ye  will  do  it.' 

Wb.  25d  20  ro-creitsidsi  a  forcell  forrogelsamni  l  ye  believed 
the  testimony  that  we  testified.' 

Wb.  26»  23  ro-creitsid*i  do  dhnun  '  ye  believed  in  the  Devil.' 

Sg.  197*  18  ro-cinnius,  g.  definivi. 

Ml.  137°  10  ro-eairdnigthea,  g.  foederatae  sunt. 

Ml.  114*  6  rofeuehraigset  a.  ro-osssa,  g.  efferati  sunt. 

Ml.  43d  18  1.  pro  .i.  tardsi  vicisti  .i.  ro-cloissiu  'or  pro,  i.e.  for 
vicisti  i.e.  rocloissiu,'  where  the  word  is  evidently  a  simple 
translation  of  vicisti. 

Ml.  74d  5  ar  ro-comallus  du  th[im~\nae  '  for  I  have  fulfilled  Thine 
ordinances.' 

Ml.  81*  5  roeomallad  is  rather  relative. 

Ml.  55d  3  rodumaigestar  .i.  orudele  s6n  j  ro-cutrummaigestar  '  he 
piled  up  .i.  he  compared  and  made  equal.' 

Ml.  105°  7  ro-taitnigsersUy  g.  placatus  es. 

ML  84e  10  ro-techtsat,  g.  habuere. 

Ml.  106*  8  lose  conidrerp  .i.  ro-torasnaigestar,  g.  confidendo. 
A  relative  n  may  be  supplied  from  lose,  but  it  is  not  necessary. 

ML  121*  6  ro-tracht  som  riam  anuas/orsin  eanoin  se  'he  discussed 
this  passage  of  Scripture  before  above.' 

With  aspiration — 

Wb.  5q  1 1  .L  dorHtiset  som  7  ro-chrochsat  Crist,  i.e.  '  they  denied 
and  crucified  Christ.'     This  cannot  be  taken  relatively. 

8g.  9*  22  ro'Cruthaigsemmar  eamaiph  immorro  oen  charactar  '  we 
have  formed,  however,  one  character.' 

I  have  quoted  these  examples  at  length  so  that  the  reader  may 
be  able  to  judge  for  himself.  If  statistics  are  worth  anything  it  is 
impossible  to  avoid  the  conclusion,  from  which  I  confess  I  at  first 
shrank,  that  the  rule  in  these  Glosses  is  that  in  relative  forms 
where  no  relative  particle  was  introduced  there  was  aspiration,  in 
non-relative  forms  there  was  no  aspiration.  Later  this  rule  docs 
not  hold:  see  the  examples  pp.  89-91.  The  couple  of  instances  to 
the  contrary  in  the  Glosses  may  be  looked  upon  as  the  beginning 


192 


THE    PARTICLE    RQ-    IN    IRISH — J,    STRACHAN. 


of  the  coming  change,  Compare  the  remarks  of  Thuraeyeen  on 
pretonic  particles  generally*  Bov.  Celt,  vi,  313.  Why  should  there 
be  this  difference  between  the  two  s^ts  of  forms?  fTtt  the  ro- 
more  strongly  emphasized  ?  did  it  form  more  of  a  unity  with  the 
yerh  in  the  relative  forms?  Cf.  the  usage  in  compound  verbs 
whereby  in  relative  sentences  the  enclitic  form  of  the  Terb  is 
permitted ;  a  good  example  of  this  is  forgmi  ML  44c  9,  and  the 
fact  that  in  simple  deponents  and  passives  the  relative  form  in 
supplied  by  the  enclitic. 

In  Middle  Irish  A  is  inserted  after  ro-  in  the  passive  before  verbs 
beginning  with  a  vowel :  ct  Atkinson,  Pussions  and  Homilies  7-15, 
Thuraeysen,  Zeit  t  Celt  Phil.  I,  2.  In  the  Glosses  there 
euch  distinction ;  A  is  rare  and  is  found  in  both  voices — ronnhicef 
robhimd  p.  82.  rohortan%  ruhort  p.  85,  So  also  in  the  Saltair  Da 
Eann:    cf.  TIE,  pp.  24,  27,  36. 

In  Middle  Irish  there  is  also  a  rule  that  in  the  preterite  there 
is  aspiration  after  ro-  in  the  active,  but  not  in  the  passive  :  cf. 
Atkinson,  Introduction  to  the  Book  of  Leinster  p.  47,  Passions  and 
Homilies  852,  Of  such  a  rule  in  the  Old  Irish  Glosses  there  is  no 
trace.  Nor  is  it  yet  carried  through  in  the  Saltair  na  Ranu : 
cf.  VSR.  p.  36,  In  modern  printed  books  such  as  Daly's  Poets  and 
Poetry  of  ^funster,  if  my  memory  serves  me  right,  th#  rule  is 
observed,  but  my  friend  Father  Henebry  tells  me  that  in  the 
spoken  language  of  Minister  there  is  no  distinction  in  this 
respect  between  the  active  and  the  passive.  Is  the  whole  tl 
a  to  fine  men  t  of  grammarians,  or  has  the  language  once  more 
round  to  the  point  from  which  it  started? l 


1  In  Modem  Scotch  (faille  tin?  tetm  and  tha  pgAsiTo  ate  treated  Li 
war  \  both  are  aspirated:  hhuttit  mtt  cha  do  hhmit  miv  MMa*W< 
hhuaihadh  mi.     In  early  work*  composed  ia  pore  Irish t  or  strongly  under  tbe 
utflttenc't  ui  Liknr}  1  n-ti+  tlio  Irish  rule  is  observed,  &»k  in  ' 
book,  tint]  tor  tbti  moft  pari  in  the  Book  of  Clanr 

Ik  148  aq.    Lot  in  t\u    Pennii    Manuscript  (end  i  -■  t li  eenttu 

antfua^e  of  which  h  **  practically  ihi?  mooeni  dialed  itOJ  Rpokoo  i 
Krliipr  p,  '&,  ur-piratiou  ie  found  in  tho  pH 

=  hhftth*tdh   p*    41,    vrtMtir/  -  bht attend A,    chnhui  =l  t'hatthtmih   p.    57 1    r k**tf  = 
chruAw/h.  rkn%rri$  =  ehitirttiiih.      S<>  far  a*  I  know,  there  fa  ao  *m  . 
tha  lri-h  ru3i  WW  to  id  good  in  poii  Switch  Gaehc* 


THE   PARTICLE   BO-    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  193 


COEEIGENDA. 


P.  102,  1.  14.     On  forruleblangatar  cf.  p.  181. 

P.  105,  note  2, 11.  2,  3.  This  is  more  than  doubtful,  for  we  should 
have  expected  *do~res8echt :  cf.  p.  183. 

P.  107,  1.  2.  This  should  be  corrected  to  atlrochomlad  and  put 
with  adrochomul,  p.  116.  Cf.  Zimmer,  Gott.  Gehl.  Anz.  1896, 
p.  402. 

P.  107,  1.  23.  But  from  fo-Uicim  we  should  expect  fo-8-reIic. 
If  forolaich,  which  has  less  manuscript  authority,  is  to  be 
accepted,  the  form  might  perhaps  come  from  a  compound  of  the 
simple  verb  which  is  seen  in  foalgim,  without  the  preposition  ad. 
Cf .  Goth,  lag/an  ? 

P.  116,  1.  20.     Cf.  dorertatar  Hy.  v,  55=ds-ro-atr-ortatar  ? 

P.  119,  1.  8.  The  emendation  is  confirmed  by  the  reading  of 
YBL.  Facs.  94a  40  atdobrarbadsi. 

P.  122,  1.  25.  Is  not  this  a  blunder  for  cita-aca?  The  scribe 
would  seem  to  have  begun  as  though  to  write  the  perfect  of  ad-ciu} 
and  then  to  have  substituted  citaaca  without  deleting  the  ad. 

P.  131,  11.  7,  8.     But  desid  may  be  enclitic:  cf.  p.  177,  note  2. 

P.  180,  1.  31.  But  does  dorodbad  come  from  *dorobdad  (=»e/t- 
rd-b&ded),  just  as  Old  Ir.  bibdu  becomes  bidba  ?  If  so,  then 
dorodba  in  the  Irish  Hymns  would  come  from  *durobda*=di-rd- 
0,  and  in  fact  the  word  is  glossed  by  rodibda. 


nSL  Trams,  lftftft-7.  13 


194 


III.— SEMI -VOWELS,  OR  BORDER  SOUNDS  OF 
CONSONANTS  AND  VOWELS,  AS  EXEMPLI- 
FIED IN  SOME  OF  THE  ROMANCE  AND 
GERMANIC  LANGUAGES  AND  IN  ENGLISH, 
GAELIC,   AND   WELSH.      By  J.  H.  Staples. 

[Read  at  the  Meeting  of  the  Philological  Society  on  Friday,  March  6,  1896.] 

EXPLANATORY    REMARKS    AND    KEY. 

I  use  in  this  paper  phonetic  spelling  only  where  necessary  for 
the  subject.  Being  averse  to  fresh  phonetic  systems,  I  use  the 
alphabetic  characters  in  Sweet's  "  Primer  of  Phonetics,"  with 
a  few  alterations,  which  seem  simpler  for  printer  and  reader, 
chiefly  taken  from  M.  Passy's  system.  Phonetic  spellings  and 
single  letters  intended  as  phonetic  symbols  are  in  brackets.  Words 
quoted  in  ordinary  spelling  are  between  inverted  commas,  as  are 
also  single  letters,  when  alluded  to  as  regards  their  usual  sound 
in  the  language  referred  to ;  thus,  the  French  '  u.' 

Key. — Sweet's  phonetic  spellings,  as  far  as  they  are  referred 
to  in  this  paper :  (a,  e,  i,  o,  u,  y)  represent  the  rowels  in  English 
"but,"  German  "see,"  French  "si,"  German  "so,"  French 
"sou,"  "lune";  same  in  italics,  English  "father,"  "men," 
"bit,"  German  "stock,"  English  "put,"  German  "schiitzen"; 
(a)  the  vowel  in  English  "sir";  (e)  German  neutral-terminal 
vowel  in  "  gabe  "  ;  (i)  Welsh  '  u ' ;  (ii)  Ulster  and  Lowland  Scotch 
and  Swedish  vowel  in  "  cool"  and  "  hus";  (2)  the  English  neutral 
vowel  terminal  in  "  better " ;  (t)  a  Scotch  sound  of  short  '  i '  as 
in  (lift)  —  "  it";  (A)=a  Scotch  Gaelic  sound,  i.e.  (u)  pronounced 
with  unrounded  lips;  (a)  as  in  French  "peu"  and  German 
"schon";  {?)  as  in  French  "peur" ;  (v)  or  a  reversed  'a,'  the 
Lowland  Scotch  broad  *  a*  as  in  "man"  (mwm),  also  the  French 
nasalized  'a'  as  in  "grand";  (o,  o)  as  in  English  "law,"  "not"; 
(b,  d,  g,  f,  p,  t,  k,  1,  m,  n,  v,  z)  have  their  usual  sounds,  (g) 
being  understood  always  as  hard;  (/3,  fc,  7)  are  the  unstopped 
sounds  in  Mid-German  *  w '  and  in  Spanish   *  b '  in   "  saber," 


SEMI-VOWELS. — J.    H.   STAPLES.  195 

English  "  that,"  and  Dutch  unstopped  *  g '  like  as  in  German 
4i  sagen  " ;  (0,  x)  are  the  voiceless  correlatives  to  (/J)  and  (7),  the 
latter  as  in  Scotch  "  loch  " ;  (s)  is  always  the  voiceless  '  s ' ;  {/,  5) 
are  English  «  sh '  and  French  '  j  ' ;  (j)  has  the  German  value  as  of 
'y*  in  "yet";  (w)  the  English  consonantal  value  as  in  "wet"; 
(m)  *  wh '  as  in  "  what "  ;  (c,  j)  are  the  voiced  and  voiceless  palatal 
stops  with  the  tongue  as  for  '  y '  in  "  yet "  ;  (9)  is  German  '  ch  ' 
in  •'  ich  "  or  Scotch  and  Irish  '  h  '  in  "  hue  "  ;  (X,  p)  are  palatal 
(I)  and  (n);  (g)  is  '  ng'  in  "sing";  (r)  is  the  lingual  or  point, 
(R)  the  hack  or  uvula  '  r ' ;  (q)  or  a  reversed  '  h '  is  the  French 
consonantal  '  u  '  as  in  "  huit."  Voicelessness  may  be  signified  by- 
small  0  written  underneath  thus :  (r),  voiceless  (r) ;  nasality  by 
(~)  above  the  letter  thus:  (5),  nasal  (<*).  Doubling  a  letter 
signifies  length,  thus  :  (ee),  long  (e).  Where  necessary,  varieties  of 
position  may  be  marked  with  accents  thus :  advanced  (f),  retracted 
(r) ;  and  stress  may  be  marked  thus :  (Q),  stressed  (u).  Quotations 
from  English  dialects  in  phonetic  spelling  by  Ellis  are,  to  avoid 
confusion,  transcribed  into  the  phonetic  spelling  observed  in  this 
paper.     (<2),  omitted  above,  is  a  broader  sound  of  (a). 

Since  writing  the  paper  I  found  my  landlord  in  London,  Mr. 
Parry,  of  36,  Eardley  Crescent,  to  be  a  Welsh -speaking  Denbigh- 
shire man,  and  he  kindly  gave  me  some  lessons,  and  I  found  Welsh 
gave  examples  very  suitable  to  my  purpose.  Those  examples, 
-which  I  have  dovetailed  in,  I  give  in  my  tutor's  pronunciation, 
-which,  from  perusal  of  Rowland's  Welsh  Grammar,  seems  fairly 
representative,  and  is  certainly  purely  native  and  indigenous. 
Bat  Welsh  scholars,  I  hope,  may  correct  me  if  inaccurate  or  only 
local. 

The  term  semi-vowel  is  hardly  recognized  in  the  classifications 
of  the  modern  schools  of  phonetists,  whether  English  or  Con- 
tinental. It  is  alluded  to  by  several  as  descriptive  of  the  qualities 
of  certain  sounds  partaking  of  the  nature  of  both  consonant  and 
vowel,  but  as  these  qualities  are  not  specially  included  in  those 
which  form  the  essential  basis  of  the  most  practicable  classification 
of  speech  sounds,  the  group,  to  which  I  shall  allude  as  "semi- 
vowels," is  made  up  of  sounds  which  lie  rather  athwart  any  usual 
satisfactory  classification,  but  having  such  relations  and  showing 
such  developments  from  and  to  other  sounds,  that  their  special 
study  is,  I  think,  very  fruitful  to  phonetists  and  philologists  in 
general. 


196  SEMI-VOWELS. — J.    H.   STAPLES. 

The  semi-vowels  most  universally  recognized  as  such,  and  well 
exemplified  in  English,  are  (w)  as  in  "  wound,"  and  (j)  as  in 
"  yield."  I  purposely  use  instances  where  semi- vowel -consonant, 
and  nearest  resembling  vowel  in  English  are  used  in  juxtaposition, 
and  so  better  to  display  the  difference  from  the  consonant 
preceding.  The  commonness  of  the  vowels  (i)  and  (u)  attracts 
attention  to  the  obvious  semi-vowel  character  of  their  related 
consonants  (j)  and  (w),  and  by  many  observers  they  only  have 
been  referred  to  as  semi-vowels.  Sievers,  "  Grundziige  der 
Phonetik,"  1893,  pp.  148,  153,  only  describes  (j)  and  (w)  as 
"  halbvocal ";  and  Rh£s,  in  his  "  Manx  Phonology,"  also  only  treats 
of  these  two  as  semi-vowels,  which  he  describes  as  such  and  with 
careful  detail ;  but  Sweet,  while  not  using  the  term  semi-vowel, 
in  passages  alluding  to  the  relations  of  consonants  to  vowels, 
44  Primer  of  Phonetics,"  pp.  39,  40,  shows  that  (7)  should  be 
included  in  the  group  along  with  (j)  and  (w),  and  he  sets  down 
these  relations  with  back,  mid,  and  front  positions  of  these 
consonants,  and  back  and  front  of  both  open  and  round  vowels, 
with  some  minuteness.  Passy,  in  "  Changements  Phon6tiques(" 
pp.  93,  94,  concisely  sums  up  the  list  as  he  finds  of  these 
relationships,  alluding  to  them  as  "  sou  vent  appelees  semi- 
voyelles,"  thus: 

consonants  (j)  (w)  (q)  (7). 
vowels  (i)  (u)  (y)  (A). 

Practically  these  two  authorities  agree,  only  Sweet  dwells  more 
on  some  varieties  of  articulation.  If  we  examine  these  semi-vowels, 
we  find  it  depends  on  the  degree  of  the  squeeze  whether  a  border 
sound  of  this  kind  be  vowel  or  consonant,  and  the  tightness  of  the 
squeeze  is  usually  in  inverse  proportion  to  the  vocal  stress,  so  that 
by  advancing  the  vocal  stress  English  "ear"  would  resemble 
German  "ja."  In  speech,  to  give  the  sonorous  effect  of  vowel, 
voice  must  be  given  with  as  little  friction  as  possible  consistent  with 
the  articulation  of  the  vowel,  but  the  essence  of  consonant  is  the 
friction  which  it  is  sought  to  avoid  in  uttering  a  vowel.  Now, 
though  Sweet  puts  low  vowels  as  related  to  the  respective  varieties 
of  his  consonants,  it  will  be  found  that  the  vowels  most  near  these 
open  consonants  are  those  in  which  the  tongue  position  is  high. 
All  the  four  vowels  that  Passy  enumerates  come  under  this 
category.  The  reason  is  obvious.  For  instance,  in  the  vowel  (A), 
as  may  be  heard  in  Gaelic  "  laogh,"  "baoghalta,"  "a-h-aon,"  the 


8KMI-V0WELS. — J.    H.   STAPLES.  197 

first  in  Argyll  Qaelic  and  all  in  Deeside  Gaelic,  the  ear  can  hardly 
fail  to  perceive  the  same  relation  between  it  and  (7)  as  between 
(i)  and  (j).     !Now  in  (a)  the  passage  of  the  voice  is  narrowed, 
almost  squeezed,  between  the  upper  side  of  the  back  of  the  tongue 
and  the  part  of  the  roof  of  the  mouth  nearest  it,  the  mouth  cavity 
being  left  pretty  free  between  the  tongue  and  the  outer  teeth. 
It  will  be  found  that  the  position  of  the  organs  for  this  sound 
is  exactly  the  same  as  that  for  (u),  only  that  the  sound  is  not 
rounded  as  for  (u)  by  compression  of  lips  and  cheeks.     The  sound 
of  (A)  does  not,  however,  in  Gaelic  words  suggest  to  the  ear  any 
resemblance  to  (u),  but  more  to  the  rounded  Continental  sound  in 
"  pen,"  "  peur,"  "  schon,"  "  gotter,"  only  with  a  deeper  sound,  and 
more  indistinct  at  first — partly  in  consequence  of  its  strangeness ; 
and  here  I  may  note  that  Sievers,  "  Grundziige,"  p.  99,  in  com- 
menting on  the  Armenian  sound  with  which  this  vowel  has  also 
been  identified,  says  "dieser  letztere  Laut  klingt  uns  auch  sehr 
o-ahnlich,"  so  he  must  have  observed  the  same  resemblance,  and 
the  Gaelic  (A)  may  appear  at  first  hearing  to  be  practically  the 
same  as  the  German  '  6,'  but  Gaelic  has  really  both  sounds.     The 
word  "  laogh  "  seems  more  universally  pronounced  with  (A)  than 
most  words,  but  in  some  dialects  (0),  a  sound  almost  identical  with 
the  German  one  in  "  gotter,"  is  used  instead  in  that  word,  and  in 
Argyll  and  most   of  the  west  generally  in  "  aon "  (*n),   while 
in  Braemar  this  would  only  be  (An)  in  counting,  as  "a-h-aon" 
when  used  emphatically.1     The  fact  is,  the  formation  of  the  vowel 
by  the  squeezing  of  the  tongue  at  the  back  of  the  mouth  gives 
it  a  false  resemblance  to  a  round  sound,  and  makes  it  at  the  same 
time  very  unstable,  while  a  very  little  increase  of  the  squeeze 
tt  once  brings  it  into  one  of   the  positions,  and  the  one  most 
resembling  a  vowel  sound  of  the  back  open  consonant  or  semi- 
vowel (7),  just  as  the  same  process  with  regard  to  (i)  and  (u) 
results  in  (j)  and  (w).    Sweet,  indeed,  draws  the  relations  between 
the  whole  three  of  the  back  and  front  vowels  respectively,  and 
rounded  and  unrounded  forms  to  the  several  positions  of  their 
approximate  consonants,  in  both  Handbook  and  Primer,  but  as  he 
teems  to  admit  in  "Handbook,"  p.  51,  the  high  positions  are  those 
tying  on  "the  boundary  between  vowel  and  consonant,"  which 
cannot  be  drawn  with  absolute  definiteness. 

1  In  a  sentence  such  as  " cha'n-cil  ach  aon"  =" there's  but  one,"  it  would 
* (*)»  or  dropt  forward  and  unrounded  to  (a?). 


198  SEMI-VOWELS. — J.    H.   STAPLES. 

Banging  over  the  lists  of  vowels  and  consonants,  we  may  see 
that  the  two  sets  approach  one  another  at  certain  positions  and 
constitute  sounds  which  may  belong  to  either  of  the  two  anciently 
recognized  divisions  of  speech  sounds.  I  propose  to  show  that 
there  are  six  such  sounds,  adding  to  Passy's  four,  mentioned 
before,  (/9)=the  Mid-German  'w'  in  "wo"  and  Spanish  'b'  in 
"  saber,"  and  the  point  (r). 

I  have  dwelt  somewhat  on  (7)  and  its  related  vowel  (A)  because 
they  are  unfamiliar  to  English-speaking  people,  and  the  vowel 
almost  unknown  to  the  European  world.  This  pair  is  at  the 
extreme  limit  in  one  sense  to  (w)  and  (u),  one  of  the  most  familiar 
pairs,  and  yet,  in  another  sense,  as  we  have  seen,  as  regards  the 
position  of  the  tongue,  clodely  related,  and  as  far  as  the  vowels 
are  concerned,  identical.  The  history  of  the  development  of 
several  languages  and  the  existing  state  of  Gaelic  dialects  indicate 
there  has  been,  so  to  speak,  a  kind  of  see- saw  change  as  to  these 
sounds,  the  consonantal  squeeze  shifting  from  the  back  of  the 
tongue  to  the  lips,  or  vice  versd,  the  main  position  of  tongue  re- 
maining the  same:  thus,  "  ubh"=egg  (uv)  in  one  dialect  we  may 
suppose  through  (uw),  which  it  still  is  in  many,  and  (U7)  in 
another. 

Having  considered  these  two  border  points  between  consonants 
and  vowels,  let  us  try  what  other  points  of  contact  there  are, 
first  exhausting  the  lip  positions.  Sweet,  following  Bell  as  regards 
nomenclature,  which  weighs  much  in  classification,  makes  (w) 
a  modification  of  (£),  which  they  term  the  "lip  open"  simply, 
the  former  "the  back  lip  open,"  while  (q),  the  semi-vowel  in 
French  "  huit,"  is  styled  by  Sweet  the  "front"  or  "front 
modified  lip  open,"  and  spelt  (#j).  Passy,  more  systematically, 
gives  separate  single  letters  for  all  three,  spelling  the  French  lip 
open  by  the  sign  I  have  adopted,  but  describing  the  German  and 
Spanish  sound  as  "  une  fricative  bilabiale  simple,"  agrees  in 
principle  to  the  classification  and  nomenclature  of  Bell  and  Sweet. 
But  this,  though  true  and  practical  in  the  main,  seems  to  me 
somewhat  to  confuse  a  just  estimate  of  the  relationship  of  these 
sounds.  All  three  have,  as  essential  to  their  formation,  not  only 
lip  compression,  but  a  certain  squeeze  of  the  lips  which  destroys 
tho  freeness  of  a  vowel  sound  and  makes  them  rank  with 
consonants.  This  feature  is  practically  identical  in  all,  and  it 
may  be  easily  observed,  and  is  generally  recognized,  though  not 
with    perfect    completeness,    that    tongue    position    marks    the 


SEMT-VOWELS. — J.    H.   STAPLES.  199 

differences ;  hence  there  is  no  just  reason  for  considering  one  a  less 
modified  or  more  standard  sound,  or  to  be  a  simpler  bilabial,  than 
the  other  two,  the  tongue  in  (u;)  being  front  as  for  (y),  in  (w) 
being  back  as  for  (u),  and  in  (p)  being  neutral  or  mixed  as  for  (ii) ; 
and  it  will  be  found,  I  venture  to  insist,  that  the  same  relationship 
in  mechanical  formation  and  in  acoustic  effect  exists  between  (fi) 
and  (ii)  as  between  (w)  and  (u),  or  as  between  (uj  and  (y).  This 
relationship,  I  think,  has  not  hitherto  been  recognized,  although 
both  Sweet  and  Passy  show  such  between  the  other  semi-vowels 
and  their  nearest  vowels.  This  is  partly  because  of  the  comparative 
rareness  of  the  vowel  (ii),  and  partly  because  the  consonant  and 
vowel  are  scarcely  found  in  the  same  language.  Neither  Spanish, 
Mid-German,  nor  Dutch  possess  (ii),  but  (/9)  belongs  to  them. 
Swedish,  Norwegian,  Ulster,  Scotch,  and  Devonshire  own  (ii), 
but  (/?)  is  unknown  to  them.  A  very  few  of  the  numerous 
dialects  of  Scotch  Gaelic  may  have  both  (ii)  and  (/9),  but  the 
relationship  is  only  to  be  detected  by  examining  the  sounds;  in 
no  case  does  it  appear  so  clearly  traced  in  the  development  of 
the  language  as  that  between  (u)  and  (w),  or  (y)  and  (i{),  as 
exhibited  in  French. 

If  we  try  gradually  to  move  our  organs  towards  a  vowel  from 
the  other  lip  consonants,  the  lip  stop  (b)  or  the  lip  tooth  (v), 
•we  find,  the  moment  we  loosen  contact  between  lips  or  between 
lip  and  teeth,  we  pass  through  a  sound  closely  resembling  one  or 
other  of  the  three  lip  opens,  as  decided  by  the  position  of  the 
tongue,  before  we  arrive  at  a  vowel. 

Leaving  the  lip  sounds  and  passing  to  the  sounds  formed  by  the 
tongue  in  different  positions  in  the  mouth,  if  we  try  in  same 
way,  by  loosening  the  consonantal  squeeze,  to  approach  a  vowel 
from  any  of  the  positions  with  lowered  tongue  tip — palatal 
positions— we  find,  as  we  found  in  the  case  of  the  labials  having 
to  go  through  a  form  of  lip  open,  we  have  to  go  through  a  form 
of  the  front  open  (j)  as  the  readiest  road  to  a  vowel.  Then,  if 
we  try  the  turned-up  tongue  tip  or  point  positions  and  proceed 
similarly,  we  at  once  find  we  have  to  go  through  some  form  of 
lingual  or  point  (r).  This  is  a  very  unstable  sound,  perhaps  more 
00  than  the  others,  and  certainly  capable  of  passing  into  a  much 
greater  number  of  varieties,  acoustically  distinct,  but  having  in 
common  the  turned-up  point  of  tongue.  Its  manner  of  formation 
necessarily  occasions  this :  the  tongue  tip,  being  free  to  range  over 
a  great  space  of  the  roof  of  the  mouth,  oscillating  or  gently 


200  SEMI-VOWELS. — J.   H.   STAPLES. 

striking  against  some  part,  varies  in  sound  according  as  the  point 
of  touch  be  further  forward  or  backward ;  and  if  in  such  positions 
we  proceed  to  try  the  nearest  sound  formed  by  slightly  loosening 
the  consonantal  squeeze,  we  find  that  the  vowel  we  reach  depends 
on  the  point  we  depart  from,  because  the  tongue  tip,  if  near  the 
teeth,  will  leave  a  narrower  passage  between  its  upper  surface 
and  the  roof  of  the  mouth,  and  the  organs  will  more  readily  form 
a  high  vowel;  and  if  the  tip  be  curved  back,  the  mass  of  the 
tongue,  concave  above,  giving  greater  resonance  chamber,  the 
loosening  of  consonantal  touch  takes  a  deeper  sound,  and  the  tongue, 
freed  like  an  unbent  bow,  is  hardly  restrained  from  dropping 
into  almost  any  mixed  or  back  vowel,  the  tendency  to  aim  at 
distinctness  of  sound  choosing  the  latter.  So  that  forms  of 
lingual  or  point  (r)  are  by  their  very  nature  capable,  on  the  one 
hand,  of  assuming  some  of  the  harshest  of  sounds  owing  to 
their  liability  of  being  trilled,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  border 
on  a  larger  number  of  vowels  than  any  other  of  these  semi- 
vowels. 

Having  described  these  semi- vowels  in  turn,  and  the  grounds 
of  considering  them  the  border  positions  of  consonants  to  vowels, 
I  tabulate  them  with  their  nearest  resembling  vowels : 

Consonants   (w)    (/*)    (q)    (7)  (r)  (j) 

Vowels  (u)    (ii)    (y)    (A)        (iX0(e)(e)(a)(d)  '     (i) 

Three  round  and  three  unrounded ;  the  one  set  almost  the  counter- 
parts to  the  other.  These  semi-vowels  have  possible  compound 
or  blended  forms — that  is,  two  uttered  simultaneously,  some  of 
which  exist  in  actual  speech,  as  (w)  plus  (7),  i.e.  consonantal 
squeeze  at  lips  and  at  back  of  tongue  at  same  time,  so  (w)  plus 
(r)  and  (/9)  plus  (r).  One  or  other  of  the  two  latter  probably 
represented  the  old  English  "wr"  initials  preserved  in  Aberdeen- 
shire, (w)  having  been  changed  to  (v),  as  (vrar))  =  "  wrong."  This 
compound  semi- vowel  is  well  displayed  in  Welsh  by  mutation 
from  "gwr"  initials,  as  "y  wraig,"  "y  wrach,"  "a  wTendy." 
These  blended  semi-vowels  are  instructive  in  studying  the 
historical  development  of  speech,  and  I  shall  allude  to  them 
again. 

If  we  assume  the  truth  of  Sweet's  analysis  of  Arian  consonants 
("History  of  English  Sounds,"  p.  83),  (j),  (r),  and  (w),  the  present 
English  semi -vowels,  were  the  original  and  only  primitive  ones  in 


SEMI- VOWELS. — J.    H.   STAPLES.  201 

Aran.  According  to  the  same  authority,  Old  Germanic — parent  of 
the  Teutonic  languages — had  besides  the  Arian  three,  (/?)  and  (7) 
arising  from  aspirated  stops  becoming  open.  The  semi-vowel  (i{) 
seems  only  a  French  development  from  an  earlier  (u).  The 
Continental  Germanic  languages  have  on  the  whole  preferred 
(/J)  or  (v)  to  (w),  and  (w)  does  not  appear  to  have  survived  among 
them,  except  as  generated  between  lip  and  front  vowels  in  Dutch, 
while  in  many  Romance  languages  (w)  or  (u)  has  developed  in 
words  in  which  it  did  not  exist  in  parent  Latin,  and  the  original 
(w)  sound  of  Latin  *  v '  has  given  place  either  to  (/3)  or  to  the 
present  lip  teeth  (v).  The  back  open  (7)  has  died  out  in  English 
and  Swedish  and  in  some  German  dialects,  but  seems  still  very 
strong  in  Dutch,  Norwegian,  Icelandic,  and  Danish,  and  has 
cropped  up  from  Latin  (g)  or  (k)  in  some  Spanish  dialects,  and 
in  some  Parisian  pronunciation  replaces  back  (11),  which  itself 
succeeded  an  ancient  and  still  provincial  and  old-fashioned  point 
(r).  The  semi-vowels  (j)  and  (w),  more  commonly  than  any  of  the 
others,  have  been  developed  as  apparently  parasitic  sounds  in 
connection  with  front  and  back  vowels  respectively.  A  Lowland 
8cotch  form  (jen)  identical  with  the  word  in  some  dialects  of 
Frisian,  and  the  usual  living  English  (wan)="  one,"  Old  English 
"  an,"  are  vory  good  instances.  The  northern,  fronting  the  vowel 
to  (een)  or  (en),  took  on  (j);  the  southern,  blunting  it  to  (au), 
prefixed  (w).  Then  we  find  such  forms  as  (bwoi)="  boy," 
(b  wail) ="  boil,"  (kwo*t)=:"coat,"  inserting  (w);  and  (gj«et)=» 
"gate,"  (gjrt'n)^" gotten,"  inserting  (j) :  sec  Ellis,  "English 
Dialects,"  pp.  46,  65,  339,  344.  Most  people  are  familiar  with  an 
old-fashioned  English  and  living  Irish  pronunciation  inserting  (j), 
as  in  (gjardn)="  garden  "  and  (kjffr)=34*car,"  but  that  seems  more 
a  trick  of  advancing  the  initial  consonant,  after  which  the  (j)  comes 
as  an  easy  glide,  than  a  development  from  the  vowel,  which  is  more 
clearly  observed  in  the  West  of  England  (jar)  =  "  here,"  where  the 
"he*  part  of  "here"  has  disappeared  and  become  (j),  the  true 
Towel  part  having  been  pulled  back  by  the  retracted  (r).  In  the 
Romance  languages  and  dialects  are  rich  fields  where  may  be  found 
examples  of  the  development  and  decay  of  all  I  have  enumerated 
as  semi-vowels,  thus:  French  (lw<?)  "loi,"  (rw<i)  "roi,"  (vw«) 
"voix"  ;  Latin  "lex,"  "rex,"  "vox";  French  (j<*r)  "  hier," 
(bjfe)  "biens,"  (lja)  "lieu,"  (vjuj)  "viens"  ;  Latin  "heri,"  "bene," 
**  locus,"  "  venio."  French  dialects  furnish  also  remarkablo 
examples,  thus:  Yosges  dialect,  noted  by  M.  P.  Passy,  (bwo), 


202  SEMI-VOWELS. — J.   H.   STAPLES. 

(fwo),  (fwerma),  (kwejo),  (kwo:d);  instead  of  French  "bon," 
"fort,"  "fermer,"  "caillou,"  "corde";  dialect  of  Ezy-sur-Eure, 
noted  by  same,  (jo),  (pjo) ;  instead  of  French  "  eaut"  "  peau." 
The  Spanish  words  "  uevo,"  "fuego,"  "bueno,"  "  huey," 
"  siempre,"  "  viento,"  "  verba,"  and  the  Italian  "  uomo,"  "  novo," 
"buono,"  "jen,"  indicate  the  same  tendency  of  a  special 
labialization  growing  as  an  initial  sound  before  some  vowels  and 
palatalization  before  others,  which  finally  results  in  parasite  (w) 
or  (j). 

English  (w),  being  generally  replaced  by  (/J)  or  (v)  in  the 
kindred  Continental  tongues,  what  in  English  dialects  would  be 
this  parasitic  (w)  becomes  the  mixed  sound  of  (/)),  as  in  "  kwam  " 
(k/tom)  in  Dutch. 

Although,  as  I  have  shown,  the  French  language  is  fond  of 
generating  a  consonantal  (w)  by  allowing  old  diphthongs  beginning 
in  (u)  or  (o)  to  have  dropped  the  vowel  quality  of  their  initial 
sound,  it  has  entirely  lost  the  (w)  sound  in  the  old  Latin  com- 
bination '  qu '  (kw).  This  combination,  together  with  the  voiced 
combination  (gw),  has  a  remarkable  history  in  European  languages. 
The  Latins  and  the  old  Gaels  possessed  the  voiceless  *  qu '  (kw) ; 
the  Italians  and  Spaniards  have,  and  the  old  French  had  the  voiced 
'  gu '  (gw) ;  the  Welsh  have  both  (kw)  and  (gw),  the  former 
sparingly,  the  latter  in  great  abundance.  The  modern  Gaels 
generally  have  dropped  the  (w)  out  of  the  (kw),  leaving  simply 
(k)  with  pure  vowel  following;  but  the  Manx,  see  Rhys,  "  Manx 
Phonology,"  have  often  preserved  the  old  compound  thus:  Manx, 
"  queig,"  "  quoi,"  "  quallian,"  "  quaagh  "  ;  Gaelic,  "  coig,"  * 
"co,"  "cuilean,"  "  coimheach."  In  "  cuimhne,"  in  some  Gaelic 
dialects,  there  is  perhaps  an  apparently  unavoidable  approach  to 
the  (kw)  compound,  but  even  here  one  may  generally  notice 
a  strong  tendency  to  keep  the  (u)  pure,  particularly  in  those 
districts,  predominant  in  Scotland  and  northern  Ireland,  where 
stress  is  on  the  first  vowel  thus— (kuin).  Like  the  Gaels,  the 
modern  French  have  discarded  (w)  from  both  (kw)  and  (gw) 
compounds.  The  word  "  quoi  "  (kwa),  due  to  an  intermediate  use 
of  an  'oi'  diphthong,  need  not  be  regarded  as  an  exception. 
Compare  as  to  the  preservation  and  loss  of  the  semi-vowel  the 

1  I  cannot  help  alluding  here  to  an  absurd  remark  in  McAlpine's  Scotch  Gaelic 
Dictionary  under  the  word  "  coig"  ;  after  giving  as  a  localism  a  pronunciation 
like  the  Manx  side  bv  side  with  what  is  thought  the  proper  Scotch,  it  goes  on, 
"  hot  iu  the  Islands  of  Argyll  every  word  is  pronounced  jast  as  Adam  spoke  it." 


SEMI- VOW  ELS. — J.   H.   STAPLES.  203 

French  "egal,"  "quand"  (k»),  "quatre"  (katr),  "garde," 
"garantir";  Italian  "eguale,"  "quando,"  "quattro,"  "guardia," 
"  guarantire  " ;  Spanish  "  egual,"  "  cuando,"  "  cuatro,"  "  guarda." 
French  dialects,  besides  exhibiting  instances  where  (w)  has  survived, 
auch  as  in  patois  Vosgiens  (kw*t)  and  (kwat)  for  French  "  quatre," 
and  in  same  patois  and,  as  I  remember  myself,  in  Wallon  of  Namur, 
(kweer),  for  French  "querir,"  also  furnish  examples  where  (w) 
has  survived  to  the  rejection  of,  or  without  the  development  of, 
the  initial  (g),  as  in  patois  Vosgiens  (wtwd),  (w*r),  (w**s),  for 
French  "  garde,"  "  guere,"  "  guepe."  So  we  find  among  the 
Celtic  group  Welsh  '  p '  equates  with  old  Gaelic  and  still  Manx 
*  qu,'  now  Scotch  and  Irish  '  c '  (k),  and  Welsh  •  gw '  initials 
equate  with  Gaelic  *f,'  Latin  'v'  (w),  and  sometimes  with 
Sanskrit  (v)  or  (w),  and  that  the  Romance  languages,  as  compared 
with  the  Teutonic,  equate  'g*  and  'gu*  initials  with  (w),  (£), 
or  (v). 

In  Welsh  there  seems  a  sort  of  peculiar  affection  between 
(g)  and  (w),  and  between  (x)  and  (w),  for  without  either  *g' 
or  'ch*  (x),  or  in  comparatively  few  instances  'c*  (k)  iuitially, 
in  the  radical  or  unmutated  form  of  a  word,  (w)  as  a  semi- vowel 
consonant  seems  unknown,  but  when  thus  preceded  by  *  g '  is 
so  strong  that  it  occurs  as  initial  non- syllabic  compounds  with 
'1/ '  n,'  or  'r/  as  in  "gwlad,"  "gwna,"  "gwres,"  which  become 
by  mutation  "wlad,"  "wna,"  "wres"  with  same  consonantal  (w). 

It  is  very  suggestive  to  compare  such  changes  between  Welsh 
and  Gaelic  initials  with  those  between  the  Teutonic  forms  of 
cognate  origin  with  Romance  '  gu '  initials.  Leaving  out  English 
loan  words  from  Norman  or  later  French,  these  omit  the  *  g*  and 
remain  only  mere  (w)  in  English,  and  have  become  (ft)  or  (v)  on 
the  Continent,  as  English  "war,"  "William";  German  "wehr" 
O0eer)  or  (veer),  "  Wilhclm  "  (/Jilhelm)  or  (vilhelra).  We  trace 
similar  voiceless  initials  in  the  interrogatives  very  far  back  and 
through  many  Arian  languages,  thus:  Sanskrit  root  forms  "ka," 
"ku";  Latin,  "quis,"  "quid,"  "quo,"  "quando";  Icelandic, 
"hverr,"  "hvaSa,"  "hvat";  English,  "who,"  "what,"  '-where"; 
German,  "wer,"  "was,"  "wo"  (/8er),  (/ft?s),  (/So),  or  (vcr),  (vas), 
(to);  Gaelic,  "co,"  "ciod"  (kit),  "cia"  (ke);  Welsh,  "pwy," 
"pa,"  "pan";  French,  "qui,"  "que,"  "quand."  The  inclusive 
initial  elements  are  back  and  lip,  both  so  well  preserved  in  Lowland 
Scotch  forms  of  blended  back  and  lip— (x<a»t),  (x^eer),  (x^am) : 
see  Ellis,  "English  Dialects,"  p.  688.     Similar  voiceless  initials 


204  SEMI-VOWELS. — J.    H.   8TAPLES. 

are  abundant  in  "Welsh,  in  which,  as  in  the  Scotch  examples, 
both  elements  are  open,  anil  so  capable  of  simultaneous  or  blended 
utterance,  as  in  "  chwaer,"  "  chwech,"  the  first  word,  it  may  be 
noted,  retaining  the  old  semi-vowel  as  in  Sanskrit  "swasri," 
German  "  schwester."  Spanish  furnishes  the  same  open  blended 
initial  in  an  instance  of  Latin  '  j '  having  been  pulled  back, 
which,  together  with  the  habit  of  stressing  the  end  of  a  word 
with  consonant  terminal,  has  resulted  in  turning  "  Johan-nes " 
into  "  Juan  "  (x^«n). 

In  the  actual  'qu'  compounds,  whether  indigenous,  as  English 
"  quell,"  German  "  qualen  "  (k/8eeln),  or  of  Latin  origin,  as  English 
"quantity,"  German  " quantitat "  (k/fcmtiteet),  we  find  English 
(kw)  is  German  (k/3),  as  in  the  other  cases  English  (w)  and 
1  wh  *  (m)  are  both  German  (/3)  or  (v).  In  Spanish,  though  the 
speech  forms  (w)  or  (u),  as  in  "  bueno,"  out  of  words  in  which 
this  lip  sound  did  not  exist  in  Latin,  there  seems  in  other  cases 
a  preference  for  the  apparently  less  distinct  (£)  to  either  (u),  (w), 
(v),  or  (b),  and  Latin  Paulus  has  become  "Pablo"  (Pafilo) :  see 
"Maltre  Phonetique,"  May,  1895,  p.  108.  The  semi-vowel  (q) 
is  only  known  as  existing  in  French,  and  the  connection  between 
it  and  the  vowel  (y)  is  easily  observed,  as  the  consonant  form 
is  evidently,  as  recognized  by  French  observers,  the  remains  of 
the  first  part  of  a  diphthong  which  has  lost  its  vowel  character 
through  stress  falling  on  the  second  part,  so  that  the  syllable 
changes  from  a  rising  diphthong  to  semi-vowel  consonant  plus 
vowel.  We  have  an  excellent  example  of  this  change  in  the 
word  "juillet."  There  are  two  distinct  pronunciations,  (3yje) 
and  (3qije).  M.  Passy  recognizes  both,  and  says  he  thinks  the 
first  usual  in  the  north  ;  the  second,  he  says,  is  southern,  see 
"Maltre  Phonetique,"  June,  1893,  pp.  86,  87;  but  from  my 
recollection  the  second  is  also  the  Belgian  form.  In  the  first, 
stress  falling  on  '  u '  preserves  its  full  vowel  character,  and  the 
'  i '  is  absorbed  by  the  *  11,'  which  in  living  French  has  become 
(j)  ;  in  the  second,  stress  has  advanced  to  the  *  i,'  which  is 
preserved  as  a  vowel  before  the  semi-vowel  (j),  and  the  (y) 
having  parted  with  stress  becomes  the  semi-vowel  consonant  (q). 

As  regards  (r),  Southern  English  vernacular  illustrates  its 
intimate  connection  with  mixed  vowels  into  whose  organic  position 
it  passes  readily  by  infinitesimal  degrees,  and  these  vowels  have 
a  tendency  to  be  put  back,  and  accordingly  we  may  note,  it  is 
sometimes,  though  irregularly,  used  in  speech  to  prevent  a  hiatus 


SEMI-VOWELS. — J.    H.    STAPLES.  205 

"between  vowels,  as  :  "I  had  no  idea(r)  of  it."  The  practice  having 
arisen,  it  is  inserted  whore  it  seems  still  more  offensive,  as  :  "  I  saw 
(ryim."  English  and  Scotch  and  American  English  pronunciation 
farther  exhibit  the  peculiar  relationship  of  (r)  to  vowels,  for, 
except  with  the  back  open  vowel  as  in  "far  away,"  other  vowels 
when  lengthened  take  a  certain  mixed  vowel  glide  between  them 
and  (r),  as  in  words  like  "bearer,"  "  cheery,"  "  fiery,"  "  poorer," 
"roarer,"  and  an  almost  similar  sound,  marked  by  Sweet,  mid 
mixed  wide  in  "better"  (bet£)  and  low  mixed  narrow  in  "  sir" 
(sii),  absorbs  and  replaces  consonant  (r),  where  no  vowel  follows, 
thus:  "my  better  eye"  (r)  sounded,  "my  better  leg"  no  (r) 
sounded.  Loosen  the  consonantal  squeeze  of  this  English  retracted 
point  (r)  and  we  at  once  hear  this  mixed  (#),  its  border  vowel  in 
English.  Old-fashioned  cultured  Edinburgh  Scotch  using  'r*  of 
different  position,  the  generated  glide  is  different  too.  Thus,  "  air  " 
has  very  much  the  same  sound  as  in  old-fashioned  or  provincial 
French,  using  nearly  the  same  '  r,'  only  the  French  is  as  purely 
monophthongal  as  possible,  the  Scotch  using  a  slight  glide  I  would 
set  down  as  (T) :  thus,  French  (eer),  Scotch  (eei'r),  English  (eee),  (ee), 
or  (aee),  which  has  a  tendency  to  become  (ea).  American  English 
and  Austrian  German  phonetic  writers  testify  to  the  same  dropping 
of  final  (r)  into  a  mixed  or  back  vowel  as  regards  their  respective 
pronunciations,  and  Americans  develop  the  same  'er*  vowel  in 
a  short  syllable  of  a  word  where  a  vowel  follows  'r,'  such  as 
"very"  (veri^ve'r+ri,  where  we  would  use  the  older  front 
rowel.  The  English  habit  of  prefixing  this  mixed  (e)  approach 
to  (r),  when  followed  by  long  vowels,  occasions  their  difficulty  of 
pronouncing  many  foreign  words.  In  Denbighshire  Welsh  also 
there  seems  to  me  a  distinct  glide  approach  to  the  'r,'  as  in  "gwir" 
(gwi'ir),  contrasting  with  the  Gaelic  dialect  familiar  to  me  in  the 
cognate  word  "  fior  "  (fiir). 

In  Spanish  we  can  note  the  apparent  generation  of  (r)  in 
"hambre"  and  "hombre,"  in  the  latter  probably  formed  from  (n) 
through  an  oblique  case,  so  "  mna  "  in  Scotch  Gaelic  is  pronounced 
(mfa),  in  some  Irish  dialects  still  (mna)  or  (m£na). 

When  we  consider  the  sounds  which  the  semi-vowels  change 
into,  and  those  which  change  to  semi-vowels,  in  the  development 
of  speech,  we  find  the  changes  occur  in  two  directions — one  as 
guided  by  the  ear  for  the  sake  of  clearness  to  a  more  distinct 
sound,  another  as  it  would  seem  under  an  aesthetic  sense  of 
harmony  or  assimilation,  by  which  vowels  seem  eating  into  and 


206  SEMI-VOWELS. — J.   H.   STAPLES. 

polling  down  consonants,  as  it  were,  as  water  pulls  down  solid  land 
on  the  earth's  surface.  Moving  towards  greater  clearness,  (w), 
(/J),  and  (q)  may  become  (v)  or  (b),  (j)  becomes  (5),  the  compound 
(d3),  or  even  is  thrown  back  and  hardened  into  (g),  (r)  becomes 
(1)  and  (d),  and  (7)  becomes  (g).  Under  the  assimilating  tendency 
semi-vowels  become  simply  absorbed  by  the  adjacent  vowels  and 
vanish,  but  we  find  many  other  consonants  have  become  worn  down 
as  it  were  under  this  tendency  to  semi- vowels.  This  is  the 
tendency  which  has  caused  the  so-called  "  aspiration  "  in  Gaelic, 
(b)  in  Irish  Gaelic  becoming  (w)  with  "broad"  or  back  vowels, 
perhaps  an  original  (/J)  hardening  into  (v)  with  "  slender  "  or  front 
vowels ;  in  Scotch  Gaelic  modified  '  b '  is  in  a  few  instances  (/J) 
with  front  vowels  in  the  western  dialects,  but  generally  with  all 
vowels  the  lip  tooth  (v),  less  often  (w),  or  a  pure  vowel  (u),  or  the 
lip  sound  has  become  completely  absorbed  in  the  adjacent  vowels. 
The  assimilating  power  of  the  vowels  in  Gaelic  is  more  remarkably 
illustrated  with  the  other  stops,  the  front  vowels  pulling  down 
their  dental  (d)  and  (t)  into  palatal  (j)  and  (c),  and,  when  modified 
or  "  aspirated,' '  (j)  and  (9),  and  the  back  vowels  pulling 
"  aspirated  "  '  d '  into  the  back  position  and,  as  it  were,  melting  it 
to  (7),  thus :  "  iodhal "  (tyal),  "  modh  "  (1007),  loan  words  from 
Latin  "  idolum,"  "  modus."  Compare  the  change  mentioned 
occasioned  in  Spanish  by  a  back  vowel  making  "Johannes" 
(x^«n).  Spanish  phonetic  writers  allude  to  this  tendency.  But 
their  vowels  have  not  usually  such  an  influence  over  consonants 
as  to  alter  their  position,  but  unstop  stopped  consonants,  so  their 
modified  dental  '  d '  becomes  (^5).  This  change  is  occasioned  by 
a  vowel  preceding  the  stop,  thus :  (orbe),  (dom  benito),  (prue/3a), 
(stf/Jios),  (soni^os  de),  (uso  ^Se),  (<inti7Uo) :  see  "  Mai t re 
Phonetique,"  1894,  pp.  31,  32;  "  ausencia,"  "cautivo," 
"  bautizar,"  indicate  obedience  to  the  same  rule.  A  change  of 
analogous  nature  is  shown  in  French  where  Latin  *  1 '  when  in 
contact  with  *i*  has  become  (j),  through  older-fashioned  palatal 
(\),  thus:  "meillour"  (mej^r),  "  fiUe  "  (tij>,  "famillo"  (famij). 
Italian,  having  rubbed  down  Latin  '1*  to  'i*  when  part  of  an 
initial  combination,  as  in  "fiamma,"  "pieno,"  "chiammare," 
indicates  its  participation  in  a  similar  tendency. 

There  are  instances  of  the  modifying  power  of  vowels  over 
consonants  to  be  detected  in  varieties  and  dialect  forms  of  English 
pronunciation.  There  is  to  me  a  well-known  drawing-room  ladies' 
English,  where  'tt'  in  "pretty"   has  been   worn  down  to   an 


SEMI- VOWELS. — J.   H.    STAPLES.  207 

indistinct  and  voiceless  (r)  as  (preri) ;  and  in  the  street  vernacular 
of  Belfast  "  protestant  "  becomes  (prorizsnt),  "  get  out  of  that " 
(gdreiie  %at) ;  also  there  is  the  Irish  English  (prethiz)="  potatoes." 
These  English  vulgarisms  follow  the  old  Gaelic  custom  of 
modifying,  and  particularly  of  turning  stopped  into  open  consonants 
by  the  influence  of  adjacent  vowels,  which  their  grammarians  have 
termed  "  aspiration." 

Besides  this  change  into  semi- vowels  of  other  consonants  by  the 
wearing  down  influence  of  adjacent  vowels,  we  find  semi-vowels 
have  been  produced  from  purer  vowel  sounds,  as  I  have  alluded  to 
before  by  the  shifting  of  stress.  This  is  very  well  observed  in 
French,  as  in  "  souhait,"  now,  according  to  M.  Passy,  in  Parisian 
(sw*)  monophthongic,  but,  as  I  remember,  perhaps  among  very  old- 
fashioned  Belgians,  (su*)  diphthongic  or  dissyllabic ;  and  in 
"juillet"  (3qije)  or  (syje),  as  noticed  before;  "oui,"  (wi)  in 
ordinary  French  and  (ooje)  in  the  Wallon  French  of  Namur.  In 
"  Noel"  and  "poete,"  according  to  M.  Passy,  the  *o'  is  hovering 
on  the  verge  of  becoming  (w) — (nw*l),  (pw«t) — but  seems  re- 
strained by  special  influences.  We  see  also  that  old  rising  (i) 
diphthongs,  as  in  "  science,"  "  violence,"  "  dieu,"  in  French  have 
allowed  the  full  vowel  sound  of  (i)  to  become  (j).  In  some  Scotch 
dialects  there  is  a  pronunciation  (je  divnt)="you  dont," 
indicating  (w)  or  (/3)  as  ending  of  "do,"  and  the  original  round 
vowel,  becoming  fronted  and  unrounded,  has  hardened  its  termi- 
nation into  (v)  in  emphatic  speech. 

Teutonic  dialects  exhibit  some  apparent  vagaries  in  the 
substitution  of  back  stops  and  palatal  or  back  semi-vowels. 
Thus,  in  Dutch,  Flemish,  and,  as  I  have  heard,  in  the  mouth  of 
a  Westphalian  German,  every  'g'  is  (7),  and  so  strong  is  the 
hold  of  this  sound  over  the  articulation,  that  I  remember  Belgian 
Flemings  who  could  use  no  other  in  French,  making  "main 
gauche"  (ra»  70/*).  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  the  Berlin 
substitution  of  (j)  for  (g),  also,  as  I  remember,  very  prevalent 
at  Aachen,  in  the  well-known  phrase  (<iine  jebrotne  jans  mit 
jrynen  jurken  jejesn  ist  tfine  jute  jtfbe  jotes)  "cine  gebrateno 
gans  mit  griinen  gurken  gegessen  ist  eine  gute  gabe  Gottes." 
So  Swedish  "gaera"  (jara),  through  an  earlier  combination  with 
the  front  stop  (jjara),  and  Lowland  Scotch  "  gar,"  and  English 
"yellow,"  and  German  "  gelb."  There  is  an  example  of 
(i)  becoming  (g)  probably  through  (j),  and  then  as  pulled 
back    through    (7)    in    a    pronunciation    I   have   heard   in    the 


208  8KMI-VOWELS. — J.    H.   STAPLES. 

neighbourhood  of  Cookstown,  Ireland,  in  the  name  "  Harriette " 
as  (Haarget). 

All  these  semi-vowels,  like  other  consonants,  have  their  voiceless 
as  well  as  their  voiced  forms.  And  as  vowels  are  much  seldomer 
voiceless  than  consonants,  these  voiceless  forms  strike  the  ear 
as  much  more  consonantal  than  the  voiced  forms,  and  with  the 
exception  of  the  back  open  voiceless  (x)  the  semi-vowels,  like  the 
divided  consonants,  *  Is,'  and  the  nasals,  are  much  oftener  voiced 
than  voiceless.  I  need  not  treat  at  any  length  these  voiceless 
forms.  The  back  voiceless  (x)  is  common  in  most  of  the 
Continental  Germanic  languages,  in  Icelandic,  in  Scotch  and 
Ulster  English,  in  Spanish,  in  some  of  the  eastern  French  patois, 
and,  as  I  have  been  told  by  an  Italian,  also  in  Tuscan  patois. 
In  both  branches  of  the  Celtic  group  it  is  very  common.  In 
Welsh  it  has  the  remarkable  property  of  being  as  an  unmutated 
initial  only  found  as  a  blended  sound  with  the  voiceless  (ii)9  but 
as  such  is  very  abundant,  examples  of  which  I  have  given.  In 
Gaelic  it  is  used  seemingly  to  avoid  a  hiatus  between  "broad" 
back  or  mixed  vowels,  as  (u/kex*n)  "  uisgeachan,"  so  the  voiceless 
front  semi- vowel  (9)  is  between  "  narrow"  or  front  vowels,  as 
(ni9en)  "nithean."  This  voiceless  front  is  in  many  languages 
generated  by  an  adjacent  preceding  voiceless  consonant  in  contact 
with  a  quondam  (i)  or  (e),  which,  by  shifting  of  Btress,  has  been 
dried  up  into  (j),  and  then  by  assimilation  becomes  (9)  as,  "tiens" 
(t^ffi),  "picrre"  (pc/r),  in  French,  and  "pew"  (p9uw),  "tune" 
(tquwn),  in  English,  and  in  the  latter  word  becoming  (/) — (t/uwn), 
as  it  has  definitely  in  "picture"  (pikt/e).  In  Southern  English 
and  French  this  voiceless  semi- vowel  seems  to  have  no  independent 
existence,  and  neither  it  nor  (x)  are,  except  in  rare  instances, 
used  as  an  initial  in  German,  but  in  Scotch  and  Irish  English 
(h)  +  (ju)  produces  a  true  voiceless  front  semi-vowel,  as  in  "  hue," 
"human  "  (quw),  (quwmen).  In  Southern  English  this  is  generally 
substituted  by  the  to  me  recently  acquired  articulation  of  (h) 
preceding  (j),  as  (hjuw),  (hjuwmen),  unless,  which  is  perhaps 
commoner,  the  (h)  be  dropped  altogether,  as  (juw),  (juwmin). 
In  Gaelic  this  (9)  is  common,  like  (x),  as  an  independent  sound 
in  every  position.  The  word  "uisge,"  generally  (u/"ke),  is  in 
Islay,  Prof.  McKinnon  told  me,  (u9ke).  Voiceless  *  r'  (j)  is 
like  (9)  in  most  languages,  a  sound  generated  by  assimilation 
with  a  preceding  voiceless  consonant,  in  which  circumstances  it 
is  not  so  easily  recognized  as  voiceless.    In  Welsh,  Gaelic,  and 


SEMI- VOW  ELS. — J.    H.    STAPLES.  209 

Icelandic  it  is  still  an  independent  sound,  as  in  ancient  Greek. 
In  Gaelic,  as  an  independent  sound,  it  is  generated  by  mutation 
from  'tr*  or  'sr*  initials,  as  "mo  shron"  (m£  ron),  "mo 
thruaighe"  (me  ru£ij).  The  voiceless  <w*  (m)  is  in  English 
only  used  as  an  initial,  and  common  only  in  the  north  and  in 
Ireland.  In  French,  like  the  other  voiceless  semi-vowels,  it 
occurs  only  by  the  assimilating  influence  of  a  preceding  voiceless 
consonant,  and  as  such  may  be  used  in  dialect  forms  of  Spanish 
and  Italian.  As  a  Welsh  sound  (/a)  exists  only,  as  I  have  stated, 
as  part  of  an  initial  blended  compound  with  'ch*  (x),  neither 
sound  as  an  unmutated  initial  occurring  separately.  In  Gaelic  it 
occurs  sparingly  only  in  some  dialects  of  the  west,  where 
a  breath  on-glide  may  generate  it  between  round  vowels  and 
voiceless  stops,  as  "suipear"  (suitper).  The  voiceless  forms  of 
Mid-German  *  w '  (0)  and  of  French  consonantal  *  u '  are  rarer 
than  the  other  voiceless  semi-vowels.  There  arc  no  instances 
of  their  independent  existence  in  any  of  the  languages  which 
own  their  voiced  forms,  but  in  the  local  pronunciation  of  a  place- 
name  in  Belgium,  "Huy"  (qij),  which  I  remember  to  have 
been  pronounced  in  the  neighbourhood  with  a  true  voiceless 
semi-vowel.  This  (q)  is  freely  produced  in  French  and  (0) 
occasionally  in  German  by  the  assimilating  influence  of  a  pre- 
ceding voiceless  consonant.  Thus,  "  puit,"  "  suis,"  "  cuit "  in 
French  have  a  distinctly  voiceless  (q),  and  the  voiceless  (£)  or 
(0)  is  sometimes  used  in  German  "  zwei." 

I  now  sum  up  my  main  propositions  :  that  tho  true  somi-vowels 
in  the  Romance,  Teutonic,  and  Celtic  languages  are  (w),  (0),  (ij), 
(j),  (r),  and  (7),  because  if  we  try  to  pass  gradually  from  any 
consonant  to  a  pure  vowel  sound,  we  pass  through  some  one  of 
these  forms  of  consonant  or  half-consonant  half -vowel  sound.  Tho 
forms  (w),  (j),  and  (r)  are  said  by  Sweet  to  be  the  older,  as  they 
are  still  the  commoner  semi- vowels,  the  vowels  of  (w)  and  (j), 
▼is.  (u)  and  (i),  being  commoner  than  the  vowels  of  (/J),  (i[),  and 
(7),  viz.  (u),  (y),  and  (A).  But  I  cannot  help  feeling  a  strong 
impression  that  (7)  is  as  old  as  the  others. 

The  history  of  these  semi-vowels  shows — 

(1)  They  have  been  produced  as  apparent  parasites  in  contact 
with  vowels  resembling  them.  (2)  They  have  been  produced  by 
the  consonanting  of  their  vowels,  or  of  resembling  vowels  through 
stress  moving  from  the  changed  vowel  to  a  succeeding  one.  There 
may  be  reason  to  believe  that  these  two  steps  are  often  the  same  in 
JUL  Xraas.  1896-7.  14 


210  8KMI-VOWELS.—  J.   H.   STAPLES. 

principle,  through  an  originally  simple  vowel  "becoming  fractured 
into  a  diphthong,  and  then  the  first  part  of  this  diphthong 
becoming  consonantized  through  shifting  of  stress  on  to  the  latter 
part,  as  "  roi "  in  French  and  probably  in  the  English  *u'  or 
4  ew  '  words  (ju),  (iu),  (y).  (3)  They  have  been  produced  through 
the  wearing  down  of  stops  or  other  consonants  by  the  influence  of 
adjacent  vowels,  similarly  to  the  methods  of  Gaelic  so-called 
*  'aspiration."  (4)  Some  appear  to  be  radical  sounds  as  far  as  we 
can  trace. 

Now  if  I  may  be  permitted  to  enter  into  a  little  speculative 
phonetic  peering  into  the  past,  the  question  we  may  put  ourselves 
in  regard  to  forms,  for  instance,  like  Latin  "  quinque,"  Manx 
"  queig,"  and  Gaelic  "  coig/'  on  the  one  side,  and  "  pymp," 
"  pente,"  "  panc'an,"  on  the  other,  is,  which  or  what  were  the 
parent  forms,  and  so  with  regard  to  Welsh  "  gwir,"  Gaelic  "fior," 
Latin  "  verus,"  Sanskrit  "  vlr."  These  also  suggest  the  equated 
forms  Gaelic  "bo,"  Sanskrit  "  go."  Of  course  we  know  that 
Grimm's  law  equates  the  Arian  consonants  amongst  the  different 
branches,  and  that  as  to  some  changes  to  the  Gaelic  '  c '  (k)  the 
early  Gaels  had  the  habit  of  turning  loan  words  like  "  pascha," 
"purpur"  to  "caisg,"  "corcur."  These  latter  can  only  be 
explained  by  the  Gaelic  hard  breathing  with  voiceless  stops 
eoupled  with  their  temporary  disinclination  to  the  voiceless  *  p,' 
which  they  turned  either  into  '  b,'  as  Irish  "  obair  "  from  "  opera," 
or  into  'c,'  pronounced  (kh),  and  that  the  hard  breathing  of  the 
latter  they  thought  a  sufficient  imitation  of  what  they  would 
otherwise,  but  for  their  disinclination  thereto,  render  by  a  hard- 
breathed  (ph).  These  Gaelic  changes  are  of  a  special  and  only 
temporary  nature,  but  it  is  impossible  to  imagine  the  descendants 
of  a  people  using  both  distinct  *  ps '  and  *  ks '  or  both  *  bs '  and 
'  gs,'  changing  (p)  for  (k),  (b)  for  (g),  or  vies  versd  ;  and  after 
studying  the  development  we  can  trace,  and  allowing  for  early 
writers  not  distinguishing  between  Btopped  and  unstopped  con- 
sonants, is  it  not  legitimate  to  form  the  hypothesis  of  prehistoric 
semi- vowels  blended  of  lip  and  tongue  back  consonantal  squeezes 
in  part  surviving  or  reviving  in  those  Scotch,  Welsh,  Latin,  and 
Romance  words,  with  'chw*  (x*0>  '  gw»'  an^  '  qu  '  (kw)  initials 
constituting  the  parent  forms  from  which  the  later  very  divergent 
ones  with  (p),  (k),  (b),  or  (g)  have  resulted  by  the  process  of 
aiming  after  distinctness?  Thus,  if  we  imagine  the  parent 
prehistoric  form  of  the  interrogatives  to  be  a  kind  of  interjectional 


SEMI- VOWELS. — J.    H.   STAPLES.  211 

emphatic  whistle,  beginning  with  breath  guttural,  as  (x^uu),  and 
that  of  *  bo '  and  *  go  '  as  an  onomatopoeic  imitation  of  the  animal's 
low,  but  whose  framers,  unfettered  by  an  alphabetic  catalogue  of 
sounds,  made  it  not  "moo"  after  the  nursery  fashion,  but  (7WUU), 
we  can  understand  how  the  present  and  historic  variants  could 
be  descended  from  them. 


Addendum. 

Critical  phonetists  might  object  that  there  are  different  varieties 
of  speech  sounds  which  1  have  classed  together,  and  that  there  are 
sounds  midway  between  these  semi-vowels,  having  the  same  semi- 
vowel character,  which  I  have  not  alluded  to.  Thus,  German 
phonetists  deny  the  identity  of  German  'w*  in  "wo,"  "wer," 
"was,"  and  Spanish  'b*  in  "saber,"  and  others  might  deny  the 
identity  of  (w)  in  French  "  oui  "  and  in  English  "  we."  It  might 
also  be  asserted  that  there  is  a  sound  midway  between  (j)  and 
(7).  To  this  I  would  say  that  those  differences  in  the  lip  sounds 
are  not  incompatible  with  each  set  as  described  coming  under  the 
limitations  and  fulfilling  the  conditions  laid  down,  so  that  the 
differences  are  immaterial  to  my  propositions,  and  that  of  course 
there  is  a  position  of  lingual  open  consonant  which  is  intermediate 
between  palatal  and  back,  but  this  kind  of  half-road  position  is 
seldom  maintained  in  practice.  National  peculiarity  or  influence 
of  adjacent  vowels  fixes  it  either  as  more  or  less  distinct  retracted 
(j)  or  advanced  (7).  Thus  I  remember  the  late  Mr.  James  Lecky 
put  down  for  Irish  Gaelic  "  a  ghrian  "  (8  jrien)  with  retracted  (j). 
In  Scotch  Gaelic  it  is  certainly  (e  -yrien)  with  advanced  (7). 


212 


IV.— ON  THE  DIALECT  OF  WYCLIFFE'S  BIBLE. 
By  the  Rev.  Prof.  Skeat,  Litt.D.,  Vice-President. 

[Read  at  the  Meeting  of  the  Philological  Society  on  Friday,  June  6,  1896.] 

Some  time  ago,  I  was  investigating  the  old  spelling  of  the  verb 
to  build,  and  was  much  surprised  to  find  the  spelling  beeld,  with 
a  reference  to  WycliftVs  Bible.  Matzner  gives  several  references 
to  the  3rd  Book  of  Kings  and  the  Book  of  Habakkuk  in  the  earlier 
version :  see  his  Dictionary,  s.v.  bidden.  This  is  a  spelling  which 
we  should  expect  to  find  in  Kentish;  but  these  particular  books 
do  not  appear  to  be  in  that  dialect,  so  that  the  spelling  is  due 
to  the  scribes  of  those  particular  portions  of  the  work. 

I  then  set  to  work  to  find  out  what  the  dialect  employed  really 
is ;  and  the  task  proved  to  be  one  of  some  difficulty,  owing  to  an 
extraordinary  oversight  on  the  part  of  the  editors,  who  indicate 
with  scrupulous  exactness  the  names  of  the  MSS.  which  they 
collate,  but  practically  place  many  difficulties  in  the  way  of  the 
reader  who  wants  to  know  the  name  of  the  MS.  which  is  used 
as  the  text.  The  information  can  only  be  obtained  by  collating 
three  passages  in  the  Preface. 

By  another  curious  oversight,  not  one  of  the  four  splendid  quarto 
volumes  of  which  the  work  consists  has  any  table  of  contents. 
Yet  this  is  particularly  desirable,  on  account  of  two  facts.  The 
first  is,  that  a  large  number  of  Introductory  Prologues  accompanies 
the  text;  and  the  other  is,  that  the  Apocryphal  books  are  mixed 
up  with  the  rest  in  a  somewhat  puzzling  order.  It  is  not  every 
one  who  knows  that  the  story  of  Susannah  forms  a  part  of  Daniel, 
or  that  the  Epistle  to  the  Laodicean 8  follows  that  to  the  Colossians, 
whilst  both  of  these  come  earlier  than  the  Book  of  Deeds  or  Acts. 
Accordingly,  I  found  it  absolutely  necessary  to  make  a  new  Table 
of  Contents,  as  given  below. 


DIALECT  OF  WYCLIFFE's   BIBLE. — PROF.   8KEAT.         213 

Contents  of  Wycliffe's  Bible,  showing  the  Twenty- one  MSS. 

USED    FOR   THE   TkXT. 

N.B. — MSS.  denoted  by  italic  capitals  all  belong  to  the  earlier  version ;  MSS. 
denoted  by  roman  capitals,  to  the  later.  The  MSS.  are  all  fully  described 
by  Forshull  and  Madden. 

Vol.  I. — General  Prologue :  a  (as  far  as  p.  57,  1.  3) ;  e  (the 
rest).  Prefatory  Epistles  of  St.  Jerome,  in  both  versions;  A 
and  0.  Pentateuch,  Joshua,  Judges,  and  Ruth,  in  both  versions ; 
A  and  A. 

Prologues  to  Exodus,  Leviticus,  Numbers,  Deuteronomy,  Joshua, 
Judges,  Euth.     All  from  M. 

Vol.  II. — Earlier  version  of  1-3  Kings;  A.  4  Kings — 
2  Paralipomenon ;  B.  1-3  Esdras,  Tobit,  Judith,  Esther,  Job, 
Psalms ;   C.     Later  version ;  A. 

Prologues  :  First  to  I  Kings ;  M.  Second  and  third  (parallel) ; 
A  and  0.  2,  3,  4  Kings  (sole) ;  M.  1  Par. ;  first,  M.  Second 
and  third  (parallel) ;  B  and  0.  2  Par.  (sole) ;  B.  1  Esdras ;  first, 
M ;  the  others,  C.  2  Esdras  (sole)  ;  M.  3  Esdras ;  none.  Tobit ; 
first,  M ;  the  others,  C.    Judith,  Esther,  Job,  Psalms ;  same  as  Tobit. 

Vol.  III. — Contains  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Song  of  Solomon, 
"Wisdom,  Ecclesiasticus,  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Lamentations,  Baruch, 
Ezekiel,  Daniel  (including  Susannah  and  Bel) ;  Twelve  Minor 
Prophets;  1  and  2  Maccabees. 

Earlier  version ;  Prov.  -  Baruch,  iii,  20  (p.  490) ;  C.  Baruch, 
iii,  20-Ezek.  i,  26  (p.  503) ;  K.  Gap  in  K  (Ezek.  i,  26-xxxii, 
23,  p.  575) ;  A.     The  rest ;  K.     Later  version  ;  A. 

Prologues  :  Proverbs  ;  first,  M  ;  second,  C.  Ecclesiastes  (sole) ; 
C.  Song ;  none.  Wisdom  (parallel) ;  C  and  E.  Ecclesiasticus 
(parallel) ;  C  and  K.  Isaiah ;  first,  C;  second,  A.  Jeremiah ; 
first,  M;  the  others,  C.  Lamentations;  none.  Baruch  (parallel); 
C  and  A.  Ezekiel  (sole) ;  M  E  (sic).  Daniel ;  same  as  Ezekiel. 
Twelve  Minor  Prophets ;  none.     1  Mac.  (sole) ;  M.     2  Mac. ;  none. 

Vol.  IV. — Contains  the  four  Gospels,  Bom.,  I  and  2  Cor., 
Gal.,  Eph.,  Phil.,  Col.,  Laodiceans,  1  and  2  Thes.,  1  and  2  Tim., 
Tit.,  Philemon,  Heb.,  Deeds  (Acts),  James,  1  and  2  Pet.,  1,  2,  3 
John,  Jade,  Apocalypse,  Appendix  of  extra  Prologues. 

Earlier  Version;  as  far  as  Deeds,  xxviii,  15;  K.  The  rest;  M. 
Later  version ;  A.     Laodiceans  {two  texts) ;  o,  w. 

Pbolooubs  :  Mat. ;  first,  K\  second,  A.  Mark,  Luke,  John  ; 
earns  as  Matthew.     Romans ;  first,  K\   second  (above),  k ;   third 


214         DIALECT  OF  WYCLIFFE's   BIBLE. — PROF.    8KB  AT. 

(below),  a;  fourth  and  fifth  (parallel),  K  and  A.  1  and  2  Cor., 
Gal.,  Eph.,  Phil.,  Col.  (parallel) ;  K  and  A.  Laodiceans ;  o. 
1  and  2  Thes.  (parallel);  JTand  A.  1  Tim.  (two  parallel),  Xand 
A ;  third,  o.  2  Tim.,  Tit.,  Philemon,  Heb.,  Deeds  (all  parallel^ ; 
K  and  A.  Philemon  has  a  third  Prologue  (only  two  lines)  ;  from 
O  V  (sic).  James ;  first,  8 ;  second,  A.  Peter,  John,  Jude ;  none. 
Apocalypse ;  first,  8 ;  second,  A. 
Extra  Prologues ;  from  p,  y,  z. 


List  of  MSS.  mentioned  above  ;  a,  e;  A,  B,  C,  G,  K,  M,  S9  V\ 
a,  k,  o,  p,  w,  y,  z ;  A,  M,  0,  R. 

Thus,  the  whole  number  of  MSS.  actually  used  in  the  text  of 
the  earlier  version  is  five,  viz.  A,  B,  C,  K,  and  M.  It  so  happens 
that  C  and  K  are  bound  up  together  in  one  volume,  though  they 
are  wholly  independent ;  and  this  is  why  the  editors  say  that  they 
have  used  only/owr  manuscripts. 

The  later  version  is  all  printed  from  A ;  except  the  Epistle  to  the 
Laodiceans,  from  o  and  w. 

The  Prologues  exhibit  specimens  of  no  less  than  21  MSS.,  viz. 
a,  € ;  A,  B,  C,  O,  K,  M,  8,  V;  a,  k,  o,  p,  w,  y,  z;  A,  M,  0,  R. 

Thus,  the  whole  work  actually  exhibits  specimens  from  no  less 
than  twenty-one  manuscripts ;  and  in  many  cases  it  is  extremely 
difficult  to  find  from  what  MS.  any  particular  quotation  is  made, 
without  careful  and  repeated  references  to  the  Introduction,  where 
we  must  search  in  three  places  before  we  can  be  sure  of  the  result. 
Information  is  given  (1)  in  the  general  remarks  in  the  Preface, 
p.  xxxiv;  (2)  in  the  list  of  MSS.  on  pp.  xxxiv-vii ;  and  (3)  in  the 
second  list  of  MSS.  on  pp.  xxxix-lxiv,  in  which  the  MSS.  are 
denoted  by  numbers  instead  of  by  letters,  as  in  the  former  list. 

The  only  clue  to  the  MS.  used  for  a  prologue  is  given  by  the 
notice  that  "  the  source  of  the  Prologues,  if  it  differ  from  that 
of  the  book  which  follows,  is  noted  in  the  margin."  If  it  does  not 
differ,  there  is  no  note  on  it  at  all. 

The  list  of  MSS.  does  not  say  that  MS.  k  is  used  for  any  part  of 
a  text ;  and  so  in  other  cases. 

All  this  trouble  might  have  been  saved  by  the  simple  and 
obvious  expedient  of  stating,  at  the  beginning  of  each  piece,  the 
name  of  the  MS.  from  which  it  was  printed. 


DIALECT   OF   WYCLlFFE's    BIBLE. — PROF.    SKEAT.         215 

This  preliminary  investigation  into  the  sources  of  the  text  was 
absolutely  necessary,  before  any  account  of  the  dialect,  or  dialects, 
which  it  exhibits  could  be  undertaken.  It  also  appears  that  the 
first  thing  to  be  done  is  to  investigate  the  dialect  of  the  longest 
text  edited  from  a  single  MS.  ThiB  is  that  known  as  the  later 
version,  the  whole  of  which,  excluding  prologues  and  the  Epistle  to 
the  Laodiceans,  is  from  MS.  A,  otherwise  called  6,  i.e.  the  MS.  in 
the  Old  Royal  Library,  in  the  British  Museum,  marked  1  C.  viii. 

On  this  MS.,  written  before  1420,  the  editors  bestow  high 
praise ;  it  "  presents  in  the  most  material  points  an  uniform  and 
accurate  text."  It  is  frequently  correct  where  every  other  MS. 
is  wrong.    This  version  is  usually  attributed  to  John  Purvey. 

The  dialect  is  undoubtedly  some  form  of  Midland.  I  select  such 
examples  as  are  most  material ;  and  refer,  for  further  examples,  to 
my  '  Remarks  on  the  Language '  of  this  MS.  already  printed  in  my 
Introduction  to  the  reprint  of  Wycliffe's  New  Testament,  where 
references  are  supplied. 

In  substantives,  the  final  -a  of  the  dative  case  chiefly  occurs  in 
phrases,  as  in  roosfro  elep-e  l  arose  from  sleep '  ;  otherwise  it  is 
sometimes  dropped.     The  plural  ends  in  -w  or  -m. 

In  adjectives,  the  Chaucerian  rule  of  marking  the  use  of  the 
definite  adjective  by  adding  -*,  is  seldom  observed.  Plural 
adjectives  usually  take  this  ending,  but  not  always.  The  possessive 
pronoun  his  is  usually  his-e  in  the  plural. 

Among  pronouns,  hem  is  used  for  *  them,'  her  for  l  their,'  and 
even herne  for  'theirs.' 

The  infinitive  of  a  verb  usually  ends  in  ~e ;  as  ber-e  l  to  bear.' 

The  weak  verbs  regularly  employ  in  the  past  tense  forms  ending 
in  -idet  -ede,  -de,  -te,  or  -e,  according  to  the  stem :  thus  we  have 
cUpide,  appcr-ide,  set -de,  dwel-te,  sent-e.  The  plural  usually 
adds  -»,  as  in  ioy-ed-en.  The  past  participle  ends  in  -trf,  -ed,  -d,  -t ; 
Bsfidfitt-id,  afrai-ed,  seid,  sent.  The  present  participle  has  -ynge ; 
bb  hau-ynge.  In  the  present  tense  singular,  the  ending  is  -ith  or 
-WA,  as  sped-ith,  leeu-eth;  the  plural  ending  is  usually  -en,  as 
brek-en. 

The  most  distinctive  marks  of  the  dialect  are  the  frequent  use 
of  -ith  for  -eth ;  of  -ide  in  the  past  tense  singular,  and  -id  in  the 
past  participle,  of  weak  verbs ;  and  the  very  frequent  use  of  -en  in 
the  plural  of  both  present  and  past  tenses.  We  may  also  note 
^un  for  -en  in  strong  past  participles,  as  bor-un  '  born,'  and  the 
occasional  use  of  -us  in  some  adverbs,  as  thenn-us  f  thence.' 


216         DIALECT  OF  WYCLIFFE's   BIBLE. — PROF.   8KB  AT. 

The  next  question  of  interest  is,  how  many  of  these  peculiarities 
occur  in  the  MSS.  of  the  earlier  version,  in  which  we  might 
perhaps  expect  some  forms  of  a  more  northern  character,  owing 
to  Wycliffe'B  birth  in  a  northern  county  ? 

First,  as  to  MS.  A,  otherwise  94,  otherwise  MS.  No.  4  in  the 
library  of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Oxford,  which  supplies  the 
earlier  text  of  Genesis.  In  the  course  of  the  two  first  chapters 
of  Qenesis,  we  find  nearly  all  the  dialect-marks  which  I  have 
already  mentioned. 

Thus  we  find  the  definite  adjectives  the  first-e,  the  ferth-e,  with 
final  -*,  and  the  fyueth  without  one.  The  pronouns  hem  and  her 
occur  for  '  them '  and  '  their.'  Infinitives  are  tcorch-e,  yyu-e. 
Weak  past  tenses  are  clepide,  comaundide,  restide,  deny  did,  fourmede, 
yed*,  brought  e,  putte;  with  the  plural  shame  den.  Past  participles 
are  fulfillid,  plauntid,  fourmed,  multiply  edy  maad.  A  pres.  part, 
is  makynge.  The  present  tense  has  tnoueth  in  the  singular,  and 
mouen  in  the  plural. 

We  even  find  -un  in  the  pp.,  as  grow-un,  found-un;  and  -us  for 
-ee,  in  the  gen.  sing,  mann-us.  Hence  the  dialect  of  this  MS.  (A) 
is  indistinguishable  from  that  of  the  former  (A). 

This  is  on  the  assumption  that  the  MS.  is  in  one  hand  throughout. 
Several  of  the  MSS.  are  in  many  hands,  but  A  appears  to  be 
uniform. 

Next,  as  to  MS.  Bt  otherwise  88,  otherwise  MS.  Douce  370  in 
the  Bodleian  Library.  It  is  used  for  the  text  of  the  fourth  Book  of 
Kings. 

Here,  once  more,  nearly  all  the  characteristics  recur  in  the  first 
chapter  of  the  fourth  of  Kings.  For  we  find  there  the  definite 
adjective  the  thridd\  plurals  of  substantives  in  -m  or  -i'«,  as  word-is, 
liju-es,  and  the  pronoun  hem.  Infinitives  in  -e,  or  -en,  or  -n,  as 
lyve,  dyen,  seyn.  Weak  past  tenses :  demur  ide,  deuourede,  trespass ide, 
pr&yede,  sente ;  plurals,  steiyiden,  answerden,  seydtrn.  Past  participles: 
turned,  counseled;  commen,  writ  en.  Pres.  part,  sayinge,  answerynge. 
Pres.  tense  singular,  seith  ;  pi.  shuln.  So  that  this  MS.  appears  to 
be  in  a  similar  Midland  dialect.  Unfortunately,  it  is  said  to  be 
written  by  two  or  more  hands,  with  corrections  and  erasures 
throughout. 

If  we  turn  to  the  last  chapter  in  which  this  MS.  is  represented, 
viz.  the  last  chapter  of  the  second  Book  of  Chronicles,  we  at  once 
see  that  we  havo  to  do  with  a  different  scribe,  who  freely  introduces 
some  varieties  of  spelling ;  but  the  dialect  still  seems  to  be  much 


DIALECT  OF  WYCLIFFE*S   BIBLE. — PROF.    SKEAT.         217 

the  same.  "We  still  find  such  past  tenses  as  translat-ide,  regnede ; 
plurals  of  substantives  in  -it,  as  prest-is ;  the  past  tense  plural 
scorn -eden;  the  pp.  scap-id;  the  pres.  pi.  dreed-en;  and  pros, 
participles  in  -inge. 

Thirdly,  let  us  consider  MSS.  C  and  K\  these  two  MSS.  happen 
to  be  bound  together ;  their  number  in  the  list  is  87,  and  their 
common  name  is  MS.  Douce  369. 

MS.  C  is  written,  with  marginal  corrections  throughout,  in  three 
different  hands,  all  before  1390.  The  first  hand  extends  from 
Numbers  xx,  2  to  Judith  vi ;  the  second,  to  Esther  ii,  4 ;  and  the 
third,  to  Baruch  iii,  20 ;  where  it  ends  abruptly  in  the  middle 
of  a  verse,  with  the  following  note — Explicit  translacioun. 
Nicholay  de  herfurd.  We  are  told  that  the  third  hand  in  this  MS. 
is  the  same  as  the  fifth  hand  in  MS.  Bodley  959  ;  and  our  attention 
is  drawn  to  several  more  Northern  forms. 

This  MS.  is  not  used  for  the  text  till  we  come  to  1  Esdras ; 
nevertheless,  ail  three  hands  occur  in  the  part  of  the  text  that 
is  taken  from  it.  So  it  is  necessary  to  look  at  each  of  these 
separately. 

I  first  turn  to  the  first  two  chapters  of  1  Esdras,  in  the  first 
hand.  Here  we  still  find  that  the  dialect  is,  formally,  Midland,  if 
we  go  by  the  rule  that  the  present  plural  ends  in  -en  or  -e ;  we  find 
dwell- en,  offr-e  at  once.  We  also  find  the  pt.  t.  comaund-ede,  bilde, 
the  pt,  t.  pi.  help-iden,  the  pp.  offr-id;  the  plural  sbs.  kngu-es, 
cupp-is,  and  other  marks  found  in  MS.  A.  But  we  also  notice 
such  forms  as  the  pres.  pt.  in  -ende,  as  sei-ende ;  and  the  pi.  sb.  in 
-tM,  as  thing-us,  son-us ;  hence  we  must  be  prepared  to  find  some 
variations  from  A  throughout  this  portion  of  the  MS. 

As  a  specimen  of  the  second  hand,  we  may  take  Judith,  ch.  vii. 
Here  I  still  find  the  pt.  t.  s.  comaundide,  the  pt.  t.  pi.  ma  den,  the 
pi.  sbs.  son-es,  ash-is ;  the  pr.  s.  goth,  the  pr.  pi.  defenden,  and  the 
like.  But  we  again  find  the  pres.  part,  putt -ende,  tak-ende, 
kep-ende;  and  the  pi.  sbs.  son-us,  Jcnyght-us. 

As  a  specimen  of  the  third  hand,  we  may  take  Esther,  ch.  iii, 
where  all  the  same  characteristics  recur.  Hence  the  change  of 
hand  does  not  materially  affect  the  dialect,  and  we  may  take  the 
note  of  the  editors  to  refer  to  the  whole  of  MS.  C.  They  observe 
that  the  present  participles  end  in  -ende  or  -ande ;  that  the 
infinitives  commonly  end  in  -en,  retaining  the  n  ;  and  that  them 
and  iher  occur,  generally,  for  hem  and  her.  These  are  signs  of 
a  Western  dialect,  not  unlike  that  of  William  of  Falerne.     I  do 


218         DIALECT  OF  WYCLIFFE's   BIBLE. — PROF.   8KEAT. 

not  know  whether  they  are  characteristic  of  Herefordshire ;  as  the 
name  "  Nicholas  of  Herfurd  "  seems  to  suggest. 

MS.  JT,  the  second  part  of  the  same  volume,  is  in  two  hands. 
The  first  hand  extends  to  Mark  v,  after  which  follows  "  a  thicker 
and  clumsier  hand,  which  same  hand  has  corrected  the  former 
part."  There  is  a  gap  in  the  MS.  in  the  Book  of  Ezekiel,  which 
has  been  supplied  from  MS.  A. 

This  MS.  first  comes  to  our  notice  in  the  text  of  the  latter  part 
of  the  20th  verse  of  the  third  chapter  of  Baruch,  and  goes  on 
(except  in  the  gap)  to  Deeds  xxviii,  15.  It  therefore  supplies  an 
important  part  of  the  text,  viz.  the  four  gospels  and  the  epistles 
of  St.  Paul,  in  the  earlier  part  of  vol.  iv. 

Wherever  we  open  this  volume  near  the  beginning  we  observe 
that  this  text  coincides  very  closely  with  that  in  the  later  version. 
The  characteristic  suffixes  -ide  in  the  past  tense  and  -ith  in  the 
present  occur  repeatedly.  Practically  the  dialect  agrees  very 
closely  with  that  of  A  (the  later  text),  and  it  is  not  much  affected 
by  the  change  of  hand  in  Mark  v. 

MS.  If  supplies  the  last  part  of  the  earlier  text,  from  Deeds 
xxviii,  15,  onwards.  This  is  MS.  No.  4,  named  I  B.  vi  in  the 
Royal  Library  in  the  British  Museum.  It  is  written  with  great 
care  and  neatness,  and  its  date  is  about  1400.  It  is  best  to 
examine  the  first  chapter  of  James,  which  follows  the  Book  of 
Deeds.  We  observe  in  it  all  the  usual  characteristics,  such 
as  the  pres.  t.  sing,  in  -ttht  the  pres.  pi.  in  -*»,  the  pt.  t.  s.  in 
•ide,  the  weak  pp.  in  -uf  or  -edt  and  the  strong  pp.  in  -tw. 

The  sum  of  the  whole  matter  is  that,  as  far  as  the  Texts  are 
concerned,  i.e.  excluding  the  Prologues,  nearly  all  the  MSS.  agree 
in  exhibiting  one  uniform  dialect  of  a  Midland  character,  the 
chief  characteristics  of  which  are  the  pt.  t.  8.  in  -ide,  the  pp.  in 
-id,  the  pres.  t.  s.  in  -t'M,  and  the  occasional  strong  pp.  in  -un. 
The  one  clear  exception  is  MS.  C,  of  the  earlier  version,  which 
presents  several  curious  variations,  as  already  noted,  and  extends 
from  I  Esdras  to  Baruch  iii,  20.  This  is  the  MS.  which  contains 
the  name  of  Nicholas  de  Hurford. 

The  conclusion  to  be  drawn  from  the  facts  is,  that  there  must 
have  existed  a  rather  large  school  of  professional  scribes  in  some 
Midland  town ;  and  I  think  we  may  go  so  far  as  to  say  that  this 
town  was  not  London,  because  the  familiar  suffixes  of  -ede  in  the 
past  tense,  -eth  in  the  present,  and  -ed  in  the  past  participle,  are 
comparatively  scarce.     I  should  be  glad  to  learn  to  what  part 


DIALECT  OF   WYCLIFFE's   BIBLE. — PROF.    SKEAT.  219 

of  the  Midland  district  the  peculiarities  to  which  I  have  referred 
are  to  be  attributed. 

It  is  of  some  importance  to  observe  that  the  earlier  version  is 
not,  generally  speaking,  distinguished  from  the  later  one  by  any 
difference  of  dialect.  A  full  investigation  of  the  dialect  of  the 
Prologues  might  perhaps  prove  tedious,  owing  to  the  great  variety 
of  the  MSS.  employed.  Nevertheless,  after  a  rather  hurried 
examination,  I  believe  I  am  right  in  saying  that  the  MSS. 
marked  a,  e,  M,  0,  R,  G,  Vy  a,  k,  o,  p,  w,  y,  and  z  all  agree,  in 
their  general  characteristics,  with  those  which  have  already  been 
considered;  and  that  only  one  MS.,  viz.  that  marked  S,  varies 
from  them.  Moreover,  the  chief  variation  in  S  is  the  use  of 
present  participles  in  -ende,  a  variation  which  has  already  been 
noted  in  the  case  of  MS.  C  above. 

Hence  we  have,  finally,  the  remarkable  result  that  no  less  than 
nineteen  MSS.  all  exhibit  the  same  variety  of  Midland ;  and  that 
only  two,  viz.  C  and  S,  offer  any  important  variation;  and 
even  these  are  also  Midland,  but  from  another  locality.  Not  one 
of  all  the  nineteen  MSS.  used  in  the  texts  or  in  the  prologues 
can  be  pointed  out  as  possessing  decided  marks  either  of 
a  Northern  or  a  Southern  dialect.  We  find,  in  fact,  a  uniformity 
quite  beyond  anything  that  we  might  expect;  and  it  would  be 
yery  interesting  and  instructive  to  find  the  exact  cause  of  this 
close  agreement. 

It  would  be  very  useful  to  fix  the  locality  of  this  weak  past 
tense  in  -ide,  which  characterizes  nearly  every  one  of  these 
Wycliffite  MSS.  The  only  text  in  which  I  have  noticed  them 
as  yet  is  Pecok's  "  Repressor,"  which  reproduces  nearly  every 
peculiarity  of  the  Wycliffite  dialect,  except  that  its  forms  are 
a  little  later ;  i.e.  it  only  differs  in  date,  and  not  in  locality. 
Pecok  has  the  weak  pt.  pi.  preisiden,  pi.  sbs.  in  -?«  and  -«,  the 
pp.  in  -id  or  -ed,  the  pr.  pi.  in  -en,  the  pr.  b.  in  -ilk  or  -eth\  and 
so  on.  Pecok  was  a  long  while  at  Oxford,  being  for  some  years 
a  Fellow  of  Oriel,  and  it  is  notorious  that  he  was  a  diligent 
student  of  Wycliffite  literature;  so  that,  as  at  present  advised, 
I  incline  to  hazard  the  guess  that  the  locality  of  the  scriptorium 
whence  the  Wycliffite  MSS.  were  issued  may  actually  have  been 
that  famous  city.  It  will  bo  remembered  that  there  is  a 
scriptorium  there  at  the  present  day. 


220 


V.  — SOME  GHOST -WORDS  IN  POEMS  ONCE 
ATTRIBUTED  TO  CHAUCER.  By  the  Rev. 
Prof.  Skeat,  Litt.D.,  Vice-President. 

[Head  at  the  Meeting  of  the  Philological  Society  on  Friday,  June  5,  1896.] 

Momblishness.  Bailey'B  Dictionary  has :  "  Momblishness,  *  talk, 
muttering » ;  0."  Here  "  0  "  means  "  Old  Word  "  ;  and  most  of 
his  Old  Words  are  taken  from  Speght's  Glossary  to  Chaucer.  The 
word  occurs  in  st.  9  of  The  Assembly  of  Ladies,  first  printed  by 
Thynne  in  1532.  It  is  important  to  note  that  Thynne  has  no 
h  in  the  word.  The  stanza  mentions  certain  flowers,  the  first 
mentioned  being  daisies ;  and  it  goes  on  to  say — 

"And  howe  they  [the  daisies]  were  acompanyed  with  mo 
Ne  momblysnesse  and  souenesse  also ; 
The  poure  penses  were  not  disloged  there ;  "  etc. 

In  the  last  line  penses  may  well  mean  pansies ;  but  the  second 
line  is  hopeless  as  it  stands.  There  is  nothing  to  suggest  the 
sense  of  "talk"  or  "muttering"  which  has  been  assigned  to 
momblysnesse. 

Fortunately,  there  is  a  mauuscript,  viz.  MS.  Addit.  34,360, 
in  the  British  Museum,  which  I  gladly  consulted.  It  presents 
a  slight  difference.  The  word  souenesse  is,  in  the  MS.,  spelt 
souenez.  The  other  word  may  be  variously  read,  but  the  third 
letter  is  n  or  u,  not  m,  and  there  is  no  s  in  the  second  syllable. 
The  MS.  has  moubliennes,  as  it  would  at  first  sight  appear  ;  but  the 
nn  is  vague  enough,  as  it  might  be  uu,  or  *m,  or  mi.  However, 
the  right  reading  is  not  very  difficult  to  discover;  the  word  is 
certainly  moubliemies,  and  the  whole  line  is — "  Ne  moubliemies 
and  souenez  also." 

The  interpretation  is  curious:  Ne  moubliemie,  standing  for  Ne 
mJoublie  mie,  is  0.  Fr.  for  "  forget  me  not "  ;  and  sovenet  is  0.  Fr. 
for  "  remember."  These  are  two  flower-names.  As  to  "  forget- 
me-not,"  there  is  no  difficulty,  as  the  translated  name  has  been 
adopted  into  English.  And  similarly,  sovenet  answers  to  the  name 
"  remember-me,"  which  is  given  as  a  Northern  English  name  of 
the  germander  speedwell  in  Britten  and  Holland's  Plant-names. 
The  whole  passage  may  be  explained  thus :  "  And  how  they  [the 
kisiea]  were  accompanied  with  other  flowers  also,  viz.  forget-me- 


SOME   GHOST-WORDS   IN    POEMS.  221 

nots  and  remember-me's ;  and  the  poor  pansies  were  not  dislodged 
(from  their  places)  there/'  It  is  worth  notice  that,  in  st.  13 
below,  the  MS.  again  has  the  word  souenez  in  another  connection, 
where  Thynne's  print  has  the  inferior  reading  stones.     The  lines 


"  Her  gowne  was  wele  embrowded  certainly 
With  souenez,  after  her  owne  deuyse." 

It  will  be  observed  that  souenez  suits  the  scansion,  whereas  stones 
rnins  it.  It  is  clear  that  Thynne  did  not  know  what  souenez 
meant. 

Setrone.  This  remarkable  word,  of  which  I  can  find  no 
notice  in  glossaries,  occurs  in  Lydgate's  Flour  of  Curtesye, 
1.  195 ;  of  which  there  is  no  copy  except  that  printed  by 
Thynne  in  1532.      The  passage  runs  thus: — 

"  In  constauncc  eke  and  fay  the,  she  may  attayne 
To  Cleopatre,  and  therto  as  setrone 
As  was  of  Troye  the  whyte  Antigone." 

Anyone  who  remembers  the  constant  confusion  of  the  letters 
e  and  t  in  MSS.  of  the  fifteenth  century  will  see  through  this 
very  easily;  for  the  rime  tells  us  that  the  word  does  not  end 
in  -0iw,  but  in  -**;  that  is,  the  right  reading  is  obviously  secret, 
a  word  which  is  usually  carefully  introduced  into  descriptions 
of  fair  ladies.  It  is  clear  that  the  author  of  this  singular  blunder 
read  Antigone  as  a  word  of  three  syllables  only,  with  a  mute  e 
final;  and  he  was  obliged,  in  consequence,  to  alter  secree  into 
secrone ;  after  which,  the  change  of  e  to  t  produced  setrone ; 
a  form  which  certainly  "goes  one  better"  as  a  fine  specimen 
of  a  ghost- word. 

In  partyng.  Even  so  well  known  a  poem  as  "  The  Complaint 
of  the  Black  Knight"  exhibits,  at  1.  419,  an  extraordinary  mis- 
reading. Morris's  edition,  following  the  Fairfax  MS.,  agrees 
with  Thynne  in  giving  us  this  passage — 

"  Peril  of  dethe,  nother  in  se  no  londe, 
Hungre  ne  thrust,  sorowe  ne  sekenesse, 
Ne  grete  emprises  for  to  take  on  honde, 
Shcdynge  of  blode,  ne  manful  hardinesse, 
Nor  ofte  woundynge  at  sawtes  by  distresse, 
Nor  in  partyng  of  lyfe,  nor  dethe  also, 
Al  ys  for  noghte,  Love  taketh  non  hede  therto." 


222  SOME   OHOST-WORDS   IN    POEMS   ONCE 

Everything  is  clear  except  in  partyng,  which  mars  the 
completely.  In  this  absurd  reading  nearly  all  the  copies  agree. 
However,  one,  the  Douce  MS.,  has  the  variant  lupardy;  and 
with  this  hint  the  correction  is  obvious.  We  have  only  to 
restore  the  original  form  iupartyng,  and  we  have  all  we  want. 
It  is  the  old  story  of  misreading  w  as  n;  after  which  the  single 
word  was  made  into  two. 

Lombes.     In  a  ballad,  or  rather  poem,  first  printed  by  Stowe, 
which  is  descriptive   of    "  Women's  Doublenesse"    we  find    this 
stanza :  see  ed.  1561,  fol.  340,  back,  col.  2 — 
"  So  wel  fortuned  is  their  chaunce 

The  dice  to  tourne  uppe-so-doune, 

"With  sise  and  sincke  they  can  auaunce ; 

And  than,  by  reuolucion, 

They  set  a  fel  conclusion 

Of  lombes,  as  in  sothfastnesse ; 

Though  clerkes  make  mencion 

Their  kinde  is  fret  with  doublenesse.,, 

I  was  much  puzzled  by  the  word  lombes,  till  at  last  I  bethought 
me  of  Chaucer's  Prol.  to  his  Man  of  Lawes  Tale,  in  which  he 
contrasts  the  high  throw  of  the  dice,  represented  by  sis  eink,  with 
the  low  throw,  represented  by  ambes  as,  or  double  aces :  see 
Chaucer,  C.  T.,  B  124.  With  this  hint,  it  is  easy  to  see  that 
Stowe  (or  some  scribe  before  him)  could  make  nothing  of  ambes, 
and  so  turned  it  into  lambes  or  lombes,  after  which  a  comma  was 
introduced,  which  turned  the  plural  sb.  as  inte  a  familiar  con- 
junction. That  this  solution  is  right,  is  fortunately  quite  certain; 
for  I  afterwards  found  this  very  reading  in  the  Fairfax  MS.,  which 
has  preserved  a  copy  of  the  whole  poem. 

Probatif.  The  word  probatif,  answering  to  a  modern  E. 
probative,  occurs  in  a  poem  by  Lydgate,  where  it  is  certainly  out 
of  place.  It  occurs  in  his  Balade  in  Commendation  of  our  Lady, 
printed  in  Thynne,  which  is  addressed  to  the  Virgin  Mary.  He 
bestows  on  her  a  great  many  epithets,  such  as  '  star  of  stars,'  '  star 
of  the  sea,'  and  tho  like ;  and  one  of  these  epithets,  in  1.  127,  is 
'  probatif  piscyne.'  There  is  a  single  MS.,  but  it  gives  the  same 
reading.1 

1  I  read  this  on  June  5 ;  the  next  day,  by  help  of  the  Index  of  First  Lines, 
I  found  an  unknown  and  hotter  copy  of  the  poem  in  MS.  Sloane  1212,  wherein 
the  actual  reading  is  probatijk  ;  so  that  my  conjecture  was  proved  to  be  correct 
within  twenty  four  hours  of  the  time  of  ita  enunciation. 


ATTRIBUTED  TO   CHAUCER. — PROF.    8KEAT.  223 

The  solution  is  not  easy  to  guess ;  but  I  at  once  discovered  it  by 
looking  out  the  word  probatif  in  Cotgrave  and  Godef roy .  They  do 
not  give  this  word,  but  they  give  another  which  only  requires  the 
change  of  a  single  letter.  The  final  /  should  be  k  ;  and  the  very 
phrase  probatik  piscyne  is  borrowed  from  the  Vulgate  version  of 
John  v,  2 :  '  Est  autem  Ierosolymis  probatica  piscina,  quae 
cognominatur  hebraice  Bethesda.'  Hence  the  sense  is  '  sheep- 
cleansing  pool,1  with  express  reference  to  the  famous  pool  of 
fothesda;  so  that  the  word  probatik  has  nothing  to  do  with  the 
I*t.  prolan  i  to  prove,1  but  is  derived  from  trpo^a-rov  *  a  sheep.' 

Itdgate's  Quotation  from  Chaucer's  "  Romaunt  of  the  Rose." 

I  also  wish  to  draw  attention  to  the  fact  that  Lydgate  actually 
quotes  Fragment  A  of  the  Romaunt  of  the  Rose  in  a  manner  that, 
by  extraordinary  good  luck,  is  quite  indubitable.  His  poem  of 
the  Complaint  of  the  Black  Knight,  written,  according  to  Schick, 
about  1402,  has  many  passages  near  the  beginning  which,  as 
Ten  Brink  has  expressly  pointed  out,  are  unmistakably  copied 
from  the  Romaunt  of  the  Rose,  by  which  Ten  Brink  means  the 
French  original.  But  Lydgate  got  at  it  in  a  much  simpler  way,  viz. 
by  keeping  before  him  an  English  text  coinciding  with  Fragment  A, 
*hich  he  doubtless  read  with  extreme  care  because  he  believed 
rt  to  be  Chaucer's  own.  The  fact  that  he  has  the  words  costey 
and  atempree  (11.  36  and  57)  where  Chaucer  has  costeying  and 
ihmpre  (11.  134  and  131)  is  not  conclusive,  because  the  original 
has  cottoiant  (note  the  oi,  not  ei)  and  atrempee  (note  the  change 
111  Bpelling).  But  these  examples  raise  our  suspicions ;  and  the 
matter  is  definitely  settled  when  we  find  him  quoting  a  phrase 
▼hich  occurs  in  Chaucer  only,  and  is  entirely  absent  from  the 
Trench. 

This  occurs  at  1.  80  of  the  Black  Knight :  cf.  1.   1401  of  the 
Trench  and  1.   1419  of  Fragment  A.     The  French  has  no  more 
than  "  Poignoit  l'erbe  freschete  et  drue,"  i.e.  The  grass,  all  fresh 
and  thick,  put  forth  its  blades. 
But  Fragment  A  has  an  added  line  here — 

"  Sprang  up  the  gras,  as  thikke  y-set 
And  so/te  as  any  veluU." 
And  Lydgate  has — 

"  And  softs  as  velu'et  the  yonge  gras 
That  therupon  lustily  cam  springing." 


224  SOME   GHOST-WORDS  IN   POEMS. 

This  is  quite  a  clear  case,  and  proves  two  facts:  (1)  that 
Fragment  A  is  older  than  1402;  and  (2)  that  Lydgate  thought 
it  worthy  of  imitation,  which  goes  a  long  way  towards  a  proof 
that  Chaucer  wrote  it. 

Observe  further  that,  as  eostey  occurs  in  1.  134  of  the  Fragment, 
and  so/U  as  veluet  in  1.  1420,  Lydgate's  testimony  practically 
covers  the  first  1420  lines  of  the  Fragment.  And  the  whole 
Fragment  is  only  1705  lines  long.  In  this  connexion,  it  is  worth 
notice  that  Lydgate's  borrowing  from  'the  Rose'  extends  still 
further,  viz.  to  the  death  of  Narcissus,  which  takes  us  on  to 
1.  1536  of  the  English  version,  or  116  lines  further,  at  which 
point  his  imitations  cease.  For,  although  at  a  later  passage  he 
speaks  of  "  flourcs  hide,"  this  really  goes  back  to  a  place  near 
the  beginning.  Fragment  A  has  "  floures  inde  "  in  1.  67.  The 
word  inde,  meaning  dark  blue,  does  not  occur  elsewhere  in  Chaucer. 


TRANSACTIONS 

OF  THB 


PHILOLOGICAL    SOCIETY, 
1896-7. 


VL— ON  THE  USES  OF  THE  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD 
IN  IRISH.    By  J.  Strachan. 

[Read  at  a  Meeting  of  the  Philological  Society,  June  4,  1897.] 

In  dealing  with  this  subject  I  have  preferred  to  treat  it  from 
the  practical  standpoint,  to  register  as  completely  as  I  could  the 
various  uses  of  the  subjunctive  mood  in  early  Irish  literature.  It 
would  no  doubt  be  a  more  interesting  task  to  strive  to  deduce  the 
uses  of  the  subjunctive  in  Irish  from  the  Indo-Germanic  uses  of 
the  subjunctive  and  optative  moods,  which  in  Irish  have  become 
syntactically  fused  in  the  subjunctive.  But  before  this  can  be 
attempted,  it  is  necessary  to  determine  as  accurately  as  may  be 
the  facts  of  the  Irish  usage,  and  to  essay  to  combine  the  two 
would  probably  be  attended  with  more  confusion  than  profit. 
Moreover,  before  the  Irish  subjunctive  could  be  successfully 
attacked  from  the  comparative  standpoint,  some  other  investiga- 
tions are  necessary  which  we  have  not  as  yet.  In  the  first 
place,  we  still  want  a  thorough  comparative  examination  of 
the  uses  of  the  moods  in  other  branches  of  Indo-Germanic, 
such  as  we  may  expect  to  find  in  the  forthcoming  volume 
of  Delbriick's  Vergleichende  Syntax.  Again,  it  would  be 
dangerous  to  compare  the  Irish  usage  with  the  usage  of  other 
kindred  branches,  until  from  a  comparison  of  Breton,  Cornish, 
and  "Welsh  the  usage  of  the  subjunctive  in  the  sister  Brythonio 
group  has  been  deduced,  and  the  Irish  usage  has  been  first 
compared  therewith.  Here  a  beginning  has  been  made  by 
Professor  Atkinson's  paper  on  the  Welsh  subjunctive  in  the 
Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy,  but  investigations  into 
the  uses  of  the  subjunctive  in  Breton  and  Cornish  are,  so  far  as 
I  know,  still  lacking.  The  present  paper,  then,  may  be  regarded 
Phil.  Trans.  1896-7.  15 


226  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 

M  an  attempt  to  fix  tho  uses  of  the  subjunctive  mood  in  the  oldest 
stage  of  tho  Irish  language  of  which  we  have  any  knowledge,  and 
at  tho  same  time  thereby  to  furnish  material  for  a  comparison 
of  tho  Irish  subjunotive  with  the  corresponding  mood  in  the 
Brythonio  languages,  and  ultimately  with  the  Indo-Germanic 
subjunctive  and  optative. 

In  treating  of  the  various  uses  of  the  subjunctive,  my  method 
of  procedure  has  been  to  collect  in  each  case  a  number  of 
illustrative  examples,  for  in  this  way  it  seemed  that  the  subject 
could  bo  made  most  clear.  In  such  a  practical  inquiry,  not  the 
least  important  thing  is  to  exhibit  the  difference  of  usage  between 
the  subjunotive  on  the  one  hand  and  the  other  moods,  particularly 
the  indicative,  on  the  other.  With  a  view  to  this,  where  I  have 
found  the  subjunctive  and  another  mood,  above  all  the  indicative, 
used  in  clauses  of  a  similar  form,  a  number  of  instances  of  each 
have  been  set  in  array  over  against  one  another  on  opposite  pages. 
At  least,  the  main  types  of  the  subjunctive  will  be  found  fully 
illustrated  in  the  following  page*.  For  some  of  the  rarer  usages 
I  could  have  wished  to  secure  more  examples,  and  it  may  be  tint 
wider  reading  may  bring  to  light  some  uses  that  have  escaped 
my  notice.  Unfortunately,  limitations  of  time  have  prevented  are 
from  reading  as  widely  as  I  could  have  wished. 

In  such  an  investigation  it  is  of  course  necessary  to  star;  wha 
the  earliest  literature.  In  Irish  this  consists  of  the  ^LJfctL'.'o* 
of  OKI  Irish  Glosses :  these  have  been  subjected  tvi  Kneucec 
examination,  and  here  I  trust  that  little  of  moan:;  has  been 
overlooked.  To  supplement  the  collections  derive!  feat  :aeai 
I  have  $oa*  through  a  number  of  other  texts  in  wa£:a  tan  ill 
verbal  system  is  not  yet  broken  down.  In  these  lat«?r  ^ea^s  me 
must  always  be  on  one's  guard  asruast  neologism*.  Taas.  ia  tae 
Saltair  na  Rann.  I.  3776.  is  foead  mi/n*\  £3  *r*/Vr /mjJW.  %*  tae« 
was  not  found  one  aiaa  of  them  who  could  eadir*-**  ILer-. 
acoocdiag  to  the  Ovi  Irish  asaj*.  we  should  havv  aai.  aoe  tae 
secondary  fatare  /WiJjkJL  bat  the  past  subjective  y»-*ai.  Her*, 
them  is  clearly  either  a  svusactical  iaaov*r&:u  »r  a  jocfas&ru. 
between  e*d  forms*  la  LBr.  24**  21.  «*•»#*  w  -W*'*  fat.  staa«L* 
for  #>jw  «a  Wi  ?res-  subrY  ;  here  is  atiy  be  aotec  taa:  tae  *  -c 
the  tatarv  wcably  ceased  t-*  be  rr:couaee»l  mz  la  -ar*j  rer.oL 
la  LIT  12*4*  2*2.  %<:  Sor-n«  .•***  «*/.i  _*riMi/*f  •  »-r.--  w  i*t* 
tmucnuatm  *m  mm^-«  *nn.  ~  I  aave  auc  istrnd  aitaerr.*  i  aia^ka 
who  could  keep  ap  coarers&cioa  wxa  av»   :a  a  r«a«:ejv-jcis  :a  zh:& 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  227 

way,"  the  O.Ir.  foUsad  has  been  replaced  by  a  new  form  folongad, 
formed  analogically  from  the  present  stem.  An  examination  of  the 
history  of  the  subjunctive  in  later  Irish  should  be  an  interesting 
one,  but  it  lies  outside  the  scope  of  this  paper. 

In  arranging  the  examples  considerable  difficulty  has  been 
experienced,  for  it  is  not  easy  to  fit  the  usage  of  living  speech 
into  the  Procrustes-bed  of  grammatical  terminology.  Nor  was 
it  found  feasible  to  arrange  the  different  classes  according  to  their 
supposed  order  of  historical  development.  Finally,  I  determined 
to  be  guided  by  considerations  of  practical  utility  and  intelligibility. 
Thus  the  relative  clauses  have  been  placed  last,  because  they  show 
affinities  with  various  other  classes  of  clauses,  and  can  be  most 
easily  understood  when  these  other  classes  have  first  been  discussed. 
On  such  a  point  opinions  are  sure  to  differ,  and  one  can  only  say, 

aol  ftev  rath'  Sokouvt   lotiv  epol  £e  raSe. 

As  it  is  necessary  frequently  to  refer  to  the  various  tenses  of 
the  indicative,  it  has  seemed  better  to  point  out  briefly  at  the 
outset  their  main  uses.  In  the  grammatical  terminology  some 
innovations  will  be  found.  To  the  tense  indicating  repeated 
action  in  past  time,  commonly  known  as  the  secondary  present, 
and  which  is  most  generally  used  to  translate  the  Latin  imperfect, 
the  name  imperfect  is  given,  not  that  it  adequately  indicates  the 
full  meaning  of  the  tense,  but  because  it  seems  less  open  to 
objection  than  any  other.  The  aggregate  of  tenses  corresponding 
morphologically  partly  to  the  Indo-Germanic  perfect,  partly  to 
the  aorist,  which  in  Irish  have  fallen  syntactically  together, 
may  best  be  designated  by  the  name  of  preterite.  For  the  tense 
which  is  used  partly  as  a  past  tense  to  the  future  like  the  Greek 
future  optative,  partly  in  the  apodosis  of  conditional  sentences, 
the  name  secondary  future  has  been  retained  as  being  better  on 
the  whole  than  that  of  conditional.  Viewed  not  morphologically 
but  syntactically,  the  subjunctive  mood  has  only  two  tenses, 
a  primary  and  a  secondary ;  these  are  here  distinguished  briefly 
as  present  subjunctive  and  past  subjunctive. 

Some  points  in  the  syntax  of  the  subjunctive  have  been  already 
discussed  by  Professor  Atkinson  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Royal 
Irish  Academy.  For  the  Wurzburg  Glosses  free  use  has  been 
made  of  the  excellent  translation  by  Dr.  Whitley  Stokes,  to 
whom  I  am  further  indebted  for  his  kindness  in  reading  the 
proofs.  But  for  the  views  expressed,  unless  anything  be  stated  to 
the  contrary,,  the  writer  is  alone  responsible. 


228  SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD  IN   IRISH — J.   8TRACHAN. 

The  following  are  the  principal  abbreviations  used  : — 

Wb.  =Wurzburg  Glosses,  ed.  Stokes. 

Ml.  =  Milan  Glosses,  ed.  Ascoli. 

Sg.  =  Saint  Grail  Glosses,  ed.  Ascoli. 

Acr.  =  Carlsrahe  Glosses  on  Augustine,  ed.  Stokes. 

Bcr.  =  Carlsrabe  Glosses  on  Bede,  ed.  Stokes.   - 

Tur.  =  Turin  Glosses,  ed.  Zimmer. 

Psalt.  Hib.  =  Fragment  of  an  Irish  Psalter,  edited  by  Meyer  in  bis  Hiberaica 

Minora. 
Tir.  =Tirechan*s  Notes  in  the  Book  of  Armagh. 
F61.  =  Felire  Oenguso,  ed.  Stokes. 
Trip.  Life  =  Tripartite  Life  of  Patrick,  ed.  Stokes. 
SR.  =  Saltair  na  Rann,  ed.  Stokes. 

VSR.  =  Verbal  System  of  the  Saltair  na  Rann,  Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1895. 
It.  Tert.  =  Irische  Texte,  vol.  i,  ed.  Windisch;   vols,  ii,  etc.,  ed.  Stokes 

and  Windisch. 
Hy.  =  Irish  Hymns. 

LU.  =  Facsimile  of  the  Lebor  na  hUidre. 
LL.  =  Facsimile  of  the  Book  of  Leinster. 
LBr.  =  Facsimile  of  the  Lebor  Brecc. 
YBL.  =  Facsimile  of  the  Yellow  Book  of  Lecan. 

Important  words  in  the  Irish  are  indicated  by  black  type. 
As  a  rule,  the  expansions  of  Irish  contractions  are  not  marked ; 
where  it  has  seemed  desirable  to  indicate  them,  roman  type  is  used. 
By  (  )  is  indicated  the  conjectural  restoration  of  letters  illegible 
in  the  MS.,  by  [  ]  the  conjectural  restoration  of  letters  omitted 
in  the  MS.  In  writing  Latin  words  the  normal  orthography  has 
been  restored,  where  this  tended  to  clearness. 


I.    The  Tenses  of  the  Indicative. 

The  Present. 

1.  In  addition  to  the  general  use  of  the  tense  of  present  or 
universal  time,  which  requires  no  illustration,  the  following 
special  uses  may  be  noted. 

(a)  The  Historic  Present. 
This  is  very  common  in  narrative  prose.    It  is  often  continued 
by  a  preterite. 

LU.  56b  14,  tic  Medb  iar  n-descin  in  t-sloig  7  asbert  ba  n-e*pa 
do  chdeh  did  in  t-sh'yaid,  Medb  came  after  surveying  the  host,  and 
said  that  it  will  be  useless  for  all  to  go  on  the  hosting. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH —J.   STRACHAN.  229 

LTJ.  57b  20,  audit  iarom  eo  tdnic  in  sldg  7  aruspettet  a  n-ds 
ciuil.  dosberat  il-ldim  Fergusa  mate  Edich  inn  id;  arlega  side 
inn  ogum  bdi  isind  id,  Asbert  Medh  iar  tiachtain,  oid  frissinn-anaid 
and?  Then  they  sit  till  the  host  came,  and  their  musicians  play 
to  them.  They  give  the  collar  into  the  hand  of  Fergus  mac  Eoich ; 
he  reads  the  ogam  that  was  on  the  collar.  Medb  on  coming  said, 
"  "What  are  you  waiting  for  there  ?  " 

LU.  71b  28,  dogniat  coral  iarom  Munremur  7  Curui  7  ttit  Curui 
dia  thig  7  Munremur  do  Emain  Macha.  7  ni  thanio  Munremur  eo 
Id  in  chatha.  ni  thanic  dano  Ciirui  eo  comrac  Firdiad.  Then 
Munremur  and  Curui  make  peace,  and  Curui  goes  to  his  house,  and 
Munremur  to  Emain  Macha.  And  Munremur  came  not  till  the  day 
of  the  battle.    Curui,  however,  came  not  till  tho  combat  of  Ferdiad. 

LU.  71a  39,  teit  iarom  in  druth  cuei  7  ind  ingen  late.  7  ba  di 
ehein  arlastar  Coinculaind.  teit  Cu  dia  saigttn.  ecmaic  atgeoin 
sium  for  erlabrai  ind  fir  eo  m~bo  druth.  srethis  liic  teltna  bdi  ina 
Idim  fair,  con-sescaind  ina  cend,  eo  tuc  a  incind  ass.  tic  doehum  na 
ingini,  benaid  a  di  trilis  di  7  sadid  liic  triana  brat  7  triana  lenid, 
7  sadid  eorthe  Ma  medon  in  druith  ....  facbais  Cuchulaind 
f&n  eruth-si  idt.  tiagair  o  Ailill  7  0  Medb  do  iarmdracht  a  m-muntiri. 
Then  the  fool  comes  to  him  and  the  maiden  with  him.  And  it 
was  from  afar  that  he  addressed  Cuchulaind.  Cu  comes  to  him. 
It  chanced  that  he  knew  by  tho  man's  speech  that  he  was  a  fool. 
He  cast  a  sling-stone  that  was  in  his  hand  against  him,  so  that 
it  sprang  into  his  head  and  brought  out  his  brain.  He  comes 
to  the  maiden,  cuts  from  her  her  two  plaits  of  hair,  and  thrusts 
a  stone  through  her  mantle  and  through  her  smock,  and  thrusts 
a  pillar  through  the  middle  of  the  fool.  Cuchulaind  left  them 
thus.     Men  go  from  Ailill  and  from  Medb  to  seek  their  folk. 

(b)  Present  of  a  state  or  action  continuing  into  the  present. 

LL.  249b  3,  otu-sa  issin  diin-sa,  issed  laiihe  inso  a[s\  siam  limm, 
Since  I  have  been  in  this  dun,  this  is  the  day  that  has  seemed 
longest  to  me. 

LL.  24  9b  11,  at&t  tri  laa  7  teora  aidchi  and,  They  have  been 
there  three  days  and  three  nights. 

(c)  Present  in  Future  sense. 

Of  this  I  have  only  a  very  few  examples,  chiefly  of  tiagu. 
Ml.  58°  6,  intan  asmbert  side  tiag-sa  o-lall  a  ehenn,  When  he  said, 
"  I  go  to  take  off  his  head." 


230  SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

LU.  133*  23,  tiag  dutn  claim,  dufail  in  matin  bdnglain,  I  go  to 
my  house,  the  white  pure  morning  is  at  hand. 

LU.  70*  13,  tiaga-sa  co  n-ecius  ddib  afil  Urn  difoilgib,  7  dorag-sa 
(fut.)  eo  n-derna-so  mo  dichennad,  I  (will)  go  to  tell  them  what 
I  have  of  rings,  and  I  will  come  that  thou  mayest  behead  me. 
Cf.  also  Wb.  17b  20,  LL.  25 1»  34,  282*  4. 

LTJ.  74*  44,  timorc-sa  in  cethri  forsind  dth  dodochum-sa.  Uicfe-sa 
eloieh  duitsiu  asin  tailm.  "I  (will)  drive  together  the  cattle  upon 
the  ford  towards  thee."  "  I  will  cast  a  stone  at  thee  out  of  the 
sling." 

Cf.  further  SR.  2434,  2531,  8113,  8117. 

2.  The  Imperfect  (Secondary  Present)  denotes  repeated  or 
customary  action  in  past  time.  In  the  Glosses  it  is  the 
tense  commonly  used  to  translate  the  Latin  imperfect. 

Ml.  83*  4,  intan  conucbada  (MS.  conucbad)  in  net  nobith  immunn 
aire,  migrabant  filii  Israhel  hisuidiu;  intan  dano  nnnanad  in  nel 
hisin,  nogaibtis  som  dunad  hisutdiu,  When  the  cloud  that  was 
about  the  ark  was  raised,  then  migrabant  filii  Israhel;  when, 
however,  that  cloud  rested,  then  they  encamped. 

Ml.  90d  17,  inna  aithissi  dombeirtis  som  fornni  batir  athissi  sidi 
dano  daitsiu  a  Da,  The  insults  that  they  used  to  put  upon  us  were 
insults  to  Thee,  0  God. 

Ml.  22*  4,  in  loc  dia  m-bu  thabarthi  ermitiufeid  7  imbu  choir  /recur 
c6il  D<&,  atlentais  (s)om  adi  7  dognitis  cech  n-dochrad  (leg.  dochrud) 
and,  The  place  to  which  reverence  should  have  been  paid,  and  in 
which  it  was  meet  to  worship  God,  they  used  to  pollute,  and  they 
used  to  do  every  foul  thing  there. 

Sg.  28a  10,  dagnitis  dano  int  Sabindai  anisin  .i.  nosuidigtis 
nomina  Romanorum  ante  no  minibus  suis,  The  Sabines  used  to  do 
that,  i.e.  they  used  to  place  nomina  Romanorum  ante  nominibus  suis. 

Wb.  15ft  18,  dognithe  a  n-asbered  Moysi,  1.  dodrbas  (pret.) 
gloria  oc  tindnacul  legis,  What  Moses  used  to  say  used  to  be  done, 
or,  gloria  was  shown  at  the  giving  of  the  Law. 

Ml.  55c  19,  cid  intan  nombith  inna  ligiu  bal  oc  imradud  chloine 
nobith,  Even  when  he  was  in  his  bed  he  used  to  be  meditating 
iniquity. 

1  In  addition  to  its  other  uses  ba  seems  to  represent  the  imperfect  of  the 
copula:  cf.  Oramm.  Celt.3  496,  VSR.  47,  so  pi.  batar,  batir. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  231 

LTJ.  60b  6,  intan  ba  hain  phuill  dognitis,  rolinad  (better  nolinad) 
som  in  poll  dia  liathrotib  7  ni  chumoaitis  in  maie  a  erselaige ;  intan 
batir  heseom  uU  dobi[d]ctis  in  poll,  arachliched  som  a  denur  on&  teged 
cid  6en  liathrdit  ind.  intan  bd  n-imtrascrad  dognitis,  dorasorad  som 
na  tri  coecta  mac  a  oenur,  7  ni  chomraiced  imbiseom  lin  a  trascartha. 
intan  dam  bd  n-imdirech  dognitis,  dosnerged  som  uli  00  m-bitfs 
tornochta,  7  noco  rnotais  seom  immorro  eid  a  delg  asa  brot  som 
nammd.  When  they  were  engaged  in  driving  hole,  he  would 
fill  the  hole  with  his  balls,  and  the  boys  would  not  be  able  to 
ward  him  off;  when  it  was  they  who  were  throwing  at  the 
hole,  he  would  ward  them  off  himself,  so  that  not  a  single  ball 
would  go  into  it.  When  they  were  engaged  in  throwing  one 
another,  he  alone  would  throw  the  thrice  fifty  boys,  and  there 
would  not  gather  about  him  a  number  sufficient  to  overthrow  him. 
When,  moreover,  they  were  engaged  in  stripping  one  another, 
he  would  strip  them  all  so  that  they  would  be  stark-naked,  and 
they,  moreover,  would  not  take  even  his  brooch  from  his  mantle. 

LU.  43a  I,  oenach  dognithe  la  Ultu  cecha  bliadna  .  .  .  issed 
erst  nobitis  Ulaid  insin  im-Maig  Murthemni.  A  feast  used  to  be 
made  by  the  men  of  Ulster  every  year.  That  is  the  time  that 
the  men  of  Ulster  used  to  be  in  the  plain  of  Murthemne. 

LU.  69*  30,  intan  notheiged  tar  carrce  nosoarad  a  leth  olailiu, 
intan  ba  riid  orictis  affrissi,  When  he  went  over  rocks,  one  half 
would  part  from  the  other ;  when  it  was  smooth,  they  would  come 
together  again. 

Many  examples  will  be  found  in  Cormac's  Glossary,  s.v.  Nescoit, 
and  Ir.  Text,  iii,  i,  185-202,  passim. 

3.  The  Preterite, 

which  corresponds  morphologically  partly  to  the  Perfect,  partly 
to  the  Aorist,  has  three  main  uses. 

(a)  Perfect. 

LU.  72b  7,  dodeochad-sa  o  Findabair  or  do  chend-so  eo  »- 
dechais  dia  haccallaim,  I  have  come  from  Findabair  for  thee, 
that  thou  mayest  go  to  speak  with  her. 

Ml.  22d  7,  ho-rudeda  ind  feuil  forsnaib  cnamaib,  citabiat  iarum 
in  chnamai  infochaid,  When  the  flesh  has  decayed  upon  the  bones, 
then  the  bones  feel  the  affliction. 

(b)  Preterite. 

Ml.    16c  5,    intan  forcomnacuir  in  gnim-so  erochtha   Criht   7 


232  SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 

dodechuid  temel  tarnn  grim,  asrubartatar  fir  bstho,  tiagar  hudin 
dochum  Ifi[ru]9ahm7  When  this  deed  of  the  crucifixion  of  Christ 
happened  and  darkness  came  over  the  sun,  the  men  of  the  world 
•aid,  "  Lot  somo  one  go  from  us  to  Jerusalem." 

Ml.  49*  16,  air  roptar  sonartu  maicc  Israhel  in  tain  *in,  For 
the  Rons  of  Israel  were  stronger  then. 

Ml.  68°  4,  dia  luid  Duaid  for  hngai*  tri  glmn  Iosofdd 
dambido  Semei  di  chlochaib  oca  techt  7  dobert  maldachta  foir, 
When  David  went  into  exile  through  the  valley  of  Jehosaphat, 
Hhiraei  pelted  him  with  stones  as  they  went  and  heaped  curses 
upon  him. 

(c)  Pluperfect. 

Ml.  73b  10,  runuaibrigestar,  g.  profanauerat. 

Ml.  87b  22,  conascarsat,  g.  diruerant. 

Ml.  107*  12,  asrindid,  g.  adseruerat. 

LTJ.  57b  17,  arigsitdr  in  geilt  geltatar  ind  eicht  They  perceived 
tho  grazing  that  the  horses  had  grazed. 

LU.  64b  23,  bd  sdeth  laiss  a  n-dogeni  Cuchulaind,  He  was  vexed 
at  what  Cuchulinn  had  done. 

4.  The  Future. 

Here  the  chief  thing  that  seems  to  call  for  remark  is  that 
the  Irish  future  also  translates  Latin  tenses  indicating 
future  completed  action. 

Ml.  34d  8,  lose  donaithfoicherr,  g.  cum — fuerit  reuersus. 
Ml.  78c  6,  lane  nundundaingnichfe,  g.  cum — nos — municris. 
Ml.  43a  23,  intain  noscairiub,  g.  cum  uacuero. 
Ml.  57c  7,  intan  luaithfider,  g.  cum — agitari  coeperit. 
Ml.  69c  6,  lase  donatalcfe,  g.  cum — deleniueris. 

It  may  also  be  noted  that  the  Irish  future  serves  to  translate 
Latin  periphrastic  expressions  with  -turu*. 
Ml.  48b  12,  honerbera  biuth,  g.  qua — usurus  sit. 
Ml.  28*  12,  bona  CUmachtaigfet,  g.  quo  non — sint — potituri. 
Ml.  28b  6,  ni  nod  todoichfet,  g.  non  quia  non  sint  futura. 

5.  The  Secondary  Future  has  a  double  function.1 
(a)  It  serves  as  a  secondary  tense  to  the  future. 

Ml.  I23c  1,  rocreUet  dungenad  Dia  ani  durairngert,  They 
believed  that  God  would  do  what  He  had  promised. 

1  Compare  the  double  use  of  the  Sanskrit  conditional. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN    IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  233 

Wb.  7a  2,  it  diitnsa  tairrchet  adcichitis  genti  ...  per  me, 
It  is  of  me  it  was  prophesied  that  the  Gentiles  would  see  per  me. 

Ml.  100c  7,  duadbat  sotn — inna  debthi  nobetis  la  Israheldu  iartain, 
He  shows  the  dissensions  that  should  be  among  the  Israelites 
afterwards. 

Ml.  124b  6,  adraigsetar  nondabertais  iterum  in  captivitatem, 
They  feared  they  would  carry  them  again  into  captivity. 

LU.  64a  39,  bdgais  Cuchulaind  hi  Methiu,  port  iartin  i  n-acciged 
Ailill  nd  Medby  fochichred  cloich  ata  thdbaill  forru,  Cuchulainn 
declared  in  Methe,  that  wherever  afterwards  he  saw  Ailili  or 
Mcdb,  he  would  cast  a  stone  from  his  sling  upon  them. 

LL.  6ba  27,  atsbert  Concho bor  o-ticfad  uathad  a  dochum,  Conchobor 
said  that  he  would  come  to  him  with  few. 

(ft)  In  a  conditional  sense  by  itself,  or  in  the  apodosis  of 
a  conditional  sentence. 

Ml.  1 28*  2,  ni  tochuiribthe,  g.  non  adscisceretur. 
Ml.  42°  32,  ni  cumcaibed,  g.  nequisset. 

Wb.  9C  8,  mar-rufeste,  ni  gette  na  brithemnachla  becca  erriu,  If 
ye  had  known  it,  ye  would  not  take  the  little  judgments  from  them. 
For  other  examples  see  §§  41,  44. 


II.    The  Tenses  of  the  Subjunctive. 

Syntactically  the  Irish  subjunctive  may  be  said  to  have 
two  tenses,  a  present  tense  corresponding  loosely  to  the 
Latin  present  and  perfect,  and  a  past  tense  corre- 
sponding loosely  to  the  Latin  imperfect  and  plnperfect. 
Cf.  Thurneysen,  KZ.  xxxi,  68  sq. 

Morphologically  the  forms  are  more  numerous.     "We  have  an 
a  subjunctive  identical  in  formation  with  the  Lat.  feram,  with 
its  corresponding  past  tense,  e  g.  3  sg.  pres.  -bera,  3  sg.  past 
-berad.      We  have  also  a  subjunctive  of  the  sigmatic  aorist, 
with  its  corresponding   past  tense,  e.g.  a$ind,   'he  may  set 
forth' =ess-ind>fet8t,  past  asindissed.     But  it  is  a  general  rule 
of  economy  that  each  individual  verb  has  one   or  other  of 
these  formations,  but  not  both ;   if  a  verb  have  the  *  sub- 
junctive, then  the  a  subjunctive  has  an  imperative  force- 
thus,  fiagam  'let  us  go,'  ara  tiasam   'that  we  may  go.'     Ill 


234  SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN    IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 

the  Glosses  there  is  an  exception  to  the  rule  in  compounds 
of  the  verb  -eku  *  I  see.'  Here  in  the  present,  by  the  side  of 
deponent  &  subjunctives  like  addeicider  Ml.  43*  19,  coni 
aceadar  Ml.  53a  6,  etc.,  Deponent  Verb  in  Irish,  pp.  23,  24, 
we  have  passive  *  subjunctives  like  doicastar  Sg.  188ft  6, 
mani  accastar  Ml.  50*  5,  arndchbaraccaUter  LTJ.  85*  4.  If 
my  observations  be  correct,  the  two  formations  are  here  used 
to  get  distinct  forms  for  the  deponent  and  the  passive.  In 
the  past  subjunctive  of  this  verb  (a  tense  which  has  no 
deponent  forms)  I  have  noted  no  examples  of  the  *  formation ; 
an  instance  of  the  &  passive  is  co  adcethe  Ml.  77d  8.  In  no 
other  verb  in  the  old  literature  have  I  met  with  the  double 
subjunctive.1 

8.  The  following  examples  from  the  Glosses  will  illustrate  how 
an  Irish  present  and  past  subjunctive  may  correspond  to 
a  Latin  perfect  and  pluperfect. 

Present. 
Sg.  151*  1,  ma  senaigidir,  g.  si  inueterauerit. 
Ml.  3*  13,  ol  ma  duintaesiu,  g.  quod — si  transtuleris. 
Ml.  46c  15,  mani  herbs,,  g.  nisi  decoxerit. 
Cf.  LBr.  194*  39,  249*  50. 

Past. 

*WT>.  19d  24,  eia  chondesin  far  Mi  dosmberthe  dom,  though 
I  had  asked  for  your  eyes,  ye  would  have  given  them  me,  Lat. 
si  fieri  potuusety  oculos  uestros  dedissetis  mi  hi. 

Cf.  Thurneysen,  KZ.  xxxi,  p.  69.  More  examples  will  bo 
found  later. 

9.  Since  the   Irish  subjunctive,   then,  has  practically  only  two 

tenses,  it  is  clear  that  it  is  formally  much  less  explicit  than 


1  In  Ml.  24c  14,  incoitged  forms  a  gloss  on  indieare  uideatur,  where  one  would 
at  first  sight  he  tempted  to  take  ineoisged  as  a  subjunctive.  But  the  regular 
subjunctive  from  this  verb  is  incoisissedt  so  that  all  the  probabilities  are  in  favour 
of  translating  incoisged  by  indicabat.  And  this  translation  is  supported  by  the 
following  gloss  atcoisged  arnal  bid  hi  freeudairc  nobeth,  when  the  Latin  contains 
nothing  that  would  justify  a  subjunctive.  So  I  would  take  dunaidbditis, 
Ml.  39°  36 ;  it  glosses  uideantur,  but  the  clause  is  not  final  but  consecutive,  so 
that  in  Irish  the  indicative  is  required,  cf.  $§  60*-64*.  So,  too,  in  Ml.  36*  20, 
is  maith  le$  a  jirlugae  nothongad  each  frialaile  may  be  rendered,  "he  respects 
the  oath  that  each  used  to  swear  to  the  other."  In  Ml.  43d  20  etastc  seems  to  be 
sec.  fut. ;  cf.  fut.  etastar,  Trip.  Life,  118,  1.  23. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  235 

the  Latin,  that  much  that  in  Latin  is  expressed  by  the 
tense  must  in  Irish  be  inferred  from  the  context.  Thus, 
for  example,  in  Irish  it  is  impossible  to  distinguish  between 
9%  legeret  and  si  kg  is  set.  It  has  been  held  (Gramm.  Celt.3 
447,  481,  493)  that  the  addition  of  the  particle  ro-  may  give 
to  a  present  and  a  past  subjunctive  the  syntactical  value  of 
a  perfect  and  a  pluperfect.  The  question  of  the  force  of  ro- 
with  the  subjunctive  is  a  very  difficult  one;  some  discussion 
of  it  will  be  found  below,  p.  349  sq.  The  uses  of  the  two 
tenses  of  the  subjunctive  will  be  most  satisfactorily  illustrated 
under  the  various  uses  of  the  subjunctive  mood. 


III.    Congruence  of  Tenses. 

10.  In  the  indicative,  if  the  verb  of  a  subordinate  clause  refers 
to  the  same  time  as  the  verb  of  the  main  clause,  it  is  put 
in  the  same  tense.  This  principle  is  clearly  seen  in  trans- 
lation from  Latin. 

Ml.  36d  2,  te  persequente  pereunt,  g.  anundagreinn-siu  (pres.), 
when  Thou  pursuest  them. 

Ml.  44b  32,  auersaris  iniustos  cum  adnueris  uotis  piorum, 
g.  lose  forteig  (pres.),  when  Thou  helpest. 

Ml.  39d  11,  me  laudibus  efferentes  beatutn  dicebant,  g. 
a  n-condammucbaitis-se  (impf.),  when  they  extolled  me. 

Ml.  17b  16,  scribae  uero  inuidentes  dixerunt,  g.  a  formenatar 
(pret.),  when  they  envied. 

Ml.  34b  18,  angelo  caedente  deleta  sunt,  g.  aschomart  (pret.), 
who  slew. 

Ml.  80a  13,  inimici  talia  sustenendo  rex  noster  laetabitur, 
g.  lose  folilsat  (fut.),  when  they  endure. 

Note  also  the  following  instances. 

Ml.  69b  1,  i*  and  rofessatar  (fut.)  ata  (pres.)  n-d6ini  aprisci  7 
is  and  molfait  (fut.)  Lia  Man  dumbsertar  (fut.)  fochaidi  farm, 
Then  will  they  know  that  they  are  frail  men,  and  then  will  they 
praise  God,  when  afflictions  are  brought  upon  them. 

Ml.  51b  10,  sechis  ardi  son  dombera  (fut.)  Dia  do  neuch 
nodneirbea  ind  7  genas  (fut.)  triit,  That  is,  it  is  a  sign  that  God 
will  give  to  everyone  who  trusts  in  Him  and  acts  through  Him. 


236  SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 

Ml.  IIId  3,  nach  gnim  dungenam-ni  bid  soinmech,  Every  deed 
that  we  do  shall  be  prosperous. 

Wb.  12d  27,  rofestar  (fat.)  each  m-belre  intain  berthar  (fut.) 
t  n-ddiri,  It  will  know  every  tongue,  when  it  is  carried  into 
captivity. 

LU.  1 9a  2,  ndchfer  dib  doneoucus-sa  co  handiaraid,  atbelat  a  bedil, 
Each  man  of  them  whom  I  look  at  angrily,  his  lips  shall  die. 

Wb.  10*  5,  a/-liles  (fut.)  dind  ancretmiuch  bid  (fut.)  ancretmech, 
What  cleaves  to  the  unbelieving  will  be  unbelieving. 

11.  Bat  if  the  sense  require  it,  the  tenses  are  different. 

Ml.  26d  12,  ni  con-bia  (fut.)  cumscugud  for  pianad  bithmthin 
tnnani  ingrennat  (pros.)  xnna  firianu,  There  will  be  no  alteration 
to  the  everlasting  punishment  of  those  that  persecute  the  righteous. 

Ml.  50d  10,  amal  durigni  (pret.)  inna  gnimu  sechmadachtai > 
dugena  (fut.)  dano  innah'i  tairngir  (pres.)  isa  todochide,  As  He 
did  the  past  deeds,  He  will  do  moreover  in  the  future  what  He 
promises. 

Ml.  53c  3,  tuetur  supplicem,  g.  etch  din  gesnd,  i.  giges  (fut.)  Dia, 
Every  suppliant,  that  is,  who  shall  supplicate  God. 

Ml.  43d  I,  intan  asrubart  sum  frimmaccu  Israhel  imboi  (pret., 
read  amboi)  di  oinachdaib  leu  robeth  (sec.  fut.)  for  dib  milib  ech, 
When  he  said  to  the  sons  of  Israel  that  what  of  horsemen  they 
had  would  be  upon  two  thousand  horses. 

Ml.  46c  20,  inti  huainni  adaichfedar  (fut.)  in  coimdid, 
rosuidigestar  (perf.)  (1.  suidigfith  (fut.))  Dia  reckt  n-do,  Whoso- 
ever of  us  shall  fear  the  Lord,  God  hath  established  (or  will 
establish)  a  Law  unto  him. 

Wb.  4d  6,  ar  ticfea  (fut.)  indsom  briathar  foirbthigedar  (pros.) 
in  dume  i  n-dirgi  cdingntma,  For  into  it  will  come  the  Word  that 
perfects  man  in  the  righteousness  of  well-doing. 


IV.    Sequence  of  Tenses. 

12.   In  the  sequence  of  tenses  the  historic  present   counts 
regularly  as  a  past. 

LU.  77a  6,  16icid  (pres.)  som  cloich  asa  tailm  co  mebaid  (pret.) 
a  suil  ina  cind,  He  let  fly  a  stone  from  his  sling  so  that  her  eye 
broke  in  her  head. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IX    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  237 

LU.  83ft  7,  tiagait  (pres.)  la  Ingcel  corrolsat  (pret.)  a  n-dtbeirg 
lain,  They  went  with  Ingcel  and  made  their  plundering  with  him. 

LU.  59a  37,  iadais  (pret.)  indara  suil  ond-rbo  Uthiu  indds  cr6 
sndthaiti,  asoilgg  (pres.)  alaile  CO  m-bo  mdir  bfolu  midchuaich,  He 
shut  one  eye  bo  that  it  was  not  broader  than  the  eye  of  a  needle ; 
he  opened  the  other  so  that  it  was  as  large  as  the  lips  of  a  mead- 
goblet. 

LU.  6ib  20,  cotnticnigidar  (pres.)  Cuchulaind  iar  suidiu 
O-darled  (past  subj.)  for  sin  slige  do  chelebrad  dona  maccaib,  Cuchu- 
lainn  compelled  him  to  go  on  the  road  to  bid  farewell  to  the  boys. 

LU.  72b  12,  fonascar  (pres.)  fair  can  tudecht  forsin  slog  00  tiffed 
(past  subj.)  aroen  fri  Ultu,  He  was  bound  over  not  to  go  against 
the  host  until  he  should  come  along  with  the  men  of  Ulster. 

LU.  20b  37,  teit  (pres.)  techta  o  AMU  7  Meidb  a  dochum 
o-digsed  (past  subj.),  Messengers  came  to  him  from  Ailill  and  from 
Medb  that  he  should  come. 

13.  The  treatment  of  the  historic  present  as  a  primary  tense 

is  exceptional. 

LL.  28 lb,  cuinnegar  (pres.)  tra  baile  co  rofalmaigther  duib 
(pres.  subj.),  A  place  then  was  sought  that  it  might  be  emptied 
for  them. 

14.  After  a  primary  tense  the  subjunctive  is  more  usually  in 

the  present. 

LU.  20b  5,  tair  limsa  co  n-derais,  Come  with  me  that  thou  mayest 
avenge. 

LU.  72b  7,  dodeochad-sa  o  Findabair  or  do  chend-so  00  n-dechait 
dia  haccallaim,  I  have  come  for  thee  from  Findabair  that  thou 
mayest  come  to  speak  with  her. 

LU.  69a  4,  ni  scarfom  in  cruth-sa,  ol  ffiarcomol,  cor-ruc-sa 
do  chen(n)-8u  nd  co  farcabsa  mo  chend  latsu,  We  shall  not  part  thus, 
said  Etarcomol,  till  I  carry  off  thy  head  or  till  I  leave  my  head 
with  thee. 

Wb.  23b  24,  ni  imned  lim  act  rop  Crist  pridches  et  immerada 
each,  I  deem  it  no  tribulation,  provided  it  be  Christ  that  every- 
one preaches  and  meditates  upon. 

Wb.  2b  12,  nitta  ni  inditmdide,  There  is  nothing  for  thee  to 
boast  in. 

Ml.  19d  6,  inti  dub  bes  tresa  orcaid  alaile,  He  who  is  stronger 
slays  the  other. 


238  SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN  IRISH — J.   8TRACHAN. 

Wb.  5°  20,  check  irnigde  dogneid  *  tuil  Bee  bed  dlichlhech,  Let 
every  prayer  that  ye  make  in  God's  will  be  lawful. 

15.  But  a  primary  tense  may  also  be  followed  by  a  past  sub- 
junctive. The  following  examples  may  serve  as  types 
of  this. 

(a)  Wb.  4d  17,  fri  Gen  ft  asbeir  som  anisiu  arna  tomnitis  n&d 
earad  som  Iudeiu  et  nad  duthrised  a  nAcc%  He  says  this  to  the 
Gentiles  that  they  might  not  think  that  he  did  not  love  the  Jews 
and  that  he  did  not  desire  their  salvation. 

Ml.  130b  6,  ni  molat  Dia  %  n-ifurnn  CO  n-etaitis  dilgud  ho  suidiu 
tri  sodin,  They  praise  not  God  in  Hell,  so  that  they  might  obtain 
forgiveness  from  Him  thereby. 

Ml.  89b  15,  Deus  iudicium  tuum  regi  da,  .i.  CO  m-bad  firian 
a  brithemnacht,  That  His  judgment  might  be  righteous. 

Ml.  61*  5,  late  sechminella  .i.  conna  erchissed  don  bocht,  When 
he  passes  by,  i.e.  that  he  should  not  pity  the  poor. 

Wb.  26d  17,  ato  oc  combaig  fries  im  sechim  a  gnime  7  im  gabail 
deeimrechte  de  O-roissinn  cutrummus  fries  et  ogni  som  frimea  oc 
suidiuy  I  am  contending  with  Him  as  to  imitating  His  deeds  and 
as  to  taking  example  from  Him,  so  that  I  might  attain  equality 
with  Him,  and  He  works  with  me  in  this. 

For  other  examples  see  §  64. 

Sometimes  the  present  subjunctive  and  the  past  are  found  in 
the  same  sentence. 
Ml.  112b  20,  is  airi  cotnoat  som  arnachrisat  (pres.)  fochaidi 
demuint  o-idcloitis  (past)  au'nd  noibi  hi  m-bi  (pres.  iml.).  It  is 
therefore  that  they  protect  him,  that  the  tribulations  of  the  Devil 
reach  him  not,  to  drive  him  from  the  holiness  wherein  he  is. 

In  final  sentences  the  present  subjunctive  evidently  expresses 
the  direct  purpose;  the  past  subjunctive  is  less  direct  it 
corresponds  to  'might1  rather  than  to  'may/  and  it  may 
be  compared  with  the  potential  use  of  the  past  subjunctive  in 
doubtful  statements. 

(Jb)  1 111  ram  Brain  p.  15.  tinscan  imram  tar  muir  n  glan%  dus 
in  rista  tir  na  m-ban9  Begin  a  voyaging  over  the  bright  sea,  if 
pen.  Lance  thou  might  est  possibly  reach  the  Land  of  Women. 


SUBJUNCTIVE    MOOD   IN   IRISH — J*   STRACHAN.  239 

LTJ.  74b  45,  tabram  fianlaeh  each  n-aidchi  do  seiU  fair  dus  in 
tairsimmis  a  bagul,  Let  us  put  him  a  troop  every  night  to  hunt  (?) 
him  to  see  whether  we  might  get  a  chance  at  him. 

Cf.  §  33. 

(c)  Ml.  107b  8,  nihil  adflictionis  superest  cuius  iam  experimenta 
non  caperem,  g.  ni  ofll  frithorcain  nachamthised  sa  7  nad 
fordamainn,  There  is  no  affliction  that  might  not  come  to  me 
and  that  I  might  not  endure. 

Ml.  124a  8,  ni  fil  degnimu  linnai  trisnansoirth®,  There  are  no 
good  deeds  with  us  through  which  we  might  be  delivered. 

LIT.  68b  28,  ni  fetar  ni  ardottaigthe,  I  know  no  reason  why  thou 
shouldst  be  feared. 

For  additional  examples  see  §  73c.  The  tense  use  is  of  the 
same  kind  as  in  (a). 

(d)  Wb.  9C  20,  cid  attobaich  cen  dilgud  ecch  ancridi  dognethe 
frib,  What  impels  you  not  to  forgive  every  injury  that  may  have 
been  done  to  you  ? 

Tir.  11,  toisc  limm  f&r  oemiitche  dunaructhsB  acht  oen  tuistiu, 
I  desire  a  husband  of  one  wife  to  whom  has  not  been  born  but 
one  child. 

Cf.  §  75. 

16.  After  a  secondary  tense  the  past  subjunctive  is  regular. 

Rev.  Celt,  xi,  446,  birt  roth  leiss  ond  oclaich  ara  ressed  amal 
an  roth  sin  tar  leth  in  maigi,  He  took  a  wheel  with  him  from  the 
warrior  that  he  might  run  like  that  wheel  over  half  of  the  plain. 

Wb.  17a  13,  ni  bo  ar  seirc  mdidme  act  o-robad  torbe  diiibsi  triitt 
.i.  o-rochrete-si  et  o-rointsamlithe  mo  bhu-sa  et  on&  ruohrete-si 
do  much  act  nech  dogned  na  gnimu-8int  It  was  not  for  love  of 
boasting,  but  that  there  might  be  profit  to  you  through  it,  that  i.«, 
that  ye  might  believe  and  that  ye  might  imitate  my  customs,  and 
that  ye  might  believe  no  one  save  him  who  did  those  deeds. 

Mi.  125c  2,  asrubart  Dia—BX*  sechitis  a  thimnae,  God  said  that 
they  should  follow  His  ordinances. 

Wb.  33d  10,  ni  robe  nech  bad  huasliu  tara  toissed,  There  was 
no  one  more  exalted  by  whom  He  could  have  sworn. 

17.  After  a  secondary  tense  the  present  subjunctive  is  very 

rare. 
Hy.ii,  35,  Patraic  pridchais  do  8cottaibf  rochis  mdr  sath  il-Lethu, 
immi  CO  tisat  do  brdth  in  each  dosfue  do  bethu,  Patrick  preached 


240  SUBJUNCTIVE    MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

to  the  Scots,  he  suffered  great  tribulation  in  Letavia,  that  there 
may  come  about  him  to  Judgment  all  whom  he  brought  to  life. 
Here  the  writer  seems  to  be  contemplating  the  Day  of  Judgment 
from  the  standpoint  of  his  own  time,  not  from  St.  Patrick's. 


V.    The  Uses  op  the  Subjunctive. 

1.  The  Subjunctive  of  Wish. 

18.  A  wish  regarded  as  capable  of  realization  is  expressed  by 

the  present  subjunctive.    The  negative  is  ni. 

Wb.  31*  2,  darolgea  Dia  doib,  May  God  forgive  it  them. 

Wb.  18b  23,  roerthar  duib  uili,  May  it  be  given  to  all  of  you. 

Hy.  iv,  3,  4,  ronsoera  Brigit  seek  drungu  demna  ;  roroena  reunn 
catha  each  thedma,  May  Brigit  deliver  us  past  crowds  of  devils; 
may  she  break  before  us  the  battles  of  each  plague. 

Hy.  iv,  2,  donfe  don  bithflaith,  May  she  lead  us  to  the  ever- 
lasting kingdom. 

LIT.  85b  10,  ni  thucca  Dia  and  in  fer-sin  innocht,  May  not  God 
bring  that  man  there  to-night. 

Wb.  28b  41,  imb  i  cein,  fa  i  n-accus  beo-8at  niconchloor  act  for 
cdinscil,  Whether  I  be  far  or  near,  may  I  not  hear  but  good  of  you. 

Trip.  L.  i,  78,  1.  22,  nimtairle  do  tnallacht,  May  not  thy 
malediction  fall  on  me 

Hy.  vi,  12,  nimthairle  ec  na  amor,  nimthair  mortlaid  na  galar, 
May  not  death  or  misery  light  upon  me,  may  not  plague  or  sickness 
come  to  me. 

LU.  7b  13,  nimreilge  il-lurg  na  n-demnat  May  He  not  leave  me 
in  the  track  of  the  devils. 

Zeit.  f.  Celt.  Phil,  i,  497,  doroimliur  infleid  dot  meis,  nimfargba 
dott  eis  a  De,  May  I  enjoy  the  feast  from  Thy  table,  mayest  Thou 
not  leave  me  behind  Thee,  0  God. 

Cod.  St.  Paul,  i,  4,  rop  ith  7  mlicht  adcear,  May  it  be  corn  and 
milk  that  I  see. 

19.  In  a  passage  of  Sg.  a  Latin  past  subjunctive  in  wish  is 

expressed  by  an  Irish  past. 

Sg.  148a  6,  ut  si  filio  meo  Romae  in  praesenti  degente  optans 

dicam,  utinam  Romae  Alius  meus  legisset  auctores  propter  quos 

etc.,  .i.  forcomnacair  buith  a  maicc  som  hi  R6im ;  affamenad  son 

didiu  nolegad  a  mace  inn  herd  tin  i  m-boi,  et  robu  anfiis  dosom  in 

[continued  on  p.  242. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN    IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  241 


18*.  A  wish  may  be  expressed  otherwise. 

Hy.  i,  2,  for  a  foessam  dun  innocht,  May  we  be  under  His 
protection  to-night  (lit.  under  His  protection  to  us). 

Hy.  vi,  24,  ar  guin,  ar  guasact,  ar  gabud,  a  Crist,  for  do  sn&dud 
dun,  Against  wounding,  against  danger,  against  peril,  Christ,  may 
we  be  under  Thy  protection. 

Hy.  viii,  4,  in  Spirut  Noeb  d'aittreb  ar  cuirp  is  ar  n-anma, 
diar  snadud  co  solma  ar  gdbud  ar  galra.  May  the  Holy  Spirit  dwell 
in  our  body  and  our  soul,  may  He  defend  us  swiftly  against  peril, 
against  diseases  (lit.  the  Holy  Spirit  to  dwell  in  ...  ,  to 
protect  us). 


19*.  An  impossible  wish  is  commonly  expressed  otherwise,  e.g. : 
LU.  61*  2,   messe  immorro  nimadairgenus  fleid,   As  for  me, 

however,  would  that  I  had  not  prepared  a  feast  (lit!  not  well 

did  I  prepare  a  feast).     Similarly, 

8R.  1346,  nimanfacamar  Wuholl,  Would  we  had  not  seen  thine 

apple.  {continued  on  p.  243. 

Phil.  Tram.  1896-7.  16 


242  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 

roleg  fanacc,  dig  rombu  iehdairce  do  7  afamenad  rafesed  in  roleg, 
His  son  happened  to  be  in  Home ;  would,  then,  that  his  son  had 
read  that  time  that  he  was,  and  he  did  not  know  whether  he  had 
read  or  not,  because  he  was  absent  and  would  that  he  had  known 
whether  he  had  read. 

abamin  and  affammad  may  be  verbal  in  origin ;  the  latter  form 
looks  like  a  past  subjunctive,  but  the  explanation  of  the  forms 
is  not  clear  to  me. 


2.  The  Subjunctite  op  Will.1 

20.  The  second  persons  of  the  present  subjunctive  are  often 
found  in  commands,  particularly  in  negative  sentences. 

Ml.  61°  15,  soira-siu,  g.  liberate 

Ml.  32*  3,  conoscaige-siu,  g.  admoueto. 

Ml.  101*  1,  concela-siu,  g.  dissimulate 

Ml.  78c  6,  intuailngigthid  forte*is-siu,  g.  dignanter  adnuito. 

Ml.  58d  14,  cotatoscaigther-su,  g.  commouere. 

Wb.  5d  39,  uince  in  bono  malum  .i.  dogn£-su  maith  frissom  et 
bid  (fut.)  maid  som  iarum,  Thou  shalt  do  good  to  him,  and  he 
will  be  good  afterwards. 

LU.  64*  20,  ber  (ipv.)  latt  sin,  or  Cu,  7  t6si  don  dunud  amlaid, 
Carry  it  with  you,  said  Cuchulinn,  and  go  to  the  camp  thus. 

LU.  58*  17,  cure  airdmiu*  dun  tarsin  sl6gy  ol  Cuculaind,  Make 
an  estimate  of  the  host  for  us,  said  Cuchulinn. 

LU.  62*  25,  nimdersaige  fri  uathad,  nomdiusca  immorro  fri 
sochaide,  Thou  shalt  not  awake  me  for  one ;  thou  shalt  awake  me, 
however,  for  a  number. 

Ml.  55*  19,  ni  astae-siu,  g.  ne  suspendas. 

Wb.  10*  21,  ce  choniis  cor  do  sitche  udit,  nliscoirther,  act  indnite 
(ipv.)  dii8  im-comchitbuid  duib,  Though  thou  canst  put  away  thy 
wife,  thou  shalt  not  put  her  away,  but  wait  to  see  if  ye  can  agree. 

Wb.  3b  11,  sed  neque  exhibeatis  membra  uestra,  .i.  ni  tidbarid 
far  m-baullu,  Ye  shall  not  exhibit  your  limbs. 

Ml.  74d  13,  ni  berae-siu  hua  Duaid  in  salm-so,  Thou  shalt  not 
take  this  psalm  from  David. 

1  It  is  not  easy  in  every  ease  to  distinguish  this  from  the  potential. 

[continued  on  page  244. 


SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  243 

BE.  1858,  mmmanfacamar  do  gnuis,  Would  we  had  not  seen 
thy  face. 

LIT.  58*  15,  nimaloimar  (pret.)  d6,  ol  Cuculaind,  namertamar 
(pret.)  Ultu,  Would  that  we  had  not  gone,  said  Cuchulinn,  that 
we  might  not  (?)  have  hetrayed  Ulster.     Cf.  LL.  59,  1.  10. 

LL.  64*  9,  amae  a  6cu,  bar  Conehobur,  nimatancamar  d'6l  na 
JUdi-se,  Alas !  my  men,  said  Conehobur,  would  we  had  not  come 
to  drink  this  feast. 


20*,  21*.  The  following  are  examples  of  the  imperative.    The 
negative  is  nd. 

Wb.  6b  11,  manducantem  non  iudicet,  .i.  na  taibred  dimieeim 
fair.  Let  him  not  put  disrespect  upon  him. 

Wb.  6b  3,  induite  uos  Dominum,  .i.  bed  imthuge-si  Domino,  Be 
ye  raiment  Domino. 

Wb.  6b  18,  unusquisque  in  suo  sensu  abundet,  .i.  anas  maith 
la  edeh  dinad  si  pro  Domino,  What  each  deems  good  let  him  do. 

Wb.  9*  14,  imitatore8  mei  estote,  .i.  bed  adthramli  .i.  gaibid 
eomarbus  for  n-athar,  Be  father-like,  i.e.  take  the  inheritance  of 
your  father. 

Wb.  12b  8,  pro  inuicem  sollicita  sint  membra,  .i.  eobrad  each  ball 
alaiUy  Let  each  member  help  the  other. 

Ml.  46b  26,  obsolue,  .i.  nonsoerni,  Deliver  us. 

ML  55*  1,  noli  in  tua  patientia  sustinere,  .i.  na  dene  atnmnit, 
Show  not  patience. 

LTJ.  68*  I,  airgg  mad  f err  laiss  in  mag-sa  i  n-rohalt,  Offer,  if  he 
prefer  it,  this  plain  in  which  he  was  reared. 

Further  examples  will  be  found  in  Gramm.  Celt.  443,  444,  474, 
495;  VSR.  14,  15,  35,  47. 


244  SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN  IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 

Ml.  74d  13,  ni  derlegae-riu  in  titul  roscribais  huasin  chroich, 
Thou  shalt  not  destroy  the  inscription  that  thou  didst  write  above 
the  Cross. 

Wb.  13°  13,  nolite  seduci,  .i.  a  seodoprofetis,  ni  6rbarid  autem 
uerba  asbeir  in  t-6is  anfoirbthe,  Ye  shall  not  utter  verba  that  the 
imperfect  folk  utter. 

LU.  64*  14,  ni  agither  ni,  Fear  nothing. 

LU.  70*  5,  fochichursa  (fut.)  aurchor  duit,  or  Nadcranntal,  7 
ninimgaba.  ninimgeb  (fut.)  acht  i  n~arddai,  or  Cuchulaind.  "  I 
will  make  a  cast  at  thee,"  said  Nadcranntal,  "  and  thou  must  not 
avoid  it."     "  I  will  not  avoid  it  save  in  the  air,"  said  Cuchulinn. 

LU.  74a  15,  ni  ruba  6  nachatnfdcbasa  cen  brdthair,  Slay  him  not, 
that  thou  mayest  not  leave  me  without  a  brother. 

Many  more  examples  will  be  found  in  the  maxims  in  LU  46b= 
Windisch,  Ir.  Texte,  i,  213-4.1 

21.  Of  the  other  persons  I  have  not  many  examples. 

Wb.  1 1*  24,  neque  tentemus  Christum,  sicut  quidam  eorum,  .i. 
ni  gessam-ni  nit  bee  chotarsne  diar  n-lcc,  We  should  pray  for 
nothing  that  is  opposed  to  our  salvation. 

Ml.  105*  8,  excipiat  .i.  arfema. 

Wb.  8b  2,  nip  and  nobirpaid,  Not  therein  shall  ye  trust.  So 
Wb.  5d  14,  25*  10,  28b  14,  30d  24,  Sg.  158*  2. 

LU.  66ft  5,  nip  machdad  lat  cid  dan  co  tisor,  Wonder  not  though 
it  be  long  till  I  come. 

LU.  46b  7,  ni  iadat  iubaili  for  itechtu  ail,  Prescription  shall  not 
close  in  an  illegal  manner  (?). 

3.   The  Potential  Subjunctive. 
Present. 

22.  Sg.  171b  1,  rolldmar,  g.  ausim. 
Wb.  20b  9,  dodnthris,  uelim. 

Wb.  32a  9,  quem  ego  uolueram  mccum  retinere,  g.  dofuthlis-se 
a  buith  im  gnais  f$in  ara  hireschi,  I  could  wish  that  he  were  with 
myself  for  his  faithfulness. 

Ml.  34a  4,  murii8-si  far  n-dochum,  I  might  soon  come  to  you. 

Ml.  22d  5,  cid  na  imneda  forodamar-sa  cose  romferat  dom 
aitherriuch,  Even  the  troubles  that  I  have  suffered  hitherto  might 
be  sufficient  to  me  for  me  for  my  reformation. 

1  In  Ml.  42*  8,  dumgnc-u  glofses  me  facie* ,  but  we  should  probably  read 
dumgi'He-*e. 

[continued  on  p.  246. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  245 


246  SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD  IN   IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

23.  Here  probably  belong  the  following  negative  sentences. 

Wb.  11°  17,  eiaiu  airegdu  infer, — ni  rnbi  nechtar  de  em  alail[e]9 
Though  the  man  is  nobler,  neither  of  them  may  be  without  the  other. 

Ml.  20d  4,  cia  rubi  cen  ni  diib,  ni  rnbai  email  huli,  Though  he 
be  without  some  of  them,  he  may  not  be  without  all  of  them. 

Wb.  22d  3,  ar  is  frechdire  side  dia  mogaib,  ni  dernat  Mi  ni 
nadfiastar  side,  For  He  is  present  to  His  servants ;  they  could  do 
nothing  that  He  will  not  know. 

Ml.  51°  14,  ni  ruguigter  gnimai  Dee,  The  works  of  God  may 
not  be  falsified. 

Ml.  94b  23,  air  meit  ind  huachta  ni  ru[*r4$]bthar  indib,  For 
the  greatness  of  the  cold  no  one  may  dwell  in  them. 

Wb.  30b  15,  ni  rochumscigther  s6n  beos,  It  may  not  be  moved  yet. 

Sg.  209*  3,  ni  rnbai  anisin  in  nominatiuo,  That  could  not  be 
tin  nominatiuo. 

24.  In  a  number  of  instances  this  subjunctive  is  preceded  by 

the  adverb  bis. 

Acr.  78,  nisi  forte  aniraum  dicis  etiam  si  moriatur  animum  esse, 
g.  bes  asbera-su  as  n-ai[n]m  dosom  animus  ciatbela,  Maybe  thou 
wouldst  say  that  animus  is  its  name  even  though  it  die. 

ML  51b  8,  dobeir  Dia  aithesc  eid  as  denti  no  cid  as  imgabthi  do 
retaib  ata  chosmaili  fri  fir  la  doine  7  bes  ni  bat  fira  la  Dia,  God 
gives  an  answer  what  is  to  bo  done  or  what  is  to  bo  avoided  of 
things  that  are  like  truth  in  the  eyes  of  men,  and  maybe  they 
are  not  true  (just)  in  the  eyes  of  God. 

Wb.  5b  39,  bess  risat  ade  ani  asa4orbatha}  Maybe  they  may  reach 
that  out  of  which  they  were  cut. 

LL.  269*  20,  Ms  rosia  ni  uaimsea  he,  Perhaps  something  from 
me  may  reach  him. 

Fel.  Ep.  417  bes  nip  aill  do  dainib,  Perhaps  it  may  not  please  men. 

Us  is  also  found  with  a  past  subjunctive. 

(a)  In  oratio  obliqna. 

LU.  133b  4,  asbert  Mongdn  fria  arna  bad  brdnach,  bes  dosnised 
cobair,  Mongan  told  her  not  to  be  sad,  perchance  help  might  come 
to  them. 

(b)  In  a  conditional  sentence. 

Sg.  202a  7,  mad  ego  nammd  asberad,  bes  nobed  nach  aile  lets  oc 
ind  airchellad  am  a  I  iodainf  If  he  had  said  ego  only,  perchance  some 
other  might  have  been  with  him  at  the  taking  away  in  that  case. 

[continued  on  p.  248. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  247 


24*.  Us  is  also  found  with  the  indicative  in  later  texts. 

SR.  2893,  bess  iss  he  (pres.)  Itsau,  bess  noconhe  Jacob,  Per- 
adventure  it  is  Esau,  peradventure  it  is  not  Jacob. 

LL.  80*  9,  cid  a  n-doronad  and  do  bdis  bes  ni  rophendsemmar 
ind,  Peradventure  we  have  not  done  penance  even  for  what  of  folly 
was  done  there. 

For  other  examples,  see  Windisch,  Wb.  s.v.  bit. 


218  8TJBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN  IRISH — J.    8TRACHAK. 

25.  The  Past  Subjunctive  is  used  to  put  forward  a  mere 
suggestion  or  conjecture,  or  to  mark  a  statement  or 
opinion  as  improbable  or  impossible. 

Wb.  27d  16,  salutatio  mea  manu  Pauli,  g.  CO  m-bad  not  ire 
rodscribad  cosse,  It  would  have  been  a  notary  who  had  written 
it  hitherto. 

Wb.  26b  31,  salutatio  mea  manu  Pauli;  quod  est  signum  in 
omni  epistola,  ita  scribo,  .i.  commad  inso  sis  roscribad  som;  co  m-bad 
suaichned  Uosom  ataa  i  each  epistil  a  sainchomarde  sin,  It  would  be 
this  below  that  he  wrote ;  it  would  be  well  known  with  them  that 
this  special  sign  is  in  every  epistle. 

Ml.  86d  9,  canon  1.  CO  m-bad  trachtad  huli  inso,  Text,  or  all  this 
may  be  commentary. 

Sg.  106b  16,  co  m-bad  uad  roainmnigthe,  It  would  be  from  it 
that  it  was  named. 

Psalt.  Hib.  238,  in  tituil  immurgu  Estras  rodacachain  1.  comtis 
aili  trachtairi  olehena,  The  titles,  however,  Ezra  sang,  or  there 
may  have  been  other  commentators  besides. 

LTJ.  73*  17,  CO  m-bad  i  n-imslige  OUndamnach  dano  dofaethsad 
Caur  iar  n-araile  slicht,  It  would  be  in  the  great  road  of  Glendamain 
that  Caur  fell  according  to  another  version. 

Ml.  48d  27,  psalmus  laudis  renouationis  domus  Dauid,  .i.  CO  m-bad 
de  nogabthe  (MS.  nogagthe)  insalm-so  di  chossecrad  inna  cathrach 
conrotacht  la  Duaid  hi  Sion,  This  psalm  may  have  been  sung  of  the 
consecration  of  the  city  that  was  built  by  David  in  Sion.  The 
following  gloss  gives  another  explanation,  which  the  commentator 
prefers. 

26.  This  usage  is  also  found  in  dependent  clauses. 

Ml.  24d  9,  uisum  sane  est  quibusdam  quod  in  tabernaculorum 
confixione  a  beato  Dauid  sit  psalmus  iste  compositus,  .i.  co  m-bad 
si  amser  sin  rongabthe  in  salm,  That  that  was  the  time  at  which 
the  psalm  was  sung. 

Ml.  16ft  10,  quorum  alii  in  Zorobabel,  .  .  .  uolunt  dicta 
psalmi  praesentis  accipere,  .i.  CO  m-bad  de  rongabthe  in  salm  so, 
olsodin  nod  fir  n-doib,  That  it  was  of  him  that  this  psalm  was 
sung,  which,  however,  is  not  true  for  them. 

Ml.  139a  9,  co  m-bad  du  doiri  Babil  [on]e  rongabtis,  That  it 
would  be  of  the  captivity  of  Babylon  that  they  were  sung. 

Ml.  14a  7,  8,  quomodo  enim  beatum  istum  pronuntiare  potuisset 
et  ab  omni  errore  amore  uirtutis  alienam  ?    Two  glosses  co  m-bad 

[continued  on  p.  250. 


SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN    IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  249 


26*.  Indirect  speech  as  stich  does  not  require  the  subjunctive. 

After  a  secondary  leading  verb  primary  tenses  usually 

become  secondary. 

LU.  133*  34,  asbert  Mongdn  ba  g6,  Mongan  said  that  it  was 

false.     In  LU.  133b  34  in  direct  speech,  asrubarUta,  is  yd,  I  said, 

it  is  false. 

LU.  128b  12,  asbert  fria  rubad  (sec.  fut.)  torrach  huad  7  ba*  hi 
nudaberl  a  dochutn  don  bruig,  He  said  to  her  that  she  would  be 
with  child  by  him,  and  that  it  was  he  that  had  brought  her  to 
him  to  the  brug. 

Ml.  53d  6,  asberad  torn  nambu  tre**a  dia  Hirusalem  imboi  dia 
eeeha  cathraeh  olche[nd]  7  nachasoirbed  (sec.  fut.)  dia  lamatb  torn, 
He  used  to  say  that  the  God  of  Jerusalem  was  not  stronger  than 

[continued  on  p.  251. 


250  SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH— J.   8TRACHAN. 

echtran  torn  ho  chomrorcain,  that  he  was  a  stranger  to  error ; 
CO  carad  chaingnimu  du  denum,  that  he  loved  to  do  good  deeds. 

Ml.  34d  6,  other  at  alaili  ciasufor  oin  fiur  ataat  in  da  n-ainm-so  .i. 
Iacob  7  Israhel,  co  m-bad  du  dethruib  notesad  d  n-Iacob  7  00  m-bad 
du  deichthrib  immurgu  a  n-Israhel,  Some  say  that  though  these  two 
names,  Jacob  and  Israel,  are  borne  by  one  man,  Jacob  would  apply 
to  the  Two  Tribes,  and  Israel,  moreover,  to  the  Ten  Tribes. 

Wb.  10*  12,  ishi  inso  titul  in  dligid  arckinn,  ciasberthar  CO  m-bad 
biim  fort's  in  dligid  remeperthi,  This  is  the  title  of  the  dictum  which 
follows,  though  it  is  said  that  it  is  a  recapitulation  of  the  dictum 
aforesaid. 

Wb.  13*  16,  bertit  ahiH  tra  CO  m-bad  spirut  ndib  robdi  in  profetis 
ueteris  CO  m-bad  hi  bad  foammamigthe  profetis  noui  .i.  apostolis, 
quod  non  uerum,  Some  say  that  it  was  the  Holy  Spirit  who  was 
in  the  prophets  of  the  Old  Testament,  who  was  subjected  to  the 
prophets  of  the  New,  i.e.  to  the  Apostles,  which  is  not  true. 

Ml.  13lc  3,  haec  est  hem  ilia  porta  Domini,  .i.  ah©  .i.  interiacht 
Ebraide,  1.  dicunt  alii  bed  n-ainm  do  dorus  sainredach  %  n-Rierusalem, 
oUodain  immurgu  nad  choimtig  linnai,  A  Hebrew  interjection,  or 
others  say  that  it  was  the  name  of  a  particular  door  in  Jerusalem, 
but  that  we  deem  not  customary. 

Ml.  54*  12,  ni  aisndet  Duaid  airmdis  hi  iusti  indi  nad  ocmanatur 
ho  throgaib,  acht  it  hi  iusti  let  indi  ocubendar  ho  throgaib  inna 
n-ingramman  7  inna  fochaide,  David  does  not  declare  that  it  is 
those  who  are  not  touched  by  miseries  who  are  iusti,  but  it  is 
they  whom  he  deems  iusti,  namely,  those  who  are  touched  by  the 
miseries  of  the  persecutions  and  the  tribulations. 

Ml.  55d  25,  ni  fil  chosmailius  fir  do  much  asber  nadmbed  dliged 
remdeiesen  Da  du  doinib,  sech  remideci  Bia  dunaib  anmandib 
amlabrib,  There  is  no  likeness  of  truth  to  anyone  who  says 
that  there  is  no  law  of  the  Providence  of  God  for  men,  for 
God  provides  for  dumb  animals. 

Wb.  5a  8,  cani  g6o  duibsi  a  n-atberid  a  ludeu  coni  cloitis  geinti 
tairchetal  Cristl  nate  rachualatart  Is  it  not  false  for  you  what  ye 
say,  Jews,  that  the  Gentiles  might  not  hear  prophesying  of  Christ  ? 
Nay,  they  have  heard  it. 

Psalt.  Hib.  191,  asberat  CO  m-bad  elegiacum  metrum,  They  say 
that  it  is  elegiac  metre. 

Psalt.  Hib.  344,  Ceist,  cia  cetarochet  dinaib  salmaib  ?  ixed  asberat 
sisst  inna  trachtaire  CO  m-bad  Te  decet.  asberat  alaili  co  m  bad 
Benedictus.    Ataa  ani  as  firiu  oldds  a  n-dede-sa,  A.  is  toisichu  rocit 

[continued  on  p.  252. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  251 

the  god  of  any  other  city,  and  that  He  would  not  deliver  them 
from  his  hands. 

LU.  64a  24,  asrubairt  mini  thuoaind  (past  subj.)  for  mo  muin 
dochum  in  dunaid  brisfed  (sec.  fut.)  mo  chend  formea  cocloich,  He 
said  if  I  did  not  carry  him  upon  my  back  to  the  camp  he  would 
break  my  head  for  me  with  a  stone.  Cuchulinn's  words  are  manip 
samlaid  tfcis  (pres.  subj.),  rotiocba  (fut.)  clock  uaitnse  asin  tailm,  If 
thou  dost  not  go  thus,  there  will  come  to  thee  a  stone  from  me 
from  the  sling. 

LU.  56a  15,  asbert  ba  (fut.)  n-espa  do  chdch  dul  int  sUgaid 
dlanteset  (pres.  subj.)  in  tricha  cit  Galidn,  She  said  it  would  be 
useless  for  the  rest  to  go  on  the  hosting  if  the  cantred  of 
Leinstermen  went.     Here  the  tenses  of  oratio  recta  are  retained. 

Ml.  24d  25,  asberat  immurgu  heretic  as  n-ed  dechur  ta[d]badar 
isindmn,  .i.  etir  deacht  maic  7  athar,  quod  non  uerum,  Heretics, 
however,  say  that  this  is  the  difference  that  is  shown  therein,  to 
wit,  between  the  Godhead  of  the  Son  and  of  the  Father,  which 
is  not  true. 

Ml.  20c  5,  asberat  nad  fil  dliged  remdeiceen  Bi  dia  dulib,  Who  say 
that  there  is  no  law  of  Providence  of  God  for  His  creatures. 

Wb.  3C  26,  domenarsa  ba  marb  peccad  hore  ndn-rairgnur, 
I  thought  that  sin  was  dead  because  I  did  not  perceive  it. 

Wb.  3C  27,  dom&nar-sa  rop-sa  beo  intain  ndd-rairgeiur  peccad, 
I  thought  I  was  alive,  when  I  did  not  perceive  sin. 

Ml.  61d  2,  in  toimtiu  huallach  dorwnenair  %om  as  tria  airilliud 
rosoirad  in  ckathir,  The  proud  opinion  that  he  thought  that  the 
city  was  delivered  through  his  merit. 

Ml.  49b  13,  dorumenar  rom-sa  dia  7  rom  bithbcu,  I  thought  that 
I  was  a  god,  and  that  I  was  immortal. 


252  8UBJUKCT1YB   MOOD   Uf   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 

Pusillus  eram  7  rl.  Question.  Which  of  the  Psalms  was  sung 
first?  Numbers  of  the  commentators  say  that  it  was  Te  Decet. 
Others  say  that  it  was  Bened ictus.  There  is  that  which  is  truer 
than  either  of  these.    It  was  Pusillus  eram,  etc.,  that  was  sung  first. 

Wb.  2b  4,  ut  omne  os  obstruatur,  .i.  connach  tnoidea  neck  ar 
bed  d  ariUiud  nodnicad,  That  no  one  may  boast  that  his  merit 
saves  him. 

Wb.  13*  2,  arna  tomnathar  bed  foammamuhthe  deacht  dan 
doinacht,  That  it  may  not  be  supposed  that  the  Godhead  is  subject 
to  the  Manhood. 

Ml.  96b  18,  arna  tomainU  bed  n-uel  torn  tri  taidbain  a  fuilliuchtas 
hi  sUb  Sina  hominibus,  is  airi  asbeir-som  quia  est  Deus,  That  it 
might  not  be  supposed  that  He  was  mean  through  the  exhibition 
of  His  footprint  to  men  on  mount  Sinai,  therefore  he  says,  Quis 
est  Deus? 

Ml.  43*  15,  nephtoimtiu  bed  peccad  s6n,  The  not-thinking  that 
it  was  sin. 

Ml.  I32b  3,  neccssitatem  suspicionis  ammoue,  .i.  toimUn  damsa 
bad  n-esbae  dam  du  /recur  ctiU-siu,  Of  my  thinking  that  it  was 
vain  for  me  to  honour  Thee. 

Ml.  130d  4,  mente — cum  ita  excedissem  ut  super  humana  me 
adtollerem,  .i.  asringbus  .i.  toimtin  anh-benn  duine  acht  durumenar 
romsa  (ind.)  diat  I  exceeded,  i.e.  the  thought  that  I  was  a  man, 
but  I  thought  that  I  was  a  god. 

27.  So  with  expressions  like  doig,  inda. 

Ml.  61b  15,  ba  doig  bed  n-ingcert  in  tettiminso,  This  ttxt  may 
probably  be  incorrect. 

Sg.  30ft  8,  cum  suos  seruant  accentus,  .i.  doig  linn  bed  n-acuit 
praeter  qualis,  7  CO  m-bad  chircunflex  for  suidiu,  We  deem  it  probable 
that  it  would  be  the  acute  except  qualis,  and  that  it  would  be  the 
circumflex  upon  this. 

Wb.  4C  16,  hdre  doroigu  indala  ftr  cen  airilliud  et  romiscnigeitar 
araile  in  doich  bid  indirge  do  Dia  insin  ?  Because  He  chose  one  of 
the  two  men  without  desert  and  hated  the  other,  do  you  suppose 
that  that  would  be  unrighteousness  to  God.     So  Wb.  18»  9,  15. 

LU.  65*  33,  ddig  lem  bad  in-diamraib  Slebe  Culind  nobeth,  I  fancy 
he  would  be  in  the  recesses  of  Sliab  Culend. 

LU.  26a  33,  bd  ddich  leo  nl  roistis  taris  cen  totim  trit,  They 
thought  they  could  not  get  over  it  without  falling  through  it. 

[continued  on  p.  254. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH— J.   STRACHAN.  253 


27*.  With  the  indicative. 

LU.  50b  28,  is  doig  co  n-deochatar  drem  aih  fora  slicht,  It  fa 
probable  that  another  multitude  came  on  their  track. 

Ir.  Text,  i,  297,  19,  d6ig  lets  dano  roboi  tricha  cubat  inne  uasind 
loch,  He  thought  that  there  were  thirty  cubits  of  it  above  the  loch. 

Ir.  Text,  i,  225,  12,  ropo  doig  lind  nocobiad  (sec.  fut.)  ar 
n-imscarad,  We  deemed  it  probable  that  our  parting  would 
never  be. 

"Wb.  31d  5,  da  leinn  ba  firinru,  "We  thought  it  was  righteousness. 

LU.  58*  35,  indar  led  ba  cath  bdi  tsind  dth,  They  thought  there 
had  been  a  battle  in  the  ford. 

LU.  85b  27,  atar  lais  roptar  die  t&ncatar  coa  muintir,  He  thought 
that  warriors  had  come  to  his  people. 

Ml.  96*  6,  inda  lasin  menmain  ni  adchdtadaigfide  (sec.  fut.) 
fri  Dia,  The  mind  thinks  that  it  would  not  be  reconciled  to  God. 

[continued  on  p.  256. 


254 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD    IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAX. 


LL,  61 b  6,  in  doig  inartised  Ctmehdwr,  Is  it  likely  that  Cuu- 
ohobor  should  have  come  to  us?     Ot  61 b  16,  26. 

ML  39°  24,  Mia  leu  mm  nisroissed  tmnedi  They  think  trouble 
could  not  reach  them. 


28.  As  with  Latin  wn  quad,  the  subjunctive  is  used  in  rejecting 
a  suggested  reason  or  fact.     In  Irish  the  tense  is  the  past. 

Wb.  12*  22,  ni  aid  m-bed  arte  di  chorp,  act  old  dit  Not  that  it 
is  not  therefore  of  the  body,  but  it  is  of  it. 

Wb.  16*  23,  non  ad  eondemnationero  ueslrara  dico,  ,i,  ni  arindi 
dorontaMii,  anhiu.  Not  that  ye  did  this. 

♦Sg.  5ft  4,  semiuocales  autem  sunt  appellatae,  etc. ,  ui  arindi  bed 
hth  n -gtitho  indtb  mm,     .     .     *     .    sed  quia  plenam  uoceui  non  i  I 
eicut  uocales,  Not  because  there  is  half  of  voice  in  them,  §ed  quia  etc. 

Sg,  27a  1,  propriuin  est  pronomims  etc.,  issed  tainrrth  prouominis 

hfjud  ar  anmmaimm  dilim  7  ni  arindi  dam  nad  6  ui  dig  the  mm 

ar  anmmaimm  doacnlmmh,  This  is  a  peculiarity  of  the  pronoun, 

that  it  is  put  for  a  proper  noun,  not,  however,  that  it  is  not  put 

for  an  appellative  noun. 

Sg,  31*6,  lit  Euripides  non  Euripi  films  sed  ah  Euripo,  J.  t/rWrmn 
(iiairiiin  ?)  darn  tad  fair  a  n-ainmm  §m  quia  iswd  hi  the  tmin 
rmgmair  mm  ni  airindi  rougenad  mm  ixind  luc  sinf  Htince  that 
name  was  given  hiin,  because  he  was  bora  on  that  day,  not  because 
be  was  born  in  that  p!a«  i 

Sg.  SB*  25,  adutrbiti  huiueecmodi  etc.*  iji  mar,  i  ni  arindi 
nonibetis  ctd  m  biuce  ifjiif  *tm  in  mnr$  acht  arindi  nadhiat  etir, 
Greatly,  i,e.  he  says  "greatly,"  not  that  they  are  even  a  little,  but 
because  they  arc  not  at  all , 

809*  l,  ni  arindi  bed  hi  sui  1,  mna  rhamihuidib  m  gmm 
L  ill  cfoadt  act  4Q4i*ilMk*r  triit  torn  gniim  m>  chixad  da  neuch.  Nut 
that  the  action  or  the  suffering  is  in  *m  or  in  iU  oblique  cases,  but 
through  it  action  or  suffering  is  ascribed  to  some  one. 

Ml.  50b  8,  ni  arindi  bed  wityri  asindrobrad  mmt  acht  it  arindi 
arrun$a*tarf  7  pro  sustenui  do[no~\  dauic  Dauid  a  w~dixi,  Not  that  it 
was  a  word  that  he  had  said,  but  because  he  expected,  and  for 
tutiinui  then  David  said  dixi* 

Ml.  62d  5f  nos  quippe  rcos  soli  tibi,  .i  hnan1  rohummar  tihdid*ni 
dniuiu  a  Bar,  ni  arindi  nombetis  ar  rimUa  frwwm,  Because  we 
were  guilty  feg  Thee,  0  God,  not  that  our  sins  were  against 
them, 

[twttHUtfl  VH  p    236. 


SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  255 

Wb.  25b  17,  ata1  lat  rabad  (sec.  fut.)  assu  a  todiusgud  ode,  One 
might  have  thought  their  awakening  would  be  easier. 

The  secondary  future  here  seems  to  be  of  the  same  sort  as  in 
the  apodosis  of  conditional  sentences,  §  41. 

28*.  With  these  subjunctives  compare  the  following  indicatives. 
The  indicative  seems  to  deny  a  fact,  the  subjunctive  to  deny 
a  supposition. 

Ml.  35b  9,  hoc  dico  non  quia  de  illo  sit  tempore  profetalum, 
ni  arindi  donairohet,  Not  because  it  was  prophesied. 

Ml.  24b  11,  qui — non  nihil  trepidationis  incurrerent,  ni  nad 
rindualdatar  acht  inrualdatar,  Not  that  they  did  not  incur,  but 
they  did  incur. 

Ml.  28b  6,  non  quia  non  sint  futuri  sed  quia  ille  (MS.  illi)  hoc  in 
animum  malae  pBrsuasionis  induxit,  ni  nad  todoichfet,  Not  that 
they  will  not  come. 

Wb.  13d  17,  non  omnes  inmotabimur,  .i.  ni  n&d  m-bia  cid  eunu- 
cugud  donaib  pecthachaib.  ni  dirmi  som  6n  ar  chumscugud,  arts  a  bds 
i  tn-bds  do  suidib.  Not  that  there  will  not  be  even  a  change  to 
sinners.  He  counts  it  not  for  a  change,  for  it  is  from  death  into 
death  unto  them. 

1  O.Ir.  ata:  MicLIr.  atar  =  O.Ir.  inda:  Mid.Ir.  indar  =  O.Ir.  da:  Mid.Ir.  dar. 


SUBJUNCTIVE    MOOD    IN    IRISH — J,    STRACHAN. 

111.  B&d  t,  ni  arindi  arindrochrietis  a*A£  i«  ar  vmnci  inna 
indithmt  dosom  indiu,  Not  that  they  perished,  but  it  is  for  the 
frequency  of  the  expectation  to  him  in  them  {ittdiu  for  indii  ?). 

4.     TSTEEROOATITE    SENTENCES. 

29.  Of    the    subjunctive    in    an    independent     interrogative 

sentence  I  have  bo  far  no  example. 

For  sentences  of  the  type  of  Wb.  11*  19,  eid  arm  bad  tpiritati* 

ind  ail,  Why  should  the  rock  be  *piritualis?f  ct  §  74. 

30.  The  secondary  future  is  frequent. 

Wb.  10*  10,  uade  scis,  uir,  si  muliereni  salaam  fades?  i  d  Jlr, 
can  rofesta-SU  kef*  in  mrtai  eiatasode  tat  ar  rein?  Had,  whence 
shuuldest  thou  know  that  thou  wilt  save  the  woman,  though  thou 
keep  her  with  thee  by  force. 

ill.  17b  26,  cia  chruth  nombiad  i  n-aimiud  dentna  in  dsd*-*eot 
How  should  He  he  of  (lit.  in)  n  natare  to  do  these  two  things? 

Ml.  35*  17,  de  quibus  adderet,  X  cia  dunaibhi  dofoirmsed. 
Of  whom  should  he  have  added? 

Ml,  14*  6,  Cia  taimicrtbdid  conicfed  s6nf  Wliat  psalmist  could 
have  done  it  ? 

LIL  56b  31,  cid  §i  6n  dorigenmais-ni,  What  could  we  do? 

I r,  Text,  i,  101,  17,  cid  doberad  a  mar  da  ehomram  frim*at  What 
should  bring  bis  son  to  poatcrad  agaixtft  me? 

LU.  ST1  24,  cia  raga*  (fut.)  and  du  d*tc*in  in  tigi?  Cia  noragad, 
or  Intftct,  acht  mad  mewi?  "Who  will  go  to  see  the  house?" 
-Who  should  go/*  said  fagofl,  "but  1?" 

3K  In  dependent  interrogative  sentences  the  subjunctive  is 
sometimes  found. 

Wb.  31*  10,  ara  tcruta  cid  forchana  do  /dec  catch,  That  he  may 
scrutinize  what  he  teaches  to  save  all. 

ill.  01d  4,  nihil  horum  sciens,  JL  indamsoirtbae  du  iamaih  mu 
«[d*«]f^  fanatct  Whether  I  might  bo  saved  from  the  hands  of 
Iftttififl  or  not. 


[eontiruttd  om  p,  266. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  257 


31*  In  dependent  interrogative  clauses  the  usual  mood  is  the 

indicative. 

Ml.  51b  7,  nod  fen  cid  as  (pres.)  maith  no  as  olc  [do]  dmum, 
That  it  was  not  known  what  it  is  good  or  bad  to  do. 

Wb.  ld  7,  imrddat  imrdti  cid  maith  as  (pres.)  denti,  They  think 
thoughts  what  good  is  to  be  done. 

LL.  65*  2,  iarfoacht  a  dalta  dd  cia  sosin  boi  (jpret.)  furin  16,  His 
pupil  asked  him  what  good  luck  was  on  the  day. 

Trip.  Life  176,  1.  13,  roiarfacht  Patraie  disi  cid  atchonnairc 
(pret.),  Patrick  asked  her  what  she  had  seen.     So  230,  1.  6. 

Wb.  12c  22,  nfofitir  cid  asbeir  (pres.),  He  knows  not  what 

he  says.  [continued  on  p.  259. 

Phil.  Trans.  1896-7.  17 


358  8UBJUKCTJVE  MOOD  IN  IRISH— J.   8TRACHAN. 


32.  Bo  the  secondary  future. 

Ml.  90°  19,  ni  fetor  indamsoirfad  Dia  fanaee,  I  know  not 
whether  God  would  deliver  me  or  not. 

Ml.  43d  20,  bo  cumdubart  in  Ctaste  fanaee,  There  was  doubt 
whether  it  would  be  obtained  or  not. 

So  Ml.  102*  4. 

33.  The  subjunctive,  present  and  past,  is  found  with  diu 

(-<fo/»iu)'toseeif.' 
(a)  Present 

Wb.  10*  3,  na  searad  fruin  fir  dfis  in  rietar  tria  gndit-ri,  Let 
her  not  part  from  the  husband,  if  perchance  he  may  be  saved 
through  her  company.    8o  10*  4. 

Wb.  9b  19,  ni  epur  frib  star  scar  ad  fri  suidiu  ....  fobiith 
precepts  ddib  dufU  induccatar  fo  Ai'ris,  I  say  not  to  you  to  separate 
from  them,  because  of  teaching  them,  if  perchance  they  may  be 
brought  into  the  faith. 

Wb.  26b  27,  ne  commnnicamini  cum  illo,  ut  confundatur,  .i. 
duks  indip  fochunn  ieee  do  a  indarpe  a  oentu  fratrum,  To  sec  if 
his  expulsion  from  the  unity  of  the  brethren  may  be  a  cause 
of  salvation  to  him. 

Wb.  30b  30,  ut  resipiscant  a  diabuli  laqueis,  a  quo  capti  tencntur, 
g.  dfius  indaithirset,  To  see  if  they  may  amend. 

(*)  Past. 
(a)  The  main  verb  is  primary. 

Wb.  5b  20,  saluos  faciam  aliquos  ex  illis,  .i.  truin  intamail-sin,  .i. 
eombad  at  leu  buid  donua  %  n-iriu  et  dufis  in  intamlitis,  Through 
that  imitation,  that  is,  so  that  they  might  have  emulation  of  my 
being  in  the  faith,  and  if  perchance  they  might  imitate. 

[continued  on  p,  260. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  239 

ML  96b  2,  nife[ta~\tar  in  s&rfetar  (fut.)  fanacc,  They  do  not 
know  whether  they  will  be  saved  or  not. 

LXJ.  64*  6,  deca  nammd  im-b£  teclaim  na  fertas  doglna  (fut.) 
fa  na  n-im8cot\K]ad,  Look  only  whether  thou  wilt  gather  the  poles 
or  strip  them. 

Trip.  Life  84,  1.  22,  roiarfact  epscop  Muinis  do  Patraic  cait 
ig  gebad  (=in-g6bad,  sec.  fut.),  Bishop  Muinis  asked  Patrick  in 
what  stead  he  should  set  up.  In  direct  speech  it  would  be  cait 
ingtb-sa,  where  shall  I  set  up  ? 

Trip.  Life  54,  1.  6,  dorat  inti  Lucatmal  loimm  do  nitn  isinn  ardig 
.  .  .  .  co  n-accath  cid  dogenath  (sec.  fut.)  Patraic  fris, 
Lucatmael  put  a  sip  of  poison  into  the  cup,  that  he  might  see 
what  Patrick  would  do  with  it. 


33*.  dus  is  also  found  with  the  indicative. 

LU.  73b  33,  fo'idid  Cu  Lag  do  fa  seel  dus  oia  cruth  imth&thar 
(prcs.)  isin  dunud,  Cuchulinn  sends  Loeg  for  tidings,  to  learn  how 
matters  are  in  the  camp. 

LU.  87*  22,  ha  si  com  air  le  na  n-dibergach  neck  iiadib  do  descin 
dus  chinas  roboth  (prct.)  and,  This  was  the  counsel  of  the  pirates, 
that  some  one  should  go  from  them  to  see  how  it  was  there. 

Ml.  1 6C  5,  tiagar  hudin  ....  dus  cid  forchomnacuir  (pret ), 
Let  someone  go  from  us  to  learn  what  has  happened. 

LU.  19*  24,  dodasathiged  Cromderdil  beos  dus  im-bui  (pret.) 
ni  bad  ail  d6ib,  Cromderoil  kept  coming  to  them  still  to  see 
whether  there  was  anything  they  might  want. 

Ml.  35b  24,  dus  cia  atrebea  (fut.)  isin  chathraig  iarsint  soirad 
hisin  rogab  inso,  He  sang  this  as  to  who  will  dwell  in  the  city 
after  that  deliverance. 

LU.  20*  9,  domfecise,  ohe,  dus  innebel  (fut.)  de,  "  Thou  lookest 
at  me,"  said  he,  "to  see  whether  I  shall  die  of  it." 

Trip.  Life  220,  1.  20,  tiagam  cu  tartam  ammus  fair  dus  in 
fortachtaigfe  a  Dea,  Let  us  go  and  try  him,  to  see  whether 
his  God  will  help  him. 

LU.  25*  18,  atbtrtatar  a  miiintcr  fri  Malduin,  inneberam  fria 
dus  in  f&efed  (sec.  fut.)  lat,  His  people  said  to  Maelduin,  "  Shall 
we  speak  with  her,  to  see  if  she  would  sleep  with  thee  ?  " 

[continued  on  p.  261. 


260  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 

Wb.  25*  17,  ne  forte  temptauerit  uos,  g.  duds  in  dobfochad,  If 
perchance  he  might  tempt  you. 

Immram  Brain,  p.  15,  timcan  imram  tar  muir  n-glan,  dus  in 
rista  tir  na  tn-ban,  Begin  a  voyaging  over  the  bright  sea,  to  see 
if  thou  mightest  reach  the  Land  of  Women. 

LU.  63b  10,  eirg  dund  ar  cind  Conculaind  dus  in  comrasta  frit, 
Go  for  us  against  Cuchulinn,  to  see  if  thou  mightest  encounter  him. 

(p)  The  main  verb  is  secondary. 

Wb.  18d  7,  narraui  eis,  .i.  doairfenus  doib  dus  im-bed  eomrorcun 
and  et  ni  robe,  I  declared  (it)  to  them,  if  perchance  there  were 
error  therein,  and  there  was  not. 

LU.  85a  12,  totiagat  nonbur  iarum  co  m-b&tarfor  Beind  Etair  dus 
oid  rooldtis  7  adchetis,  Nine  men  then  went  till  they  were  on 
the  Hill  of  Howth,  to  see  what  they  might  hear  and  see. 

Ir.  Text,  i,  105,  19,  roleiced  eturro  dus  cia  dib  nothogad,  He 
was  left  between  them  to  see  which  of  them  he  might  choose. 
Another  text  has  the  sec.  fut.  dongtgadh,  which  of  them  he 
would  choose. 

LTJ.  56b  4,  co  n-accad  dus  cia  lasm-both  scith  7  lawn-loth  laind 
techt  in  t- slog  aid,  That  she  might  see  who  loathed  and  who  liked 
to  go  on  the  hosting. 

So  Ml.  87°  4. 

5.    Conditional  and  Concessive  Sentences. 

34.  In  their  leading  forms  these  two  classes  of  sentence  may  be 
conveniently  treated  together.  The  general  principles  of  con- 
struction are  the  same  ;  the  difference  lies  in  the  conjunctions. 
Conditional  sentences  are  introduced  by  dia  n-  i  if,'  ma  l  if,' 
mani  *  if  not '  * ;  concessive  sentences  by  ee9  cia  *  though.' 

35.  The  following  are  typical  examples  of  subjunctive  sentences. 
A.  Protasis,  present  subjunctive ;  apodosis,  future  indicative. 

Wb.  10d  24,  mani  pridag,  atbel  ar  ocht  et  gorti}  If  I  preach 
not,  I  shall  die  of  cold  and  hunger. 

Ml.    68ft    14,  cia  fudama  in  firidn  ni  du  imnedaib  ism  biuth 

frecndairc,  soirfither  dano  in  din   n-aili,   Though  the  righteous 

man  endure  something  of  troubles  in  the  present  world,  he  will, 

however,  be  delivered  the  other  time. 

1  ma  and  mani  are  found  with  both  indicative  and  subjunctive,  dia  n-  with 
the  subjunctive  only.  In  later  Irish  dia  «-  in  the  sense  of  *  when '  is  common 
with  the  indicative.  In  the  Glosses  the  only  instances  that  I  have  noted  are 
dia  lu'xd  Ml.  52,  55c  1  (MS.  diluid),  68c4,  all  in  passages  linguistically  later  than 
the  bulk  of  the  Glosses. 

[continued  on  p.  262. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  261 

LU.  85*  5,  eiar  nach  traighcaid  iiaib  isa  tir  dus  in  fogebmais 
(sec.  fut.)  tesorcain  ar  n-enech,  Let  some  one  swift  of  foot  be  found 
from  among  you  (to  go)  to  tbe  land,  to  see  if  we  could  save 
our  honour. 

LU.  84b  37,  foeres  crandchor  forro  das  cia  dib  lasa-ragtha 
(sec.  fut.)  i  tossoch,  The  lot  was  cast  upon  them  to  see  with 
which  of  them  they  should  go  (lit.  it  should  be  gone)  first. 


262  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  IN   IRI8H — J.   ST R ACHAT*. 

B.  Protasis,  present  subjunctive;  apodosis,  present  indicative. 

ML  50*  5,  mani  aooastar,  is  samlid  gaibid  ni,  If  it  be  not 
seen,  it  is  thus  that  it  catches  something. 

LU.  59*  13,  cia  bem-ni  for  longaisy  ni  fil  %  n-Ere  dclaig  bas 
amru,  Though  we  are  in  exile,  there  is  not  in  Ireland  a  warrior 
more  wonderful. 

G.  Protasis,  past  subjunctive;  apodosis,  secondary  future. 

Trip.  Life  146,  1.  24,  dia  leicthe  danua  eongbail  sund,  ropad 
tdnaim  Boms  Letha  mo  ehathair-ri,  If  it  were  permitted  to  me 
to  set  up  here,  my  city  would  be  a  successor  to  Home  of  Latium. 

LIT.  72b  33,  ma  rofessind  co  m-bad  ar  cend  indfir-t$  nomfaite, 
nimfogluasflnd  fiin  dia  saigid,  Had  I  known  that  I  was  sent 
to  meet  this  man,  I  would  not  have  stirred  against  him. 

LU.  82*  11,  cia  nobeth  Oaideb  and,  ni  imbertha  forttu, 
Though  there  had  been  a  sword  there,  it  would  not  have  been 
plied  upon  thee. 

D.  Protasis,  past  subjunctive ;  apodosis,  past  indicative. 

Wb.  4°  15,  ba  mueau  atroillisset  mani  thised  troeaire,  It  was 
hatred  that  they  deserved,  had  not  mercy  come. 

Wb.  17d  17,  ciadcobrinn  mdidem  do  dtnum,  ni  b6i  adhar  hie, 
Though  I  had  desired  to  boast,  there  was  no  occasion  here. 

£.  Protasis,  past  subjunctive ;  apodosis,  present  indicative. 

Sg.  157b  11,  issed  a  n-dliged  dogres  mani  foired  causa 
euphoniae,  That  is  the  law  always,  unless  causa  euphoniae  should 
operate  (lit.  should  cause). 

Wb.  4*  6,  oe  rudglanta  tre  batkis,  nita  cumace  do  chdtngnlm 
eo  n-diddiu*gea  in  Spirut  JVtiib,  Though  it  should  have  been  purified 
through  baptism,  it  is  unable  to  do  well  until  the  Holy  Spirit 
awake  it. 

F.  Mixed  conditional  sentences. 

Mixtures  of  the  above  types  are  rare,  e.g. — 

Ml.  89c  5,  dia  tar-sin  (pres.  subj.)  eenae  n-do  torn,  seichfed  (sec. 
fut.)  som  du  Jirinni-siu,  If  Thou  givest  understanding  to  him,  he 
would  follow  Thy  truth. 

Trip.  Life  118,  1.  16,  acht  ma  dothisad  Arddri  secht  nime  d4f 
ni  reg-sa  (fut.),  Except  if  the  High  King  of  seven  heavens  should 
come,  I  will  not  get  me  gone. 

[continued  on  p.  264. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN    IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  263 


261  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  IN  1RI8H— J.   STRACHAN. 

Here  follow  more  examples  of  the  above  types : — 

36.  A.  Protasis,  present  subjunctive;  apodosis,  future  indicative. 

Wb.  20*  1 1,  nibiccflther  tre  crotch  Crist  ma  fogneith  dorecht,  Te 
will  not  be  saved  through  the  cross  of  Christ  if  ye  serve  the  Law. 

Wb.  4*  17,  isamlidbaxoi  coheredes  mi  confbdmarm]  amal  Crist, 
It  is  thus  we  shall  be  coheirs,  if  we  suffer  together  like  Christ. 

Wb.  17*  2,  mad  co  n-diuitj  doindnasatar,  atluchfam  buidi  do 
Dia  dara  bissi,  If  they  be  given  with  singleness,  we  will  render 
thanks  to  God  for  it. 

Wb.  10*  23,  mad  or  I6g  pridcha-sa,  nlmbia  fochricc  dar  hisi  mo 
precepts,  If  I  preach  for  pay,  I  shall  not  have  a  reward  for  my 
preaching. 

LU.  61*  42,  mani  thetarrais  *****  chetforgam,  ni  thetarrais 
co  ftscor,  If  thou  reach  him  not  in  the  first  thrust,  thou  wilt  not 
reach  him  till  evening. 

Ml.  89°  11,  mani  roima1  fora  csnn,  ni  mema  forsna  bullu, 
If  their  head  be  not  overthrown,  the  members  will  not  be. 

Ml.  142b  3,  imfolngaba  amairis  doib  som  manimsoirae-se,  It 
will  cause  distrust  to  them,  if  Thou  save  me  not. 

8R.  1280,  cennach[loch]t  doreg  immach,  manimthair  cacht  na 
cumrsch,  Without  any  fault  I  shall  go  out,  if  there  come  not  to  me 
imprisonment  or  fetter. 

Ml.  107d  4,  dia  n-snrbalam-ni,  ni  bia  nsch  runiccae-siu  a  Dae, 
If  we  die  there  will  be  no  one  for  Thee  to  save,  0  Ood. 

Wb.  24*  10,  dia  m-bem-ni  •  combds  bemmi  *  comindoebdil,  For 
if  we  be  in  common  death  with  Him,  we  shall  be  in  common  glory. 

Ml.  102b  10,  dia  n-daderoaither-su  atbelat  som,  If  Thou  see 
them,  they  will  die. 

LU.  67*  25,  dia  tomna  iasc  indberu  rotbia  eu,  If  fish  come  to 
the  estuaries,  thou  shalt  have  a  salmon. 

Wb.  9»  20,  doimmarr  a  niiail  dia  r-rfsa,  I  will  restrain  their 
pride  if  I  come. 

Ml.  77*  12,  duroimnibetar  mo  popuiUss  a  rrecht  dia  n- 
uilemarbae-siu  a  naimtea  .i.  manibe*  nrch  frischomarr  doib*om, 
My  peoples  will  forget  the  law,  if  Thou  utterly  destroy  their 
enemies,  i.e.  if  there  be  no  one  to  oppose  them. 

Wb.  22b  23,  ciasbera  neck  ropia  nem  cia  dugneid  na  ritu-*a, 
nipa  fir,  Though  anyone  say  that  ye  shall  have  heaven  though  ye 
do  theso  things,  it  will  not  be  true. 

Wb.  23b  29,  cia  ba  beo  bid  do  precpt  anme  Crist,  Though  I  be 
alive  it  will  be  to  preach  the  name  of  Christ. 

Wb.  4d  6,  bieid  nach  drect  diib  hicfider  cinbat  huili,  There  will 
be  some  part  of  them  that  will  be  saved,  though  it  be  not  all. 

1  Thurneysen,  KZ.  xxxi,  76,  conjectures  with  reason  that  roima  is  an  error  for 
roma :  cf.  mono  mac  LL.  94*  9,  mani  md  Cormac.  8. v.  d.  rt.ima  should  be  a 
future  form,  and  the  urn  of  the  future  in  the  protasis  of  a  conditional  seems 
foreign  to  Irish.  In  Ml.  1 12d  9,  for  cia  acntar  I  conjecture  cia  du  grutar, 
as  in  the  preceding  gloss. 

[continued  on  p.  266. 


SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  265 


36*.  Compare  the  following  indicatives. 

"Wb.  25*  30,  ut — compleamus  ea  quae  desunt  fidoi  uestrae,  ma 
dndesta  ni  di  bar  n-iris  focfider  per  aduentum  nostrum  ad  uos, 
If  aught  is  lacking  in  your  faith,  it  will  be  cured  per  etc. 

Ml.  77a  15,  nisnnlemairbfe  ciasidroilliset,  Thou  wilt  not  slay 
them  utterly  though  they  have  deserved  it. 

Wb.  12d  28,  cia  rudchualatar  ilbilre  et  cenuslabratar  nipat 
/err  de,  Though  they  have  heard  many  tongues,  and  though  they 
speak  them,  they  will  not  be  belter  for  it. 


266         auBJUHcnvB  mood  ih  irish — j.  strachan. 

37.  Sometimes  in  the  apodorii  a  subjunctive  it  found  of  the 

types  of  88  18,  20,  23. 

Ml.  20*  4,  da  rub*  c*n  ni  diib,  ni  rabai  csnaib  huli,  Though 
he  be  without  some  of  them,  he  could  not  be  without  all  of  them. 

Wb.  23b  41,  imb  i  Um  fa  %  n-accu*  beo-sa,  niconehloor  act  for 
eainscdl,  Whether  1  be  far  or  near,  may  I  hear  nothing  but  good  of  you. 

Wb.  10*  21,  oe  choniii  cor  do  sticks  udit  niiscoirther,  Though 
thou  be  able  to  put  thy  wife  from  thee,  thou  ehalt  not  put  her. 

38.  So  with  the  imperative  in  the  apodotii. 

Wb.  lld  15,  cinip  lour  na  bad  in  eclesia  manducet,  If  it  be  not 
enough,  let  him  not  eat  in  church. 

Wb.  29*  19,  noli— erubescere — me  uinctum  eius  .i.  naba  thoirscch 
cia  beo-sa  At  caroair,  Be  not  sad  though  I  be  (as  I  am)  in  prison. 

Wb.  25'  12,  ut  sine  uigilemus  sine  dormiamus,  simul  cum  illo 
uiuamus,  .i.  imbem  i  m-bethu  imbem  t  m-badt,  bad  lessom,  Whether 
we  be  in  life  or  in  death,  let  it  be  with  Him. 


39.  B.  Protasis,  present  subjunctive;  apodosis,  present  indicative. 

II 1.  30d  24,  is  somlid  is  deid  som  ma  arf  in  fer-so,  manfnairi 
immurgu  ni  deid  7  is  bronaeh  a  bethu  amal  sodin,  It  is  thus  he  is  at 
ease  if  he  find  this  man ;  if  he  find  him  not,  however,  he  is  not  at 
ease,  and  his  life  is  sorrowful  then. 

Wb.  13e  24,  mad  grainne  eruithneehte  foceirr,  is  diass  eruithneehte, 
If  thou  cast  a  grain  of  wheat,  it  is  an  ear  of  wheat. 

Wb.  12«  36,  eote  mo  thorbe-se  duib,  mad  [a~]mne  labrar,  What  is 
my  profit  to  you  if  I  speak  thus  ? 

Wb.  12°  46,  mani  dechrigedar  {in)  fer  nodseinn  A.  mad  6inriar 
dogne,  ni  tucthar  cid  frissasennar ;  isamlid  dano  mani  dechrigther 
et  mani  tintither  a  m-belre  n-echtrann,  ni  thucci  in  edeh  rod- 
ehluinethar,  Unless  the  man  who  sounds  it  distinguish,  i.e.  if  he 
make  but  one  note,  it  is  not  understood  what  it  is  sounded  for; 
even  so  then,  unless  the  foreign  tongue  be  distinguished  and 
translated,  no  one  who  hears  it  understands. 

Wb.  28b  28,  mani  rochosea  90m  a  muntir  intain  blis  cm  grdd,  ni 
uisse  toisigecht  sochuide  do,  If  he  correct  not  his  household  when  he 
is  unordained,  it  is  not  proper  for  him  to  have  the  leading  of 
a  multitude. 

[continued  on  p.  268. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  267 

37*.  Compare  the  indicatives. 

Wb.  llc  17,  ciasu  airegdu  infer  .  .  .  .  ni  rubi  neehtar  de 
een  alail[e]t  Though  the  man  is  nobler,  neither  of  them  can  be 
without  the  other. 


38*.  Compare  the  indicatives. 

Wb.  22b  7,  ma  dndell  ni,  taibred  ni  tara  hsi  do  bochtaib,  If  he 
has  stolen  aught,  let  him  give  something  in  its  place  to  poor  folk. 

Wb.  10a  29,  massn  cut  eeitchi  rocretis,  na  scarad  frit  iar 
eretim,  If  thou  hast  believed  along  with  a  wife,  let  her  not  part 
from  thee  after  believing. 

Wb.  llc  1,  manndfel  in  Spirut  N6ib  indiumsa,  n£  bith  fochunn 
uaimm  fein  dom  achduch,  If  there  is  the  Holy  Spirit  within  me, 
let  there  not  be  cause  from  myself  to  speak  evil  of  me. 

Wb.  10a  30,  manid  co  eeitchi  rocretis,  na  tnio  etitchi  iar  eretim, 
If  thou  hast  not  believed  along  with  a  wife,  take  not  a  wife 
after  believing. 

39*.  Compare  the  indicatives. 

Wb.  10c  13,  non  manducabo  carnem  in  aeternum,  ne  fratrem 
meum  scandalisem  .i.  hore  is  immarmus  hi  Crist  a  n-as  olec  lasin 
brathir  .i.  ma  imfolngi  diltud  dun  brdthir,  Because  what  seems  evil 
to  the  brother  is  a  sin  in  Christ,  i.e.  if  it  causes  scandal  to  the  brother. 

Wb.  19c  20,  si  autem  uos  Christi,  ergo  Abrachae  semen  estis, 
.i.  ma  nudubfeil  #'  n-ellug  coirp  Critt,  adib  eland  Abr  ache  >  If  ye 
are  in  the  union  of  Christ's  body,  ye  are  children  of  Abraham. 

Wb.  2C  14,  si  enim  qui  ex  lege  heredes  sunt,  matn  he*  ata 
orpamin,  If  they  are  heirs. 

Wb.  13c  10,  si  secundum  hominem  ad  bestias  pugnaui  Ephessi, 
quid  mihi  prodest,   si  mortui  non  resurgunt  ?  (ma)ssn1  ddineeht 

1  So  far  as  I  have  observed,  mady  mat  are  followed  by  the  subjunctive,  mas*v, 
main  by  the  indicative.  So  ciasu  is  followed  by  the  indicative,  cid  regularly  by 
the  subjunctive.  Of  rid  followed  by  the  indicative  I  have  only  two  instances : 
Wb.  6*  29,  oid  fo  gnim,  oid  fo  chhath  dotiagar,  whether  it  (sc.  induomur)  is 
used  actively  or  passively;  Wb.  5*  16,  arnachmdidet  oid  doib  doarrchet,  Tnat 
they  mav  not  boast  though  it  was  prophesied  to  them.  So  after  cip,  which  is 
usually  followed  by  the  subjunctive,  f  71,  Wb.  3b  20,  cib  cenel  tra  dia  rotoribftd 
ind  epiitil-to,  Whatever  be  the  nation  to  which  this  epistle  has  been  written. 

[continued  on  p.  269. 


268  SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 

Wb.  2C  18,  ni  tairmthecht  rechto  mani  airgara  recht,  There  is 
no  transgression  of  the  Law  if  the  Law  forbid  not. 

Ml.  71c  19,  deest  .i.  duesta  mu  glanad  sa  manimglanae-se  a  Da, 
My  purification  is  wanting  if  Thou  purify  me  not,  0  God. 

Wb.  10*  17,  ni  lour  deit  buid  cm  setchi  mani  dene  dagnimu,  It  is 
not  enough  for  thee  to  be  without  a  wife  if  thou  do  not  good  works. 

Wb.  4a  27,  coir  irnigde  tra  tnso,  act  ni  chumcam  ni  6n  mani 
thinib  in  Spirut,  This,  then,  is  the  right  way  of  prayer,  but  we 
cannot  do  that  unless  the  Spirit  inspire. 

Ml.  57c  5,  ni  cnmgat  ingraim  inna  Jirian,  ciatchobrat,  manis- 
comairleicea  Dia  fuammam,  They  are  unable  to  persecute  the 
righteous,  although  they  desire  it,  unless  God  permit  them  (to  be) 
under  their  yoke. 

LU.  67*  33,  ni  laimethar  6m  fer  nd  dias  uadib  tabairt  a  fiiail 
%  n-imcchtur  in  dunaid,  manibet  fichtxb  no  trichtaib,  Neither  one 
man  nor  a  pair  of  them  dares  to  piss  in  the  outskirts  of  the  camp, 
if  they  be  not  in  twenties  or  thirties. 

Ml.  91d  8,  dia  n-damchomdelc  fritsu,  a  Dd,  nita  /err  indaas 
cethir,  If  I  compare  myself  to  thee,  0  God,  I  am  no  better  than 
a  brute  beast. 

Sg.  173b  4,  .n.  antecedent  .s.  et  .t.  sine  .r.  sequi  non  potest, 
COtecat  immurgu  dia  m-b6  .r.,  ut  monstrans,  They  come  together, 
however,  if  there  be  r. 

Sg.  30a  3,  quamuis  intereat,  non  interimit  secum  etiam  aliud  .i. 
ciatbela  indala  n-di  ni  epil  alaill,  Though  one  of  the  two  perish, 
the  other  does  not. 

Wb.  I7d  27,  ank  tra  an  chotarme  fri  hicc  ni  etar  cia  gessir,  What, 
then,  is  opposed  to  salvation  is  not  obtained,  though  it  be  prayed  for. 

Sg.  165b  1,  nam  *absonu8,,  'abstinens,'  et  sirailia  non  in  principio 
syllabae  habent  coniunctas  b  et  s,  .i.  ar  cia  beid  b  hisuidib,  non 
in  una  syllaba  ata  .b.  7  s.,  For  though  b  be  (as  it  is)  in  them, 
b  and  *  are  not  in  one  syllable. 

Wb.  4a  6,  si  autem  Christus  in  uobis  est,  corpus  quidem  mortuum 
est  propter  peccatum,  spiritus  uero  uiuit  proper  iustificationem, 
.i.  cia  beid  Crist  indibsi  ire  fdisitin  hirisse  in  babtismo,  et  is 
(prcs.  ind.)  beo  ind  anim  trisodin,  is  marb  in  corp  immurgu  trisna 
senpectu,  Though  Christ  be  in  you  (as  He  is  through  confession 
of  faith  in  baptism),  and  the  soul  is  alive  thereby,  the  body, 
however,  is  dead  through  the  old  sins. 

Wb.  29d  27,  haec  patior,  sed  non  confundor  .i.  ni  mebul  lemm 
cia  fadam,  I  deem  it  no  disgrace  though  I  endure  it. 

[continued  on  p.  270. 


SUBJUNCTIVE    MOOD   IN    IRISH— J.    STRACHAN.  269 

(Crist)  nocretim,  ma(nid)  chretim  (a  ess)eirge  et  mo  (essiir)ge 
feinn  (.i.  ma8)sa  bethu  frecn(dirc)  tan  turn  nomthd,  If  it  is  Christ's 
manhood  I  believe,  if  I  believe  not  His  resurrection  and  my  own 
resurrection,  i.e.  if  it  is  a  present  life  only  that  I  have. 

LU.  85b  4,  ni  fetur-sa,  ol  Fer  rogain,  manid  luch  dond  fail  % 
n-Emain  Macha  dogni  in  bosdrguin-se,  I  know  Dot,  said  Fer  rogain, 
unless  it  is  the  brown  mouse  that  is  in  Emain  Macha  that  is  making 
this  beating  of  palms. 

LU.  83b  14,  masued  notheig  tiag-sa  (pres.=fut.  §  1)  co  n-arldr 
ten  id  ar  do  chind,  If  thou  art  going  there,  I  will  go  to  light  a  fire 
before  thee. 

Ml.  91a  17,  putasne  est  prouidentia  si  non  est  vindex  ?  .i. 
manidtabair  digail  tar  ar  cen[n]-ni,  If  he  does  not  inflict  vengeance 
on  our  behalf. 

Wb.  8*  3,  ni  cuman  Urn  ma  rndbaitsius  nach  n-ailct  I  do  not 
remember  if  I  baptized  any  other. 

Wb.  28d  31,  manidtesarbi  ni  di  maith  assa  gnimaib  intain  rombdi 
etir  tudith,  is  uisse  a  airitiu  i  n-aclis,  If  naught  of  good  was 
wanting  in  her  actions  while  she  was  among  the  laity,  it  is  right 
that  she  be  received  into  the  church. 

8g.  106b  4,  ciasidbiur-sa  fritsu  Atho  et  Athos  do  buith,  biid 
dano  in  -u?  la  Atacu,  Though  I  say  to  thee  that  it  is  Atho  and 
Athos,  it  is,  however,  in  -i>9  in  Attic  writers. 

Wb.  2b  18,  ciasbiur-sa  Deus  Iudeorura  et  Deus  Gentium,  unus 
est  Deus,  Though  I  say,  etc. 

Ml.  2b  4,  ni  feil  titlu  retnib,  ciasidciam-ni  titlu  re  cech  oin  salm, 
There  are  no  titles  before  them,  though  we  see  titles  before  every 
psalm. 

Ml.  30a  10,  dathluchethar  in  t-intliueht  cenidleci  in  metur,  The 
sense  demands  it,  though  the  metre  does  not  allow  it. 

Wb.  19a  20,  ciasu  t  colinn  am  beo-sa,  is  tress  Crist  nom- 
beoigedar,  Though  it  is  in  the  flesh  that  I  am  alive,  it  is  Christ's 
faith  that  quickens  me. 

Ml.  106a  12,  cenidtabair-giu  digail  forsna  naimtea  fochetdir, 
dugnl  trocairi  jrinni  calUic,  Though  Thou  dost  not  inflict 
vengeance  on  the  enemies  at  once,  Thou  workest  mercy  towards 
us  at  all  events. 

Ml.  123b  13,  cia  rudmrechtnaigestar  so\m\  hriathra  7  persona 
hie,  is  du  chensi  Moysi  teit  immurgu,  Though  he  has  varied  words 
and  persons  here,  it  is,  however,  to  the  meekness  of  Moses  that 
it  refers. 

[continued  on  p.  271. 


270  STBJUVCTIVB  HOOD  IK   IRISH— J.  STRACHAH. 

ML  92*  17,  OAfatUa  adeotsa  7  dungneu,  is  Uuu  immidfolngi 
dam,  [a]  Dm,  rid  mdoi  dam  adeot,  is  to  m  D*  iimnidfahigi  dam, 
Though  it  be  joy  that  I  obtain  and  that  I  do,  Thou,  O  God, 
cauaest  it  to  me;  though  it  be  wealth,  moreover,  that  I  obtain, 
Thou,  0  God,  eansest  it  to  me. 

Wb.  13d  21,  oportet — mortale  hoe  induere  immortalitatem,  eid 
/#  gnim  eid  /#  Mud  doTrontar,  Whether  it  be  done  in  action  or 
in  passion. 

40.  cia  is  found  after  expression!  like  is  nisse  'it  is  right,'  is 

immaireide  «  it  is  fitting.' 

Wb.  34*  4,  is  huisse  ee  rusamaltar  fri  Crisi,  It  is  right  that 
be  be  compared  to  Christ 

Wb.  26*  23,  immaireide  didiu  mdkk  ndd  arrdimsat  buith  in  gloria 
Cbristi  ee  mbet  %  pti*  U  diabul,  It  is  fitting,  then,  that  those 
who  accepted  not  existence  in  gloria  Ckrisii  should  be  in  pain  with 
the  Devil. 

Sg.  163b  6,  is  immaireide  ee  rube  subjuoctiuus  pro  imperatiao, 
It  is  fitting  that  the  subjunctive  should  be  for  the  imperative. 

Wb.  I4b  20,  eon  enim  uolumus  ignorare  uos,  .i.  is  fb  Hum  cia 
rafesid,  I  wish  that  ye  should  know  it. 

8g.  71*  10,  deithbir  ciatberthar  casus  nominatiuus,  It  is  proper 
that  it  should  be  called  casus  nominatiuus. 

41.  C.  Protasis,  past  subjunctive;  apodosis,  secondary  future. 

The  condition  may  be  either  possible  or  impossible  of  fulfilment. 
Which  of  the  two  it  is  must  be  gathered  from  the  context. 

Wb.  9*  8,  marrufeste  nf  gette  na  brithemnaehta  becca  erriu,  If  yc 
had  known  it,  ye  would  not  snatch  the  little  judgments  from  them. 

Ml.  131d  19,  si  mandata  tua  facere — curassem,  numquara  in  has 
miscrias  decidisscm,  .1.  ni  beinn  isin  doi[r%]  manucomallainn  gnimu 
JJa,  I  should  not  be  in  captivity,  had  I  fulfilled  the  works  of  God. 

Wb.  1  la  22,  docoith  dhgal  forru ;  matis  tuicsi  ni  rfgad,  Vengeance 
fell  upon  them ;  if  they  had  been  elect  it  would  not  have  fallen. 

Ml.  73d  1,  subportassem  .i.  fulilsain-se  .i.  matis  tnu  namait 
dudagnetis  7  maniptis  mu  chara[t]t  dudagnetis,  I  should  have 
endured,  i.e.,  had  it  been  my  enemies  that  had  done  it,  and  had  it 
not  been  my  friends  that  hud  done  it. 

Wb.  10*  27,  ar  mad  forhgaire  dogneinn,  docoischifed  pian  a 
thairmthecht,  For  if  it  were  a  command  I  gave,  punishment  would 
follow  transgression  thereof. 

[continued  on  p.  272. 


SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  271 

Wb.  3b  19,  atluehur  do  fiia,  ce  rubaid  fo  pheccad  nachibfel, 
I  give  thanks  unto  God  that,  though  ye  were  under  sin,  ye  are  not. 


41*  45*.    Compare  the  following  indicatives, 

Sg  197a  11,  is  fri  slond  gnimo  per  sine  principaliter  arfcht, 
C6  nudaluindi  persin  consequenter,  It  was  invented  principaliter 
to  signify  action  of  person,  though  it  signifies  person  consequents. 

SR.  4071,  lacach  ciat  serba,  doibseom  hatar  somblassa,  Though  all 
deem  them  bitter  (as  they  are),  to  them  they  were  sweet. 

Ml.  67d  24,  Tarsis,  g.  ciasu  in  .is.  text  co[m]*bed  ciall  ainse&o 
tTair  and,  Though  it  ends  in  is,  there  might  be  the  sense  of  the 
accusative  plural. 

Ml.  28d  8,  oenidepartais  (impf.)  ho  briathraib  dagnitis  (impf.) 
ho  gnimaib,  Though  they  did  not  say  it  in  words,  they  used  to  do 
it  in  deeds. 

Wb.  30*  6,  catenam  meam  non  erubuit,  .i.  nirbo  (pret.)  mebul 
Use  mo  eharatrad  oiarpsa  (pret.)  dmbid,  He  was  not  ashamed  of 
my  friendship  though  I  was  a  prisoner. 

Sg.  75a  2,  ciasidruburt  frit  tuas  alterutra  pro  altera  utra,  robdi 
camaiph  dano  la  arsaidi  altera  utra  et  alterum   utrum,  Though 

[continued  on  p.  273. 


272  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN   IRISH— J.  8TRACHAN. 

LU.  1 9*  20,  mid  do  ben  doUead,  ol  Ddelthmga,  nobiad  ina  Uligu, "  If 
thy  wife  had  given  it/9  said  Doelthenga,  "she  would  be  in  her  bed." 

ML  U8b  6,  air  mad  panem  namma  dnberad  torn  7  ni  taibred 
mcum,  robad  dund  $a$ad  diant  ainm  panis  tantnm  noregad,  If  he 
had  put  pattern  only  and  had  not  pnt  meum,  it  would  apply  to  the 
food  of  which  the  name  is  pant*  only. 

"Wb.  4b  18,  ee  rudbdi  (pret.)  Iudas  et  ee  rubatar  (pret.)  Iudei  ocea 
thindnacul  $om,  nfmaricfed  manitindnif ed  in  t-Athir  nentd*,  Though 
Judas  was,  and  though  the  Jews  were,  delivering  Him  up,  it  would 
not  have  succeeded  (?)  had  not  the  Heavenly  Father  given  Him. 

LU.  69*  3,  fotcUUflnd  %  n  ilpartib  0  ehidnaib  aeht  man  bad l  Fergus, 
I  should  have  divided  thee  in  many  bits  before  now  but  for  Fergus. 

LU.  60*  20,  dfa  nomthisad  muee  fonaithe,  robad  ambio,  If 
a  cooked  pig  came  to  me,  I  should  live. 

Sg.  203*  6,  or  na  dernmis  cum  nobis,  air  dia  n-denmis  cum  me, 
dogenmii  dano  cum  nobis,  That  we  might  not  make  cum  nobis, 
for  if  we  made  cum  me  we  should  moreover  make  cum  nobie. 

LL.  286*  25,  dia  ngabtha  erum  do  Wr,  ni  beind  naeh  din 
i  ndamnady  If  it  were  sung  for  me  diligently,  I  should  be  no  long 
time  in  damnation. 

LL.  61*  9  da  m-bad  iiin  tfaad  and,  tiofaitis  duaig,  If  he  had 
come  there,  there  would  have  come  hosts. 

Wb.  3°  28,  robad  bethu  dom,  dianchomalninn,  It  would  be  life 
to  me  if  I  fulfilled  it. 

LU.  68*  20,  ofa  nobeth  Cii  i  n-occus,  ni  dingned  insein,  Though 
Cuchulinn  were  at  hand,  ho  would  not  do  thut. 

Ml.  91*  10,  etiam  si  raerita  deessent  populo,  reuersionem  tamen 
cius  sola  hostium  acceleraret  immanitas,  g.  nosoirfitis  torn  tri 
pecthu  inna  n-namat  ceni  betis  degairkltin  leu  feeein,  They  would 
be  delivered  through  the  sius  of  the  euemy  though  they  had  no 
merits  themselves. 

LU.  84*  18,  oia  fooerta  mlach  di  fiadublaib  fora  mulluch,  ni 
foichred  ubull  for  lar  acht  nogiulad  each  ubull  dib  fora  finnu,  If 
a  bushel  of  wild  apples  had  been  thrown  on  his  crown,  not  an 
apple  would  have  dropped  on  the  ground,  but  every  single  apple 
would  have  stuck  on  his  hair. 

LU.  86*  7,  cid  formna  fer  n-Erend  dothaistis  lat%  rosbiad  failte, 
Though  tho  host  of  the  men  of  Ireland  had  come  with  thee,  they 
would  have  found  a  welcome. 

1  mmni  bed,  miiiiM,  like  Lat,  ttisi—fitiuft,  is  common  in  the  sense  of  *  but  for.* 
Cf .  Celt.  Zrits.  i,  15,  VSR.  1.  1230  sq. 

[continued  on  p.  274. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH— J.    STRACHAN.  273 

I  said  to  you  above  alterutra  for  altera  utra,  yet,  however,  there 
was  with  the  ancients  altera  utra  and  alterum  utrum. 

SR.  1677,  ciarbo  gle  do  chruth  ro-choemcl&is  gni.  Though  thy 
form  was  bright,  thou  hast  changed  thy  appearance. 

SR.  3677,  oiarbo  thromm  a  n-doire,  robae  a  n-Lia  coa  fortacht, 
Though  their  slavery  was  heavy,  their  God  was  helping  them. 

SR.  3695,  rolad,  ciarbo  cain  a  chruth,  ass  hi  sruth  Nil,  Though 
his  form  was  fair,  he  was  cast  out  into  the  river  Nile. 

SR.  6185,  roraid  Dauid,  ciarbo  dalb,  David  said,  though  it  was 
a  lie. 


Phil.  Tram.  1S96-7.  is 


274  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN   IRISH— J.    STRACHAN. 

42.  C  takes  the  place  of  A  in  reported  speech  after  a  past  tense. 

LU.  52*  32,  asbert  Mugain  frisin  m-bancainti  doberad  a  breth 
fiin  di  dia  m-berad  a  mind  6ir  do  chind  na  rigna,  Mugain  said  to 
the  woman-satirist  she  would  give  her  her  own  price  (lit.  judg- 
ment) if  she  took  the  crown  of  gold  from  the  queen's  head. 


43.  In  the  apodosis  the  preterite  'was1  is  found.    Cf.  Latin 
expressions  like  longum  erat. 

Ml.  61 b  16,  b&  immaircide  cia  duerchomraictis  doib  in  cloini, 
It  were  fitting  that  they  should  collect  to  them  the  iniquity. 

Wb.  10°  21,  ba  torad  *a[i]thir  duun  in  chrudso  ce  dumelmis  cech 
tuari  7  et  06  dugnemmis  a  n-dugniat  ar  celi,  act  ni  bad  (sec.  fut.) 
nertad  na  m-braithre,  It  were  a  fruit  of  our  labour  in  this  wise, 
if  we  consumed  every  food,  and  if  we  did  what  our  fellows  do; 
but  it  would  not  be  a  strengthening  of  the  brethren.  Here  the 
two  forms  are  combined  in  the  positive  and  negative  clauses. 

Sg.  197*  11,  ba  kmm  ce  notectad  ilgotha,  It  were  right  that 
it  should  have  many  sounds. 

Ml.  35*  9,  ba  immaircide  cii  fo8odi[n]  nogabad  Duaid,  It  were 
fitting  that  David  should  sing  (it)  in  accordance  with  that. 

LU.  60*  35,  fer  dorigni  inna  gnima  sin  ....  nirbo 
machthad  ce  nathlsed  co  hor  cocrlchi,  7  ce  noeisged  a  cinnu  don 
chcthror  ucut,  It  were  no  wonder  that  a  man  who  had  done  those 
deeds,  should  have  come  to  the  boundary  of  the  province,  and 
should  have  cut  the  heads  from  yonder  four. 


44.  An  apodosis  of  this  form  may  stand  without  a  protasis. 

Sg.  137b  5,  uel  fortunae  casu,  g.  fadidmed  aicned  act  dutidecmaing 
anisiuj  Nature  would  have  suffered  it,  only  that  this  happen*  d 
to  them. 

Wb.  la  3,  huare  rocreiUet  ardlathi  in  betho,  cretfed  each  iarum, 
because  the  high  princes  of  the  world  believed,  everyone  would 
believe  afterwards. 

LU.  58a  14,  ni  tergad  side  co  hor  criche  cen  I'm  cat  ha  imbi,  He 
would  not  go  to  the  border  of  the  land  without  the  complement  of 
a  battalion  around  him. 

LU.  85b  9,  each  sprcid  tra  7  cachfrass  doleiced  (imjicrf.)  a  tenefor  lar 

[cuutinuid  on  p.  276. 


SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  IN  IRISH — J.   8TRACHAN.  275 


276  SUBJUNCTIVE  HOOD  IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 

nofonaidflde*  eit  I6eg  friu,  Every  spark  and  every  shower  that 
his  fire  cast  upon  the  ground,  a  hundred  calves  would  have  been 
cooked  at  them. 

LU.  73b  2,  bid  tu  dog6nad,  or  Medb,  "  It  will  be  you  that 
would  do  it,"  said  Medb. 

Ml.  55*  10,  duucthar  tria  ro$e  ani  nolabraifitis,  Through  their 
eye  is  expressed  what  they  would  say  (se.  if  they  spoke). 

Wb.  9b  1,  ba  uissiu  sdn  quam  inflatio,  That  were  meeter  than 
inflatio. 

Wb.  14d  10,  de  quibus  oportuerat  me  gaudere,  g.  ba  uissiu  /dike 
domsa  uaib  oldaas  brdn,  Joy  from  you  to  me  were  more  fitting 
than  grief. 

LU.  85b  13,  ba  hi  mo  ttth-sa  co  m-bad  hi  docorad  and,  That  were 
my  feast,  that  he  should  chance  to  come  there. 

45.  D.  Protasis,  past  subjunctive ;  apodosis,  past  indicative. 

Wb.  10d  31,  ut  non  abutar  potestate  mea  in  euangelio,  .i. 
airitiu  I6ge  ar  mo  precept,  ar  b6i  s6n  in  potestate  mea  ma 
dagnenn,  To  receive  pay  for  my  teaching,  for  that  was  in  potestate 
mea,  if  I  should  do  it. 

Ml.  96a  10,  robu  m6r  a  homun  liumsa  6n  mad  and  atbelmais-ni 
isnaib  ....  imnedaib  hirobammar  7  maninsoerthae  riam, 
Great  was  the  fear  of  it  with  me,  if  we  should  die  there  in  the 
troubles  in  which  we  were,  and  if  we  should  not  be  delivered  before. 

Ml.  74b  13,  ni  b6i  numsoirad-sa  ar  chumachtae  n-duini  manim- 
soirad  cumachtae  h-Ddt  There  was  no  one  to  deliver  me  against 
the  power  of  man,  unless  the  power  of  God  should  deliver  me. 

Wb.  6C  31,  ni  r&ncatar  som  less  a  scribint,  mainbed  diar  nertad, 
For  they  needed  not  to  be  written  unless  it  were  to  strengthen  us. 

Ml.  41d  9,  ni  ticed  (impf.)  sets  mo  chnamai  6n  cid  dian  7  dan 
notheisinn,  No  weariness  used  to  come  to  my  bones  though  I  went 
fast  and  far. 

46.  E.  Protasis,  past  subjunctive;  apodosis,  present  indicative. 

Trip.  Life  128,  1.  27,  dia  tarta  siuta  do  chach,  ni  gataim  airi, 
If  treasures  should  have  been  given  to  anyone,  I  take  them  not 
away  from  him. 

LU.  39b  13,  cia  bad  ail  dun  techt,  ni  etam  dul  cen  eochu,  Though 
we  desired  to  go,  we  cannot  go  without  horses. 

[continued  on  p.  2f%. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN    IRISH — J.   STRACHAK.  277 


278  8UBJUNCTIVB  MOOD   IN   IRISH— J.   8TRACHAN. 

Wb.  4a  6,  ce  rndglanta  tri  baihis  nita  eumace  do  ch&ingnim, 
Though  it  should  have  been  cleansed  through  baptism,  it  is  not  able 
to  do  well. 

Trip.  Life  28,  1.  19,  mad  a  mdthair — adchethe-SU  is  lobru  sidi 
dor  id  iti,  If  thou  wert  to  see  her  mother,  she  is  weaker  again. 

Fel.  241,  oia  ronbeth— caih  fri  demon  detla,  diar  fortacht — 
maraid  in  Crist  cetna,  Though  we  should  have  had  a  fight  against 
a  bold  demon,  the  same  Christ  abideth  to  aid  us. 

47.  C.  Mixed  constructions. 

In  addition  to  the  examples  already  quoted  I  have  only  the 
following. 

LL.  124*  44,  manitucthar  (pres.  subj.)  ass,  noticfaind  (sec.  fut), 
If  it  be  not  taken  out  I  would  heal  thee. 

SR.  6033,  cia  dobertha  (past  subj.)  ell  n-unga  h-dergdir,  ni 
anais  (fut.)  mae  n- Jesse  y  Though  thou  weit  to  give  a  hundred 
ounces  of  red  gold,  thou  wilt  not  protect  the  son  of  Jesse. 

48.  A  condition  or  limitation  may  be  expressed  by  the  sub- 
junctive preceded  by  acht,  '  bnt  that,'  *  provided  that.' 

Wb.  12c  9,  act  risa  i  n-nem  bimmi  (fut.)  acni,  If  only  I  get  to 
heaven,  we  shall  be  wise. 

Wb.  28a  23,  act  robtfe  quies  et  tranquillitas  regibus,  bieid 
(fut.)  dano  dunni  a  n-dede  sin,  If  only  there  be  quies  et  tranquillitas 
regibus,  there  will  be  moreover  to  us  those  two  things. 

Sg.  187a  1,  acht  asringba  desyllabchi,  ma  thech  (leg.  thechtid  ?)  i 
re  tus,  bid  (fut.)  airdiza,  Provided  it  exceed  two  syllables,  if  it 
have  »  before  tus,  it  will  be  long. 

LTJ.  71a  5,  dogen-sa  (fut.)  ani,  or  Cuchulaind,  acht  narmilter 
uaibsi  a  n-arach,  "I  will  do  that,"  said  Cuchulinn,  "provided  the 
covenant  be  not  broken  on  your  part." 

Wb.  10c  1,  isamlid  ba  coir  do  fiuss  inna  n-idol  act  ni  arbarat 
biuth  inna  tuari  adopartar  dond  kdoly  It  is  thus  that  it  will  be  right 
to  visit  the  idols,  provided  that  they  do  not  eat  tbc  foods  that  are 
offered  to  the  idol. 

Wb.  lld  9,  sic  de  illo  pane  edat,  .i.  act  ni  robat  pecthe  less, 
Provided  he  have  no  sins. 

Wb.  32ft  24,  act  dorronai  cart  frissom,  dogn6  (pres.  subj.) 
quod  dico,  Provided  thou  make  peace  with  him,  thou  wilt  do 
quod  dico, 

[continued  on  p.  280. 


SUHJUNXTIVE  MOOD    IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  279 


48*.  With  the  indicative  acht  followed  by  the  relative  means 

'but  that.' 

Wb.  3d  13,  aecobor  lam  menmain  maid  do  imradud  act  nandleicci 
concupiscentia  carnalis,  My  mind  desires  to  meditate  good,  only 
concupiscentia  carnalis  suffers  it  not. 

Sg.  137b  5,  fadidmed  aimed  acht  dondecmaing  anisiu,  Nature 
would  have  suffered  it,  only  that  this  happened  to  them. 

Ml.  24d  24,  rolegsat  candin  fetarlaici  7  nufiadnmi  amal  runda- 
legeam-ni  acht  rondasaibset  torn  tantum,  They  have  read  the  canon 
of  the  Old  Testament  and  of  the  New  as  we  have  read  it,  only  they 
have  perverted  it. 

LU.  65a  43,  docdestis  etir  a  topor  7  sliab  acht  n&d  6tad  0  Medb, 
They  would  have  gone  between  its  spring  and  the  mountain,  only 
that  it  was  not  obtained  from  Medb. 


280  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  IN   IRISH — J.  STKACHAN. 

Wb.  10*  25,  bifh  (ipv.)  and  beos  act  ropo  i  tuil  Die,  Let  him 
abide  still  therein  provided  it  be  in  God's  will. 

Sg.  169*  1,  da  enim  ubique  ante  finem  corripitur,  g.  acht  rop  ri 
forciunn  robbe  da  7  nip  he  90m  bes  forcenn,  is  (pres)  timmorte 
aoht  asringba  oin  sytkAb,  If  rfa  be  before  the  end,  and  if  it  be 
not  the  end,  it  is  shortened  provided  it  does  not  exceed  one 
syllable. 

Wb.  23b  24,  ni  imned  Urn,  act  rop  Crist  pridches  et  immerada 
each,  I  deem  it  no  tribulation  provided  that  everyone  preaches 
and  meditates  on  Christ. 

LU.  61*  6,  aoht  rop  airdrrc-sa,  maiih  Urn  een  eo  beindaeht  6en  Id 
for  domun,  Provided  I  be  famous,  I  care  not  though  I  were  only 
one  day  in  the  world. 

LIT.  77*  3,  aoht  rofestin1  eombad  t&,  ol  Cuehulaind,  nitfofaind 
(see.  fut.)  tria  bith  sir,  "  Had  I  only  known  that  it  was  thou," 
said  Cuchulinn,  "  I  would  not  have  healed  thee  through  the  ages." 

ML  34A  9,  aoht  ducoistis  oinecht  cost*  rig,  combetis  (past  subj.) 
t  n-doiri  semper,  If  only  they  went  once  to  the  king,  that  they 
might  be  in  captivity  semper. 

Wb.  10*  27,  a  fiue-sin  immurgu  ba  maith  s6n  act  ni  bed  mil 
and,  That  knowledge,  however,  were  good,  provided  there  be  no 
pride  therein. 

LU.  83*  39,  bdi  cara  dam  is  in  tlr-se,  for  Conaire,  aoht  roffesmais 
conair  dia  thig,  "I  had  a  friend  in  this  land/1  said  Conaire,  "if 
We  only  knew  the  way  to  his  house." 

Wb.  22d  15,  accipite  armaturam  Dei,  ut  possitis  resistere, 
.i.  act  robed  arma  Da  foirib,  Provided  the  armour  of  God  were 
upon  you. 

Trip.  Life  242,  1.  24,  maith  fer  Patraie  acht  minapad  den,  f6  fer 
Patraie  aoht  nipad  6en,  A  good  man,  Patrick,  but  for  one  thing ; 
an  excellent  man,  Patrick,  but  for  one  thing. 

49.  In  later  Irish,  though  not  in  the  Glosses,  a  concessive 
sentence  may  be  introduced  by  een  co  n,  'without  that,' 
'  though  not.' 

Ir.  Text,  i,  97, 1.  9,  &ta  biad  lot  cen  co  n-essara,  There  is  food 
with  thee,  though  thou  dost  not  eat  it. 


1  In  Wb.  12J  25  there  seems  to  be  a  subjunctive  of  this  kind  without  acht, 
deich  mili  briathar  ar  labrad  ilbelre  et  niftuocin,  "Ten  thousand  words"  for 
"  sneaking  many  languages,"  if  I  did  not  understand  them  (lit.  and  1  should  not 
understand  them). 

[continued  on  p.  282. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IS    IRISH — J.    STBACHAN.  281 


49*.  Compare  the  indicatives. 

Rev.  Celt,  vi,  200,  dober-sa  nCingin  duit,  oin  eo  fetar  eta  tu, 
I  will  give  thee  my  daughter,  though  I  do  not  know  who  thou  art. 

LU.  120*  23,  rochfialat&r  uili  an  rorddi  in  ben,  oen  oo 
n-accatar,  They  heard  all  that  the  woman  said,  though  they  did 
not  see  her. 

Trip.  Life  6,  1.  21,  robai  dorcata  m6r  c6n  CO  roscail  grkan  na 
firinne  a  ruithin,  There  was  great  darkness  till  the  sun  of  truth 
shed  abroad  his  radiance. 


282  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  IN   IRISH — J.  8TRACHAN. 

LL.  124b  54,  if  tor  <fan/ir  diiib  eomrae  ria  far  stair  con  CO 
titaid  do  chath  ria  far  n-athair,  It  is  sufficient  wrong  for  you 
to  have  had  intercourse  with  your  sister,  without  your  going  to 
fight  with  your  father. 

LL.  55*  21,  raraidsebair  cen  oo  tuoaind1  ar  die  doberaind 
(see.  fut.)  mr  ecin,  You  said  that  if  I  did  not  give  him  willingly, 
I  should  give  him  under  compulsion. 

LL.  254*  21,  cen  oo  both  sibti  etir  sund,  arte,  doberaind-soa 
'j  ww  da  mae  eaih  do  Chonchubur,  " Though  ye  were  not  hire  at  all," 
said  he,  "  I  and  my  two  sons  would  give  battle  to  Conchobur." 

LL.  107*  12,  cen  00  both  do  trenferaib  and  acht  Fergus  i/ae  R6ig 
ba  I6r  do  chalmataid,  Though  there  were  no  mighty  man  there  but 
Fergus  Mac  Roig,  it  were  sufficiency  of  valour. 

LL.  74b  43,  Jo  his  gid  norissed,  7  ba  fo  let's  gin  00  riatod,  He 
waa  satisfied  if  it  reached  him,  and  he  was  satisfied  if  it  did  not, 
i.e.  he  did  not  care  whether  it  reached  him  or  not. 

6.  Skktehcw  of  Comparison. 

50.  Except  in  the  usage  of  §  51  the  robjunotive  with  amal  'as* 

is  rare. 

I  have  noted  only  the  following  instances : — 

Ml.  32d  2,  rogat — ne  commotius  in  se  quara  modus  patitur — 
uindicetur  .i.  acht  amal  fundl£,  But  as  he  can  endure  it. 

LU.  36*  43,  dentadaigfit  ule  do  fugiull  firdn  in  chomded  erni/es 
do  ch&ch  amal  die*,  All  will  agree  to  the  just  judgment  of  the  Lord, 
who  will  give  to  every  man  as  he  deserves. 

Cormac,  s.v.  ness9  amal  m-bes  aurgnatu  in  baill  isin  duiniu  hi 
fuirmither  in  crecht,  is  fai  dano  bith  ind  eraic,  As  is  the  dignity  of 
the  limb  in  a  man  on  which  the  wound  is  inflicted,  in  accordance 
with  that  is  the  eric-fine. 

The  subjunctive  is  of  the  same  nature  as  the  subjunctive  in 
conditional  and  relative  sentences. 


1  In  LL.  65*  10,  the  same  sense  is  expressed  by  arco  n- ;  i*  fir  ani  ra<iit, 
arotuoa-ra  ar  ati  dombtra  ar  iein,  What  they  say  is  true,  if  thou  do  not  give 
him  willingly  thou  shalt  gite  him  under  compulsion. 

[continued  on  p.  284. 


SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  IN   IRISH — J.   STBACHAN.  283 


50*.  Amal  is  usually  followed  by  the  indicative,  e.g. : — 

Wb.  12*  12,  amal  fongni  each  ball  dialailiu  isin  chorp,  arafogna 
taUand  cdich  uanni  dialailiu,  As  each  member  serves  the  other  in 
the  body,  that  the  talent  of  each  of  us  should  serve  the  other. 

Ml.  53b  19,  dia  n  gestid-si  Dia  amal  nundguidemni,  If  ye  pray 
to  God  as  we  pray  to  Him. 

Ml.  58c  7,  amal  iarmindochad,  As  he  used  to  seek  it. 
.    Ml.  26b  8,  amal  romboi  ingnae  cdich  is  samlid  ronsnainm[ni']geslari 
As  was  the  knowledge  of  each,  it  is  thus  that  he  named  them. 

Ml.  30d  2,  iustitiae  reposcit  officium — reddere  quod  debetur 
singulis  .i.  amal  m-bias  (fut.)  a  gnim  cdich  7  a  airilliud}  As  is  the 
-work  of  every  man  and  his  desert. 


284  SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 

51.  With  the  past  subjunctive  amal  is  common  in  the  sense 

of  '  as  though '  {tamquam). 

Wb.  9*  19,  tamquam  non  uenturus  sim  ad  nos,  .i.  amal  ni 
risinn-se  do  bar  cose,  As  though  I  were  not  coming  to  correct  you. 

Wb.  19b  6,  ropridchad  diitb  cissad  Crist  amal  adcethe  1.  fordcrad 
duib  amal  bid  fladib  nocrochthe,  Christ's  Passion  hath  been 
preached  to  you  as  though  it  were  seen,  or  it  has  been  announced 
to  you  as  if  He  had  been  crucified  before  you. 

Ml.  42°  19,  ut  alicuiu8  potentis,  .i.  amal  bid  alai[li]  chumaeht- 
aig  rethes l  een  erehdt  d  retho,  As  though  it  were  of  some  mighty 
man  who  runs  without  impediment  to  his  running. 

Wb.  10b  5,  qui  habent  uxores  tamquam  non  habentes  .i.  amal 
nistectitis  .1.  eo  beit  amal  inn  ah  t  nod  Uciat  setchi,  As  if  tbey  had 
them  not,  or  that  they  may  be  as  those  that  have  not  wives. 

Ml.  68b  3,  quasi  occupaueritis — magis  quam  retinueritis,  .i. 
amal  ni  bad1  atrab  n-duib  fadetin  acht  bid  ar  ecein  nusgabtis,  As 
though  it  were  not  a  dwelling  to  them  themselves,  but  they  had 
seized  it  by  force.' 

52.  8o  the  past  subjunctive  is  used  with  oldaas,  indaas,  <  than.' 
Ml.  59*  7,  is  miscsigiu— oldaas  bid  iniquus  asberad,  It  is  more 

odious  than  though  he  had  said  iniquus. 

Ml.  123e  10,  is  huilliu  son  indaas  bid  een  sommataid  leu  (MS.  leu 
een  sommataid)  doaithchretis,  That  is  more  than  if  they  had  been 
redeemed  without  wealth  with  them. 

Ml.  135*  13,  ni  lugu  imme/olngi  sonartai  do  neuch  in  cotlud  indaas 
bid  suide  garait  nosessed,  Not  less  does  sleep  produce  strength  to 
a  man  than  though  he  sat  down  for  a  little.4 


1  The  verb  is  here  in  the  indicative  because  it  is  not  part  of  the  comparison  : 
if  the  meaning  had  been  "  as  though  some  mighty  man  had  run/*  it  would  hare 
been  amal  bid  al*\U  cumaektask  norssted,  cf.  \  70. 

*  In  the  Glosses  the  substantive  verb  in  this  formula  without  the  negative  is 
bid%  with  the  negative  bad  or  ltd ;  the  negative  is  m .  In  later  Irish  these  rules 
are  not  adhered  to:  cf.  LL.  251*  1,  ferait  fa%lt\  frtss  amal  bad  a  d^mun 
m\U  tMtstad,  They  greet  him  as  though  he  had  come  from  another  world. 
Ll\  100b  39.  amal  aa  damad.  As  though  he  had  not  made. 

1  In  Wb.  lb  16  there  is  a  curious  gloss,  non  sicut  Deum  i.  amal  atbadim, 
which  looks  like  a  contamination  of  amal  a$  n~Dia,  "as  He  is  God/'  and  amal 
ni  bad  Dia.  ••  as  though  He  were  not  God." 

4  In  Ml.  39»  18  quam  -  committer*,  g.  indaas  dorogbainn.  the  construction  is 
different ;  the  subjunctive,  according  to  the  glossator's  custom,  translat***  the 
Latin  infinitive,  cf.  $  68.  Similarly,  with  the  present  subjunctive.  Ml.  I0ob  6, 
quam— peruenire,  g.  d**<Urb%am-nt  .i.  indaas  bemni  •  n-d<*n  cotxcri  $mtaid, 
Than  that  we  should  be  in  captivity  till  old  age. 

[ttmtiHH<d  um  p.  2S6. 


8UBJUNCTIVE   MOOD  IN   IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  285 


62*.  Compare  the  indicatives. 

Ml.  Ill0  8,  supplicia — eruditoria  potius  quam  ultoria  fuisse 
laetatus  est,  .i.  oldaas  ata  n-  (pres.)  diglaidi,  Than  that  they  are 
vindictive. 

Ml.  87a  8,  is  mou  dundrigemat  indaas  oidrairleicis-siu,  They 
did  it  more  than  Thou  didst  permit. 

Cf.  Ml.  64c  22,  136*  7. 


286  SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   8TRACHAS. 

63.  Similarly  with  u  cumme,  '  it  if  the  same.' 

Wb.  ld  20,  is  cumme  dd  bid  imdibthe,  It  is  the  same  to  him 
as  though  he  were  circumcised. 

Wb.  10°  3,  is  cumme  doib  bid  idaJte  domeltis,  It  is  the  same 
to  them  as  though  they  ate  an  idol-offering. 

Wb.  2b  14,  is  cumme  ni  bad  mdidem,  It  is  the  same  as  though 
it  were  not  boasting. 

Cf.  Ml.  67*  8,  Sg.  10*  11,  LL.  248*  12. 


7.  Temporal  Clauses. 

54.  With  the  temporal  particles  intan,  etc.,  the  subjunctive  is 
sometimes  found.  The  conditions  are  of  the  same  kind  as 
in  relative  clauses. 

Wb.  30b  4,  haeo  commune,  testiflcans  coram  domino,  .i.  an 
nongeiss  cdoh  imma  comalnad,  When  thou  entreatest  everyone 
for  its  fulfilment. 

Ml.  27b  10,  ordo  rerum  exigit  ut  ab  omnibus  periculis  eruti — 
canamus,  g.  anumman  (^an-nu-m-ban)  aireheltai,  When  we  are 
taken. 

Ml.  34*  10,  cuius  facti  domini  uterentur  captivo  populo  prout 
ira  uictorum  uoluisset,  g.  amtis  forcmachti,  When  they  had 
been  made. 

Ml.  39d  19,  ut  adulationibus  inretitus — iecieretur  de  uia  modestiae 
suae,  g.  a  m-bad  n-inlinaigths,  When  he  had  been  ensnared. 

Ml.  29d  9,  hoc — a  comitibus  Dauid  dicitur  ut  loca  fugiens  diuersa 
commutct,  g.  an  nutesed,  When  he  fled. 

Ml.  42c  31,  conlucescere  uniuerso  orbi  ucl  uno  loco  sistens 
potuissct  uel  uno  tractatu  means,  g.  no  a  conimteised,  When  it 
went  about. 

Ml.  94c  17,  cia  durat  dig  ail  for  Assam,  at  a  digal  a  He  Us  for 
pecthachu  dano  intan  bes  n-dil  doy  Though  He  inflicted  vengeance 
on  the  Assyrians,  He  hath  moreover  another  vengeance  on  sinners 
when  He  pleaseth. 

Ml.  51*  18,  intan  immeromastar  s6n  nach  noib  ara  cuintea 
(pres.  subj.)  dilgud  D$  isind  aimsir  sin,  When  any  saint  transgresses, 
that  ho  seek  the  forgiveness  of  God  at  that  time. 

LBr.  26  lb  1,  intan  tiastar  don  oiffn'nd — congain  eride  telcud  der, 
turcabail  na  lam,  When  they  goto  mass— contrition  of  heart,  shedding 

[continued  on  p.  288. 


SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN    IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  287 

63*.  Compare  the  indicatives. 

Wb.  12c  11,  it  cumme  adoiam-ni  na  riina  diadi  et  adcii  neck 
tri  scaath,  We  see  the  divine  mysteries,  just  as  one  sees  through 
a  shadow. 

Ml.  61 a  33,  is  cumme  m  bis  ualetudo  anartae  7  ualetudo  sonartae, 
There  is  equally  valetudo  weakness  and  valetudo  strength. 


54*.  With  these   partiolei  the  usual  mood  is  the  indicative, 

e.g.:— 

Bcr.  33b  18,  a  n-aslui  grien  foa  fuined  dosdi  dond  orient  eonaei 
a  n-<zscae>  When  the  sun  goes  to  his  setting  he  turns  to  the  east, 
so  that  he  sees  the  moon. 

Wb.  14c  2,  adiuuantibus  et  uobis,  .i.  a  fotegid-si,  When  ye  help. 

Ml.  48a  12,  moriar — teprecibus  auersato,  g.  an  nunatbartaigfe- 
siu  (fut.),  When  Thou  opposest. 

Ml.  50c  3,  appare  salutem  daturus,  a  n-dundabierae,  When  Thou 
art  about  to  give. 

Ml.  95a  9,  uelut  die  capturi,  annungebtais,  When  they  were 
about  to  take. 

Sg.  190b  3,  used  asber  infer  intan  m-bis  oc  ind  oipred,  This  the 
man  says  when  he  is  at  the  work. 

Ml.  72d  12,  intan  m-bis  int  imfognam  fri  ainsid  dundi  as  iudica, 
is  dit  dig  ail  teit,  When  iudica  is  construed  with  the  accusative,  it 
applies  to  vengeance. 

Psalt.  Hib.  1.  54,  intan  dombertis  (imyf.)  desmrecht  a*in  Chandin, 
ba  hdinlebur  leu  in  Saltair,  Whenever  they  took  an  example  from 
the  Canon,  the  Psalter  was  counted  by  them  as  one  book. 

Wb.  33d  10,  intan  durairngert,  Dia  du  Abracham  a  maith  sin, 
ducuitig  tarais  fadeissin,  When  God  promised  that  good  to  Abraham, 
He  aware  by  Himself. 

Ml.  57c  7,  intan  luaithfider  (fut.)  a  chaingen  som  hi  tig  Dd  7 
miastar  (fut.)  foir,  bith  (fut.)  soer  som  asin  brithemnacht  hisin, 
When  his  case  is  set  in  motion  in  the  house  of  God  and  judgment 
is  passed  on  him,  he  will  be  free  from  that  judgment. 

[continued  on  p.  289. 


288  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  IK  IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 

of  tears,  raising  of  the  hands.  Bat  1.  4,  co  fdisitiu  duailchs  tan 
tiagar  do  ldimf  With  confession  of  sins  when  they  go  to  confession. 

LBr.  261b  37,  intan  clomar  in  clocan—tocbvm  (ipv.)  eride  sua*, 
When  we  hear  the  little  bell  let  us  lift  up  the  heart. 

LBr.  26  1*  19,  bat  mebraeh  sa  noem  soriptuir  tan  ndtgaba  ord, 
Thon  shalt  be  learned  in  Holy  Scripture  when  thou  art  ordained. 

LBr.  249b  79,  intan  dogn£  ernaigthi,  eirg  a  n-inad  n-derrit, 
When  thou  prayest,  go  into  a  secret  place. 

Sg.  66b  14,  noeh  ba  $d  ba  riagolda  immurgu,  inderbus  and  intain 
bed  femi-,  7  derba  (derba*  ?)  intain  bed  mastul,  However,  that 
would  be  regular  uncertainty  when  it  was  feminine,  certainty 
when  it  was  masculine. 

Ml.  118*  11,  ne  moerorem  seruitutis  pussillanimo  ferendo  suc- 
cumbant,  .i.  lasse  follosat,  When  they  bear. 

Ml.  127*  18,  cum  fenerator  soluendo  esse  nequierit,  1.  soluen- 
.i.  lase  asriaa,  When  he  pays. 

ML  29b  10,  ceasare  fac  operis  ministeria  ipsa  soluendo,  .i.  lase 
dufuasailoe,  When  Thou  loosest. 

LIT.  74*  86,  ni  haurussa  dam  comrae  fri  bansedil  o6in  nombto 
isind  nUhso,  It  is  not  easy  for  me  to  have  intercourse  with  a  woman 
as  long  as  I  am  in  this  contest. 

Wb.  83*  17,  oefn  bes  nuisdnise  gnid  each  dagnim,  As  long  as 
the  New  Testament  abides,  do  ye  every  good  work. 

55.  With  rssiu  'before,'  the  subjunctive  is  the  regular  con- 
struction. 

Wb.  4*  2,  molid  7  dlgenigid  rssiu  rocursacha,  He  praises  and 
soothes  before  he  reprimands. 

Wb.  29*  28,  biit  alaili  rofinnatar  a  pecthe  rosfu  doc6i  grddforru, 
There  are  some  whose  sins  are  found  out  before  their  ordination. 

Wb.  29d  23,  fo  bssadfir  trebuir  crenas  Mr  dia  chlainnd  cid  resfu 
robflB  eland  les,  is  samlid  arrobert  som  ar  n-lcc-ni  cid  risfu  robeimmis 
etir,  After  the  manner  of  a  prudent  man  who  buys  land  for  his 
children,  even  before  he  has  children,  it  is  thus  that  he  purposed 
our  salvation  even  before  we  were  at  all. 

Ml.  112b  12,  is  deniu  adciam  hua  sulib  ritiu  rooloammar  in 
fogur  hua  ehluasaib.  We  see  more  quickly  with  the  eyes  before 
we  hear  the  sound  with  the  ears. 

Wb.  27°  8,  arna  Marat  domini,  robtar  irlithi  ar  moge  diiun 
resfu  Used  hiress,  robtar  anirlithi  iarum,  That  the  masters  may 

[continued  on  p.  290. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IR18H — J.   8TRACHAN.  289 

Wb.  14*  25,  ueniet  cum  ei  uaouum  fuerit  .i.  lane  bat  (fut.) 
n-udin  do,  1.  nipa  ainmithiu  l  intain  ronicfea,  When  he  has  leisure, 
or  it  will  not  be  more  unseasonable  (?)  when  he  comes. 

Sg.  29b  11,  dicendo  i.  lase  asmbiur,  When  I  say. 

Wb.  1°  9,  eadem  enim  agis  qui  iudicas,  .i.  lase  COC&tbani,  When 
thou  consentest. 

Wb.  12c  11,  is  cumme  adciam  ni  na  runa  diadi  et  adcii  neck  ni 
tri  scdath  c6in  m-bimme  in  corpore,  We  see  the  divine  mysteries 
as  a  man  sees  something  through  a  shadow,  as  long  as  we  are  in 
the  body. 

Wb.  8b  1,  comadas  lobre  et  immomun  forsin  mug  c6in  m-biis  oe 
fognam  dia  choimdid,  Meet  is  weakness  and  great  fear  on  the  slave 
so  long  as  he  is  serving  his  lord. 

Wb.  17c  1,  celn  ropridohoi  doib  it  Macedonii  domrotiechtatar, 
So  long  as  I  preached  to  you  the  Macedonians  cared  for  me. 

Ml.  33*  1,  donee— auertis,  g.  eeine  nosoife-siu  (fut.)  .i.  ised 
a  erat  fritammiurat  inna  huli  remimrbartmar  oeine  nosoisiu  (leg. 
nosoife-siu)  huaim,  As  long  as  Thou  turnest,  i.e.,  so  long  will  all 
the  things  that  we  have  mentioned  afflict  me,  as  long  as  Thou 
turnest  from  me. 

1  Mr.  Stokes  suggests  that  this  is  for  ainmithigiu ;  perhaps  phonetic  for 
ainmithchiu. 


*hil.  Trans.  1893-7.  19 


290  8UBJUNCT1VE  MOOD  IN  IRISH — J.   8TRACHAN. 

not  say,  "Oar  servants  were  obedient  to  us  before  Faitb  came, 
they  were  disobedient  afterwards." 1 

Wb.  4d  8,  tairehechum  reain  forcnimaed,  He  prophesied  before 
it  happened. 

HI.  104°  5,  asindet  wm  tuideeh(t)  doib  dochum  a  tire—rid  resin 
dondiehsitia  asin  </otr[»],  He  declares  that  they  should  go  to  their 
land,  even  before  they  went  out  of  the  captivity. 

Farther  Wb.  18*  28;  Sg.  184*  8,  188*  10;  Mi.  38*  9,  47*  16, 
68d  7, 123*  1 ;  LTJ.  59*  48,  97»  21,  83*  16 ;  LL.  248*  17,  124*  42, 
287»  37,  88.1 

66.  <»*-* 'until.' 

The  use  of  eo  »-  in  temporal  clauses  is  closely  parallel  to  its 
use  in  final  clauses ;  it  is  impossible  to  draw  a  hard  and  fast  line 
between  the  two. 

Of  an  erent  purposed  or  expected  eo  n-  is  followed  by  the 
subjunctive. 

67.  (*)  Present  subjunctive  after  a  primary  tense. 

Wb.  29*  22,  ni  taibre  grddfor  nech  o-feser  a  inruccu*  dan  grdd 
m,  Thou  shalt  not  confer  orders  on  anyone  till  thou  knowest 
his  fitness  for  those  orders. 

Ir.  Text,  i,  268, 1.  8,  co  n-daesur  Had  7  co  rochotlur  ni  dingln 
comlond,  Till  I  have  eaten  food  and  till  I  have  slept  I  will  not  fight. 

LU.  61*10,  biam  ck  sa  do  imdegail  do  chethra  ....  co  r&aa 
in  ek  hlein,  I  will  be  a  dog  to  protect  thy  cattle  till  that  dog  grows. 


1  Cf.  Wb.  29b  2,  arna  krbarthar,  roptar  irlithi  ar  moge  ditn  ottnieo  Hre$st 
et  it  anirlithi  iarum,  That  it  may  not  be  said,  "  Our  servants  were  obedient  till 
Faith  came,  and  they  are  disobedient  afterwards."  Here  with  eo  #1-  '  until,'  the 
indicative  is  used,  cf.  §§  67*,  68. 

*  The  only  example  of  the  indicative  that  I  have  is  from  a  late  text,  Stokes, 
Lives  of  Saints,  1.  3336,  atconnaie  mdtkair  Brenna'm  aulinge  resin  rogenair 
Brennain,  B.'s  mother  saw  a  vision  before  B.  was  born. 

*  In  later  Irish  other  particles  are  found — 

LU.  113*  4,  noeoehreitiub  m  duittiu  ....  n6corudu*ce  Coinciilaind,  I  will 
not  believe  thee  till  thou  raisest  Cuchulinn. 

LU.  61*  8,  iu  and  noadnuictu  clanna  h Eremoin—noco  tanio  Cremthand, 
There  the  children  of  Eremon  used  to  be  buried  till  Cremthand  came. 

LL.  80*  21,  is  aire  tin  HI  eorilAt  Jlr  h-Erend  timchell  ar  galaib  oenjir,  ni 
riccub-M  arts.  Therefore,  till  the  men  of  Ireland  have  had  their  turn  in  single 
combat,  I  shall  not  come  again. 

LL.  258*  4.  noeorag-ta  star  dom  thig  na  raib  fer  bethaid  (T  Ultaib,  I  will  not 
go  westward  to  my  house  till  there  is  not  a  man  of  Ulster  alive. 

[continued  on  p.  292. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD  IN  IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  291 


57*  58*.  When  co  n-  has  the  purely  temporal  sense  of  '  until  * 
it  is  followed  by  the  indicative. 

Wb.   24b  5,  is  irehride  utmall  each   cainchomrac  condidticoi, 
Perishable  and  unstable  is  every  peace  till  thou  comest  to  it. 

Wb.  28b  24,  ni  ib  /inn  oo  m-bi  mesc,  He  does  not  drink  wine  till 
he  is  drunk. 

Ml.  91d  2,  ni  bi  cian  co  n-id  apail,  It  does  not  exist  long  till 
it  dies. 

LU.  68*  37,  machdad  limsa,  61  Fergus,  a  fot  00  tecat  sick  a8$a 
cctoaiby  "  I  marvel,"  said  Fergus,  "  that  it  is  so  long  till  they  come 
out  of  their  sickness." 

Imram  Brain,  p.  1 1,  mescid  fairggi  CO  m-bi  fuil,  He  stirs  the  sea 
till  it  is  blood. 

Wb.  2le  22,  ni  fltir  rid  muntar  nim$  oo  n-idrofoilsigsetar  apstil 
&oib}  Not  even  heaven's  household  knew  it  till  apostles  manifested 
it  to  them. 

Wb.  5C  10,  rob6i  aimser  nod  rochreitsid  co  n-dubtanicc  miseri- 
cordia  Dei,  There  was  a  time  that  ye  did  not  believe  till  there 
came  to  you  misericordia  Dei. 

LL.  25  lb  11,  ni  comairnecmar-ni  oo  comairnecmar  oc  tahairt 
•*  cUaidib  itsind  abai[n]d  im  Idimsea,  We  met  not  till  we  met 
when  the  sword  was  put  into  my  hand  in  the  river. 

[continued  on  p.  293. 


2Q2 


SUIUUKCTIVE   WOOD    IN    IRISH — J*    STRACHAK. 


LU.  69*  4,  Hi  scarfom  in  cndh-aa,  oi  EtareomoIt  cor-ruo-ta  do 
cA#a[n]-*i*  nd  CO  fareab-sa  mo  ehetid  httsu,  u  We  shall  not  part 
thus,"  said  Etarcomoi,  "  till  I  carry  off  thy  bead  or  till  I  leave 
my  head  with  thee," 

LU.  75*  46,  bia  f6nd  anim  *in  co  rosecba  brdth  hmnachton  fort. 
Thou  ah  alt  be  under  that  blemish  till  a  judgment  of  blessing  comes 
upon  thee, 

LU.  66*  4,  indnaidid  aund  co  tisa  mmi  fid,  or  Fergus,  7  nip 
murhflad  Ith  ad  Attn  co  tisor,  "  Wait  there  till  I  come  from  the 
wood,1'  said  Fergus,  u  and  marvel  not  though  it  be  long  till 
I  come." 

LU,  72*  47,  t»t  cet  letek  utlib  In  inn  intjin  ut  m  ria1  mtion  in 
.-,  Let  a  hundred  warriors  of  you  go  with  the  maiden  yonder 
us  far  as  (lit,  till  she  reach)  the  middle  of  the  plain. 

LU.  82b  16,  conomthl  de  chind  chmrda,  ni  reg,  Till  my  own  turn 
comes  (lit.  till  it  conies  to  me  ut  the  end  of  a  circuit),  I  will  not  go, 

LL.  101*  45,  fosta  UIaid—co  ti  ntrt  don  tf-i*o«— ,  go  rolina 
gridn  glenta—ntt  h-Er*nnf  Keep  hack  the  Ulstermcd  till  strength 
1  urnus  to  the  omen,  till  the  sun  fills  the  glens  of  Ireland. 


eugtli 


'tie 


58.  (b)  Past  subjunctive  after  a  secondary  tense. 

Wb.  25*  6,  placuit  nos  rcmanere,  .1,  o-dised  ar  mutnttr,  Till 
our  household  came. 

Wb.  21*  1,  in  dispeUBationem   plenltudinis  temporum,  jL  ©on* 
did  tiled  ind  aiimer  ba  chomadm  d6t  Till  the  time  should  come  1 1 
was  fitting  to  Him, 

LU,  83*  15,  ni  bdi  a  mrugud  cori&etl  Cmairet  It  was  impossible 
to  make  peace  Ik-twee  n  them  till  Ceo  aire  came* 

LU.  59*  25,  ni  theged  nech  eucu  00  n-arnaiti  afmam,  No  0 
used  to  go  to  them  till  his  protection  was  covenanted. 

LL,  278b  44,  top  4  a  mmt him  frirn  on  a  ibed  (impf.)  dig  o-t&rdad 
affaing  u-d*rg6ir  ctcha  Hoendig*  dam}  Such  was  his  goodness  towards 
me  that  ho  drunk  not  till  be  bad  given  me  at  every  draught  an 
affaing  of  red  gold. 

LU.  69*  24,  asrnhairt,  ol  Cuehulaind,  ni  regad  (sec,  fat)  cor 
racad  tno  rh*nd-*a  ti 0  eo  farcbad  mom   dam  a  ch*nd  Jrm§&t  u 
said,"  quoth  Cuebulinu,  °  that  he  would  not  go  till  he  had  taken 
my  head,  or  till  he  had  left  his  head  with  me," 


1  The  mmpondiijg  indicative  wrift  ti  rommon 
far  ju  * ;  for  oiAiupln,  tec  Ascoli,  U  lo*».  id  v. 


ken 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH— J.   STRACHAN.  293 

LIT.  73*  24,  ansait  and  sin  trd  cor-rubad  and  Cdur,  They  stayed 
there  then  till  Caur  was  slain  there. 

LTJ.  65a  1,  ni  rubai  Cuchulaind  nech—co  rancatar  Cuailngi, 
Cuchulinn  did  not  slay  anyone  till  they  reached  Cuailnge. 

Imram  Brain,  p.  31,  ni  bu  chian  iarsin  CO  r&ncatar  tir  inna 
m-bany  It  was  not  long  after  that  till  they  reached  the  Land  of 
Women. 

LL.  101*  45,  tarrasatar  and  co  tanic  nert  don  t-se6n,  go  rolln 
gridn  glenta — in  choicid,  They  remained  there  till  strength  came 
to  the  omen,  till  the  sun  filled  the  glens  of  the  province. 


294 


SUBJUNCTIVE    MOOD    IN    IRISH— J,    STKAi.lt  \N\ 


LL.  281*  44,  ai  theiged  in  ri  immach  mA  i  Ueh  co  n  dechsad 
chummom,  The  king  used  not  to  go  out  or  in  till  he  had  gone 
to  hira, 

lr.  Text,  i,  2l5,  L  18,  UOsirfed  (sec.  fut)  in  dt  in  m-bith  m-brttt, 
Co  fagbad  liaig  da  %*#,  CuchuHun  would  have  searched  the 
great  world  till  ho  had  found  a  leech  to  heul  him. 

Cf.  also  Cormac,  s.w  PnUl,  ba  mail  eor-roibdithe  in  eurach,  The 
boat  was  wit  hi  a  a  little  of  being  swam j  ml. 


59,  (e )  Part  subjunctive  with  primary  tense. 

Wb.  8*  26,  itairi  trimrothornditts-sa  indium  inna  ftntWif  ■ 
o-Mehid*  huitfiilfhnt  ft ttd t mm  X  fir  mbm6itUm  hi  inagutru  et  ntbmtu 
for  meh  im  maid  fa  ok  odidmessed  I  ha,  It  is,  therefore,  I 
I  have  in  a  figure  transferred  into  ruyeelf  all  these  things — so 
that  ye  might  follow  humility  from  me,  that  is,  your  not  boasting 
as  to  masters,  and  not  judging  of  anyone  until  God  should  haw 
judged  htm. 

8,    FiNiL  Clauses. 

fiO.  Under  this  head  are  included  besides  final  clauses  proper, 
clauses  dependent  on  verbs  of  ordering,  requesting,  and  the 
like,  also  clauses  following  certain  adjectival  expressions* 
In  these  clauses  the  mood  is  the  subjunctive. 


A.    Final  Clauses  Proper. 

With  these  are  included  a  number  of  instances  in  which  t 
dependent  clause  expresses  not  so  much  purpose  as  possibility, 

61*  {«)  Present  subjunctive  after  primary  tense, 

Wb.   7d  8,   dobeir   #om   mnm    brdthre   duih  am  a   epret    M 
;ha  i7i  curmchad,  He  gives  them  the  name  of  brothers,  tl 
they  may  not  say  the  reproving  is  owing  to  hatred  of  them. 

Wb,  9*  2f  ut  toltatur  de  medio  uestruoi  qui  hoc  opus  fecit, 
coni  be  *t§r  in  peceato  act  co  beid  in  poeuiteutia,  That  he  may 
be  at  all  in  peecator  but  that  he  may  be  in  potntttntia* 

Wb.  5b  35,  ne  forte  nee  tibi  parent,  X  coni  ecmi  nddmirthin 
mi  is  co  arcessea,  That  it  may  not  happen  that  He  spare  not,  he 
it  is  that  lie  may  spare. 

Wb.  M  5,  is  htcm  saimeosce  leettm  fir  eeeranmtb  innani  prtchi 
pacem— arm  n-epertar  w  do  immm  r$  d*t\agat  mdfir~w%  The 

deem  it  necessary  to  have  a  peculiar  appearance  on  the  sandals 

nutd  m  p. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD  IN    IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  295 


60*-64*.  In  consecutive  sentences  a  result  is  expressed  by  the 
indicative  mood. 

Ml.  82d  6,  uestigia  uiantium  regis  erroris  immunia,  .i.  ona  bl 
comrorcon  and,  So  that  there  is  no  error  there. 

Wb.  3C  38,  romrir  mo  thol  colnide  CO  n-dumfel  fo  mdm  pectho, 
My  carnal  concupiscence  has  sold  me  so  that  I  am  under  the  yoke 
of  sin. 

Wb.  2d  16,  hdre  ronso*ir-ni  hie  a  peccatis  nostris  CO  n-dan 
fWianichthi  iiadib,  mdr  ni  bes  n-adblamu  foir  or  sdirad  ab  ira 
future,  Since  He  has  saved  us  hie  a  peccatis  nostris,  so  that  we 
are  justified  from  them,  much  readier  will  He  be  to  save  us  ab 
ira  futura. 

Ml.  5ld  3,  obdendo  concludens  .i.  huandi  fristarat  .i.  in  talmain 
n-impu  di  each  leth  cona  tiagat  tar  a  cricha  corai,  Because  He 
opposed,  to  wit,  the  earth  about  them  on  every  side,  bo  that  they 
pass  not  beyond  their  proper  bounds. 

Ml.  51d  15,  sechis  rofailsigestar  sdn,  co  n-dat  r$li  %n[n\a  aicsin 
hisiny  That  is,  He  manifested,  so  that  those  causes  are  clear. 

Ml.  129d  15,  quibus  bibulae  stagnarentur  arenae,  .i.  CO  m-bfth 
loch  foraib.  So  that  there  used  to  be  a  lake  upon  them. 

Ml.  102a  9,  cludiebantur,  .i.  ind  namait,  ona  CUmgaitis  ni  diinni, 
The  enemies,  so  that  they  could  do  nothing  to  us.     . 

[continued  on  p.  297. 


S96 


SUIkTtNCllVR    MOOD    IN    IRISH — J.    STRAClUtf* 


ma 

: 


those  tliat  preach  peace,  so  that  it  may  be  said  of  thorn,  "it  is 
an  errand  of  peace  that  theae  men  come." 

Wb.  16*  24,  is  do  bar  Hmkmet  ara  n- denial  d  a  n-iogniam  ml 
arna  dernaid  an  mt  imum-m,  It  is  to  instruct  you,  that  y 
do  what  we  do,  and  that  ye  may  not  do  what  we  do  not* 

LIL  58h  8,  tucaid  carpal  dttmm,  tra  ol  Fetym,  co  n-datuc-sa  a 
CO  U-dereail  in  ocn  Uod  a  bun,   "Give  me  a  chariot,"  iron   HI 
Fergus,  M  that  I  may  take  it  out,  that  thou  nmyest  see  whether  its* 
end  is  one  cut'1 

LL.  250*  14,  ti&gam  aut  ot  AMU,  CO  n-accamar  na  wmtt&nm 
w  toffund,  4i  Let  us  go  forth/*  said  Aitili,  "  that  we  may  **■ 
greyhounds  hunting." 

Ltt.  76b  20,  greased  meh  haib^in  for  narthaeth  t  nmtid,  L 
one  of  you  stir  up  the  man  that  he  may  not  fall  for  nut h tug. 

LTJ,  82*  22,  todeochud-sa,  or  Biarmait,  o  Chonchohur  co  n-erbora 
fri  Jfedb  7  AMU  co  rtlctt  na  hit  a**,  M  I  have  conic,"  said  Diarmai 
M  from  Couehobor  to  say  to  Medb  and  Aitili  that  they  should  I 
the  cattle  go/1 

02,  (h)  Fast  subjunctive  after  secondary  tense. 

Ml,  12.jc  2,  asrubart  Dia  hi  rechl  im  ara  sechitis  a  (hi mm 
arna  ructais  i  n-d&rt.  He  said  a  God  in  law  (in  %*)  that  tin  y 
might  follow  His  ordinances,  that  they  might  not  be  carried  into 
captivity, 

ML  100r  24,  ut  nou  paterent,  g,  coniptis  erwilcthi,  That  tiny 
might  not  be  open. 

Ml.  91b  7t  it  da  dugniinn-Be  intra,  co  m-bin  coxmail  fri  mm, 
Ti>  this  end  used  I  to  do  that  that  1  might  he  like  to  the  UUKWtvi. 

LtL  20b  IS,  nmchais  Cuchnlaind  a  Mm  ri  lar  arnachandercachad 
a  htrnoehta,  Cuchulinn  buried  bis  face  on  the  ground  that  he  ought 
not  see  her  nakedness. 

LIL  46*  16,  dognither  (hist,  pres.)  tarbfoa  ho  co  flastais  mH 
eia  dm  tibtrtaU  rigi*  L  bull -feast  was  made  by  them  tlmt  tin  y 
might  know  from  it  to  whom  tht?v  should  give  the  kingship, 

LL  200*  12,  it  i  Km  fo  hith  roait  onach  aec&d  fir 
eminn  itair  no  food-  la  Conrhohor^  She  was  brought  up  in  a  li\ 
that  no  hi  [*n  of  Ulster  might  see  her  till  the  time  that  she  slcj. 
with  Ooncbofeor. 

Ir,  Text,  j,  26.pj,  L  19,  afraig  Cucuhmd  aa  betis  jm  ha  Jtedi 
61   em   tomoltv4r  Cuchulinn    1KM*   that  the  f eastern  might 
without  drinking,  without  eating. 

[font* nurd  on  p.  ! 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IX    IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  297 

LTJ.  40b  29,  rotoied  a  orci  i  r-richt  dobran,  00  m-bid  na  degaid-si 
fona  uscib — each  conair  noimthiged-si,  Her  lapdog  was  turned  into 
the  form  of  an  otter,  so  that  it  used  to  be  after  her  under  the 
waters,  each  way  that  she  would  go. 

LU.  128a  3,  nagelltis  ona  facabtais  cid  mecnu  nafer,  They  used 
to  graze  it  so  that  they  used  not  to  leave  even  the  roots  of  the 
grasses. 

Wb.  9b  19,  cotobirrig  tra  ort  precepte  onachdigtith,  The  order 
of  preaching,  then,  hath  constrained  you,  so  that  ye  have  not  gone. 

Ml.  116c  5,  ut  nullus  quiuerit,  .i.  coni  coimnacuir,  So  that 
he  could  not. 

LU.  77a  6,  leicid  som  cloich  asa  tailm  co  memaid  a  sail  ina 
eindy  He  throws  a  stone  from  his  sling  so  that  her  eye  broke 
in  her  head. 

Ml.  53*  13,  nullus  irapius — uindictam  iudicantis  effugiet,  g.  coni 
imgeba,  So  that  he  will  not  avoid. 

Ml.  61b  12,  in  aeterna  obliuia  con t rude tur,  .i.  connacon-bia 
foraithmet  n-de  etir,  So  that  there  will  be  no  memory  of  him  at  all. 

LU.  100a  8,  immacossaitiub  da  cich  cacha  6en  mnd  la  Ultu  com- 
matnairofe  doib,  I  will  put  strife  between  the  two  breasts  of 
every  woman  in  Ulster,  so  that  they  will  crush  one  another. 

LU.  56b  41,  arlifim-ni  na  hdcu  and  gebat  forsin  t-sldg,  We  will 
take  measures  for  the  warriors  so  that  they  shall  not  prevail  over 
the  host. 

LU.  71a  37,  is  ddig  immerthai  (sec.  fut.)  ceiJg  /on  cruth  sin  conna* 
fottba  sib  ctin  co  ti  la  h-  Ultu  don  chath,  It  is  probable  ye  would 
practise  guile  in  that  way,  so  that  he  will  not  hold  you  back 
till  he  comes  with  the  Ulstermen  to  the  battle. 

LU.  103b  6,  rosini  oo  taillfed1  fertraig  feroclaig  cter  each  da 
asna  do,  He  stretched  himself  so  that  a  warrior's  foot  would  find 
room  between  every  pair  of  his  ribs. 

Ml.  98c  8,  no  misserationis  ius  peccatorum  cumulo  uinceretur, 
.i.  conna  biad '  dliged  n-erchiwechla  la  Dia,  So  that  there  would 
not  be  a  iuw  of  compassion  with  God. 

1  Here  the  secondary  future  is  used  just  as  in  conditional  sentences.  In 
LU.  74*  15,  it  seems  to  come  nearer  to  purpose:  ni  ruba  e  nachamfacba-sa  een 
brut  Mr,  ar  is  airi  dobcrar  aom  chucutsu  at  daig  CO  forglnmais  ar  n-dis  debuid. 
Slay  him  not,  that  thou  leave  me  not  without  a  brother ;  for  it  is  for  that  that 
he  is  brought  to  you,  that  we  two  should  come  to  strife.  But  the  sense  of 
purpose  cornea  from  the  context  rather  than  from  the  form. 


238 


SUBJUNCTIVE    MOOD   IN    IRISH — J,    STKACHA>\ 


Ir.    Text.    it    227,   L    t,   rocroth   dam   Manannan   a   fori 
Coincuhrind  7  Faindf  conna  rochomraictis  &yr&,  Manannau  shook 
his  mantle  between  Curb  Lilian  and  Faud,  that  they  might  con 
together  no  more  for  ever* 


ban 

1 .  :* 


63.   The    subjunctive    may   express   possibility    rather    than 

purpose. 
Wb.  5b  ii,  iml  a  meit  friaeoaiartatar  co  n-dositis  huffi  a 

I'liristt,   Have  they  offended  10  greatly  that  all  should  fall  a 

Ml.  96D  It,  roleld[at]ar  dlh  connachagluaistis   in   charbait. 
They  stuck  to  them  so  that  the  chariots  could  not  move, 
LU.    103*    34,    nirthnaxgaihset    mi    co    tisad    gatk    et&rra 

7   talma  in,   They  did  not  raise   it,  even   so    that  the  wind   001 
puss  hut  ween  it  and  the  earth, 

LL  6ft*  ifij  nosblathiged  ana  t  aimed  mil  forru,  He  smoothed 
them  so  that  a  fly  could  not  have  rested  on  them. 


M 
'td 


fll- 

= 

bus 


H,  (*)  Fait  subjunctive  after  primary  tense. 

Here  the  past  subjunctive  seems  to  express  partly  possibility, 
partly  a  less  direct  purpose,  or  a  purpose  of  which  the  fulfil- 
ment is  doubful. 

Wb.  4*  9,  debitores  sumus  non  carni,  ut  secundum  camen 
uiuamus,  .i.  CO  ngnemmis  gnimu  colno  ut  ante  fechuus,  Tha 
we  should  do  the  deeds  of  flush. 

Wb.  11*  7,  omnis  autem,  qui  in  sgone  contendit,  ab  omuibu 
se  &bBtinett  -i.  ar  m-bad   irlamu  da  don  buaitht  That  he  might 
be  the  readier  for  the  victory* 

Wb.  15"  1 6,  ut  abaorbeatur  quod  m  or  tale  est  a  uita,  ,i.  o-tuidchissed 
utta  tar  tin  cnrp-*in%  Thai  immortality  might  overcome  that  body. 

Ml.  70c  13,  si — praedicaueris  ostentationi  non  deuotioui  Bern  lens, 
i  co  n-idchomallada  hua  gnimaih,  That  thou  mightcst  fulfil  it 
in  deeds* 

Wh,  \6a  6,  occasioned  damns  nobis  gloriandi  pro  nobi»,  nt 
habeatis  ad  cos,  t[ui  In  faciem  gloriantur,  et  non  in  eorde,  i 
Co  m-bad  *nhufor  mdtdem-si  A,  co  n~erbarid~*i  (pres,  subj . ),  Qnatdenat 
at  magi*tir  ni  ditjurm-ni  M  mpjt'rfflisif  fj  So  that  we  might  be  your 
boast,  that  is,  so  that  ye  may  say;  M  What  our  masters  do  not*  w# 
will  not  do,  though  ye  preach  it." 

28*  1,  nolentes  esse  legis  doctores,  X  foro  ibtis  w  dmum 
nctchc  la  t  itj'U  So  that  they  might  be  making  law  with  king*. 

[<wtfinM*f  on  p.  300. 


t. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN    IRISH— J.    STRACHAN.  299 


300  SCBTC5CTITE  MOOD  IX  HUSH — J.  STUCHAX. 


ML  W  13,  et  dWinahstar  a  ssari  msqoe  ad  mare,  fasaa,  nmi 
iare,  i.  as)  ■  nttdjtWla  mt  fr  im,  That  it  should  be  a  dominion 
ar c<m1iftg  to  troth. 

ML  109*  5,  ai  tftit  IKs  >  tmirumm  I —fiillMil  ■ijil  God 
docs  not  go  under  a  prosrise  that  He  should  alter  it. 

8R.  1573,  m  Emm  iraanl  iiaanf  hmm  m  mtktirmtn  eorfbunais 
/as*  n>  as  rsrai  a/  #7#r  eimimb  iimr  imrmUmrki^  Ere,  let  as  do 
lasting  penance  and  repentance,  so  that  we  aright  cleanse  away 
before  the  King  of   the  laws   tusmahit   of    oar  sins,   of    oar 


SB.  142%  SBftid  fnm,  m  nmi  mimwUm,  m  B  blajaad  rim  m-dml 
immmrm  ni  mm  iktrmi  ermmm  mikmi9  Wait  lor  me,  ye  holy  angels, 
that  I  aright  taste  before  going  forth  somewhat  of  "the  fruit  of  the 
Tree  of  Life.1 


65.  B.  Ha)  adjustm  after  verbs  of  mmmmmdimj,  cminmtimm, 
and  the  like. 

ML  46*  12,  asheir  mm  frumm  tmrm  arm^aeameahat  7  an* 
sksraoflesi,  He  says  to  the  doors  that  they  should  raise  and  open 
themselves. 

ML  3*  13,  ritsjdrnbart  am  mad  train*  ria,  Though  I  hare  said 
that  thou  shooldst  not  translate. 

ML  102*  3,  asrmhart  Dim  frimmm  an  eelebartis  a  mUmmmu 
7  ttindassssmil,  God  said  to  them  that  they  should  celebrate  His 
festivals,  and  that  they  should  praise  Him. 

LU.  83*  27,  ashert  friu  sad  raathiastais  ind  t  \g.  He  said  to 
them  that  they  should  not  go  before  the  King. 

Ir.  Text,  i,  137,  L  5,  tsbert  Conekobnr  /rim  muimtir  an  SCOTtis 
a  emirptiuj  Conchobur  told  his  people  to  unyoke  their  chariots. 
(Another  version  has  in  ormtio  reeim  the  imperative  sguirid/ 

SR.  1813,  roraid  Michel  f rim  CO  tisaain  d'mdrod  ind  rig,  Michael 
said  to  me  that  I  should  come  to  worship  the  King. 

Cormac  s.t.  J/kyesv,  aaeongnd  U  Brtinu  na  tarta  oirci — do 
GoedeUib,  Proclamation  was  made  by  the  Britons  that  no  lapdog 
should  be  given  to  the  Gaels. 

SR.  3701,  CO  forhgart  dim  mnmib  eonotuctais  m*in  trdig  im  mac 
at-**?,  She  ordered  her  women  to  take  from  the  shore  the  small  boy. 

1  In  «*m#  caw  the  part  «ahjonctiTe  mirht  be  explained  br  a  r*fer«wv  to  part 
time.  MI.  to  ■  lo,  araa  btth  ami  imm<ftinf*r  tr**  <J>j*om  A.  ana  imfblssgids 
rustac  do  tr**  .  .  .  .  is  ntri  ******  yndvi  mm  Ai  t o*nf  \  1*  f-*n."*«t  That 
there  mi^ht  not  be  to  him  what  u  eaowd  through  it  i  e.  that  shame  mizht  not 
be  emied  to  him  through  it,  therefore  he  pravs  'in  the  beginning  of  the  psalm. 
Cf.  Ml.  32*  11,  111*  *,  126'  9,  Wb.  4'  17. 

\cimtinutd  cm  p.  302. 


8UBJUKCT1VE  MOOD   IN    IKISII— J.   8TRACHAN.  301 


65*.  The  verbal  noun  (infinitive)  is  also  found,  e.g.  :— 

Wb.  9b  19,  ni  epur  /rib  etarscarad  fri  suidiu,  I  do  not  bid 
you  part  with  them. 

Trip.  L.  222,  1.  27,  atrubairt  friu  bith  ina  toss,  He  told  them 
to  be  quiet. 

Ml.  94b  3,  forcongair  du  ddinib  comallad  a  firinne,  He  orders 
men  to  fulfil  His  truth. 

LTJ.  71b  27,  guitter  6n  t-$l6g  forro  bith  na  tost,  They  are 
entreated  by  the  host  to  be  quiet. 


302  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  IN  IRISH — J.   8TRACHAN. 

ML  42*  14,  ni  guid  digail  du  thabairt  foraib  acht  eorruanat  i*na 
arrad,  He  prays  not  for  the  infliction  of  vengeance  on  them,  but 
that  they  may  remain  in  his  company. 

Wb.  21  •  8,  ishsd  inso  noguidimm  .i.  co  n-dueaid  etargne  n-Dd, 
It  is  this  I  pray,  to  wit,  that  ye  may  understand  the  knowledge 
of  God. 

SB.  1631,  rogaid  Adam  for  truth  n-Iordan&n,  co  troisced  lais 
for  Dia,  Adam  prayed  the  river  Jordan  to  fast  with  him  upon  Ood. 

LTJ.  72*  29,  flSidif  Cuthulaind  a  araid  co  Boohad—co  tfsad  dia 
ehobair,  Cuchulinn  sent  his  charioteer  to  Rochad  (requesting  him) 
to  come  to  his  help. 

66.  C.  The  subjunctive  is  used  with  various  other  classes  of 

verbs. 

Ml.  25b  5,  rolomur  nundatges,  I  venture  to  supplicate  Thee. 

Ml.  74b  14,  ounio  cid  a  eumachtae  h-doindae  n-dunema  in  duine 
or  alailiu,  Even  human  power  can  protect  a  man  against  another. 

Sg.  209b  13,  used  in$o  nod  ehumaing  ara  n-fsar  and  eoni 
onggnatar  gnima  sed  asagniniar9  It  is  that  which  cannot  be  found 
there  that  actions  should  not  be  understood,  but  they  are  under- 
stood.1 

Ml.  92*  5,  desperaueram  .i.  arindrisinn  6n,  That  I  should  reach  it. 

Ml.  131°  9,  dorochdinset  arn-dabeth  in  tairsem  hi-robatar  riam, 
They  despaired  of  their  having  the  rest  in  which  they  were  before. 

Ml.  115b  1,  ni  tonnnemar-ni  ara  m-betis  in  gnimai  sin,  We 
did  not  expect  that  those  deeds  would  be. 

Wb.  5b  35,  coni  ecmi  n&d  n-airchissa,  That  it  may  not  happen 
that  He  does  not  spare. 

LTJ.  6Ib  20,  eotneigidar  Cuchulaind  odairled  forsin  slige  do 
chelebrad  dona  maceaib,  Cuchulinn  compelled  him  to  go  on  the  road 
to  bid  good-bye  to  the  boys. 

Rev.  Celt,  xi,  448,  dobert  — comairli  do— ara  teissed  dochum 
Scathchai,  He  advised  him  to  go  to  ScathaiA. 

Ml.  43c  13,  maiorem  per  hoc*— indicans  dignitatem,  .i.  arm-bad 
dia  nim  racload  torn,  That  He  should  hear  him  from  His  heaven. 

Sg.  61b  9,  sed  hoc3  nunquam  inuenitur,  .i.  ara  tesed  b  isin  sillaib 
tdnaisi,  That  b  should  go  into  the  second  syllable. 


1  For  other  examples  of  coniccim  with  the  subjunctive  or  infinitive,  see  Ascoli, 
Glow,  xcix,  c. 

2  Here  the  subjunctive  is  epexegetic  of  the  pronoun. 

[continued  on  p.  304. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH— J.    STBACHAN.  303 


66*.  With  the  infinitive. 

Wb.  5a  15,  rolaimethar  side  epert  neich,  He  ventures  to  say 
something. 

Wb.  6a  17,  hore  conic  digail  forib,  Because  He  can  inflict 
vengeance  on  you. 

Sg.  50a  14,  arindl  n&d  cumaing  maith  do  denom,  Because  he 
cannot  do  good. 

The  indicative  is  found  of  a  fact  or  result. 

LTJ.  65b  36,  ecmaic  b6i  a  chlaideb  hi  farrad  Fergttsa,  Fergus' 
sword  chanced  to  be  by  him. 

Wb.  13b  6,  is  rad  Dee  immumforling  co  n-da  apstalacht  liumna, 
It  is  the  grace  of  God  that  has  caused  me  to  have  the  apostleship. 


srnr 


IN    IRISH— J.    STRACHAX. 


MI,  51*  16,  ma  beith  ara  n-dena  *wJ,  If  it  be  that  an  rone  does. 

ML  68*  9,  cia  beith  arn-acathar  »*^A  inna  reiu  indmchatdi  tn 
htlka  *at  Though  it  be  that  anyone  sees  the  glorious  things  of  this 
world* 

Wb  28d  22,  m  beid  ni  ara  techta  uidua  «wn(    ....   tr 

t#iri$thi  in  mate  fj  iv*  d*t)udin  rfwii.  If  it  be  that  (lit.  if  it  be 
u  thinp  that)  a  widow  has  sons,  these  sons  are  to  be  blamed  if  they 
do  not  take  care  of  her. 


G7.  D.  Subjunctive  after  adjectival  expressions. 

ML  21*  9,  is  eeen  dam  Bondages  dttiUin,  It  U  necessary  fi>r  me 
thut  I  should  pray  for  them  to  Thee. 

Sg.  207b  II,  eit  <x>M*uid*#thi  fa  Gr*c»t  ni  eeen  dunni  beta  wm~ 
tuidiythi  linn.  Though  the  Greeks  consider  them  compound 
not  necessary  that  we  should. 

Bg,  ill*  10,  is  Seen  an  darbastar  twne  mdl  fri*mmmmhwf  It 
is  necessary  that  there  be  shown  the  sense  of  that  wherewith  it  ts 
compared. 

Wb.  13*  20,  ni  bu  degming  donetad  torn  a  chorp  fadetin  istwidim, 
It  was  not  wonderful  that  he  should  clothe  his  own  body  in  it 
Cf.  Wb.  W*  13. 

Wb,  22c  1 1,  is  tacair  arndip  $amiid  do  chrith,  It  is  meet  that  it 
be  thus  to  everyone. 

Per.  .>hb  2,  ni  asse  ara  nimfognad  in  t-an*id  frimm  hrttkir  u 
sum,  It  is  not  easy  that  the  verb  »um  should  be  construed  with 
the  accusative, 

ML  47r  11,  conueniens  sane  to  uiroT  ar  m-bad  hi  Umjml  B4 
nobeth.  That  he  should  be  in  the  temple  of  QoL 

ML  17b  6,  ba  nephinunaircide  nad  tecbtad  torn  dh$td  tmm< 
d*mnaeht<r  imml  duhb  d&far*att  It  were  unfitting  that  He  should 
not  have  the  ripht  of  lordship  in  the  elements  that  He  created- 

Wb.  I2ft  lt  ii  ferr  imm  rafesid.  I  prefer  that  jt  should  know  them. 

LBr.  261*  52,  ba  ferr  dm  mac  Ectiu  a  tag  ad  CYuft  It  mm 
better  for  the  son  of  the  Church  (i.e.  an  ecclesiastic)  that  he  should 
fear  ChrJJfc. 

LBr.  Ml*  My  ferr  dutt  nirba  hantcnaid.  It  for  thee 

that  thou  be  not  ignorant. 

Ll\  45»  7,  bid  maith  1mm  co  m-bad  U  nobith  *W,  I  should 
be  pleased  that  he  should  W  there. 

D 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH— J.   STRACHAN.  305 


67*.   Such  adjectival  expressions  have  usually  the  infinitive, 

e.g.:— 
"Wl>.  10d  24,  issumecen  preoept  ar  nCetiuth,  It  is  necessary  for 
xae  to  teach  for  my  raiment. 

Wb.  23*  10,  ni  eoen  a  cairigud,  It  is  not  necessary  to  reprove 
them. 

¥b.  13a  21,  ni  tacair  dennm  domuin  dind  soscilu,  It  is  not  meet 
to  malte  a  thing  profound  of  the  Gospel. 

TTt>-  12d  19,  ni  asse  do  epert  amen  in  cruth-sin,  It  is  not  easy 
for  hira  to  say  amen  in  that  way. 

Hi.  76b  7,  immaircide  h-doeom  iar  n-aiendis  dun  c&r  tabairt 
tn  termed  iarum,  A  fitting  thing  to  him,  after  speaking  of  the  wax, 
to  put;   the  fire  afterwards. 

Wt>.  iob  24,  ba  ferr  limm  immurgu  buith  di  i  n-6git  I  had 
rather,    however,  that  she  were  in  virginity. 

Ml.  1 05b  8,  robn  maith  leu  buith  hi  Caldea  dugr&s,  They  were 
pleased  to  be  in  Chaldea  for  ever. 

8g.  1  58a  2,  nib  machdad  lat  reperio  do  buith  for  quart,  cobedin, 
Do  not  wonder  that  reperio  should  be  of  the  fourth  conjugation. 


ffctt.  Trim.  189*-1  20 


306  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN   IRISH-.— J.   8TRACHAN. 

LTJ.  101b  28,  ni  bo  r6  Urn  dait  ona  tissad  nech  di  mnaib  Ulad 
rkut  hi  techy  I  should  not  deem  it  too  much  for  thee,  that  none  of 
the  wives  of  the  Ulstermen  should  go  in  before  thee. 

Wb.  29d  8,  desiderans  te  uidere,  g.  ba  miite  limm  ni  scartha 
friumm,  It  were  much  to  me  that  thou  hadst  not  parted  from  me. 

Sg.  65a  1,  nfbu  machdath  dor6nta  dia  dind  liae,  It  were  no 
wonder  that  a  god  should  have  been  made  of  the  6tone. 

Sg.  68a  3,  ni  bn  machdad  bed  coitchenn,  It  were  no  wonder  that 
it  should  be  common. 

Similarly  Sg.  62b  2. 

68.  E.  In  the  Glosses  the  subjunctive  is  used  technically  to 
express  the  Latin  infinitive,  except  after  verba  sentiendi  et 
dicendi,  e.g. : — 

Ml.  14d  6,  non  est  propositum  cuncta  persequi,  g.  dorimem. 

Ml.  15a  10,  pestilentiae  proprium  est — inficere,  g.  frisnorr. 

Ml.  15b  12,  studet— declinare,  g.  imnimgaba. 

Ml.  16*  19,  necesse  erit—  conrnere,  g.  contotsat. 

Ml.  19d  12,  mederi — adgreditur,  g.  frismbia. 

Ml.  16b  20,  armari — non  timerent,  .i.  nochis  nochathaigtis  6n. 

Ml.  17d  8,  consueuimus  indicare,  g.  infesmais. 

Ml.  20*  9,  ostentare  uoluisse,  g.  donaidbsed. 

Ml.  37d  1,  nitebantur  inuadere,  g.  inrestais. 

So  it  may  express  the  gerund. 

Ml.  41°  5,  uelocitatem  praestitit  aduersarios  persequendi,  g. 
duses&inn. 

69.  In  the  Glosses  the  past  tense  of  the  copula,  along  with 
the  participle  of  necessity,  serves  technically  to  express 
the  Latin  gerundive,  e.g. : — 

Ml.  16*  5,  fugiendam  infidelitatem  monet,  g.  bed  erngabthi. 
Ml.  18*  6,  ad  utrumque  referendum,  g.  bed  taircithi. 
Ml.  22d  22,  ad  promerendam  benignitatem,  .i.  bed  airillti. 
Ml.  23*  14,  ad  Actus  uberes  indicandos,  g.  betis  aisndisib. 
Ml.  39d  24,  inferendae  mortis  tcmpus  expectant,  g.  bed  taircidi. 
Ml.  64b  2,  ad  iuuandum  uos,  g.  dunni  bed  fortachtigthi. 

[continued  on  p.  308. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD  IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  307 


68*.  After  verba  sentiendi  et  dicendi  the  Latin  infinitive  is 
expressed  by  the  Irish  indicative,  e.g. : — 

Ml.  16a  14,  eum  in  Dauid  dictum  conantur  adstniere,  g.  asrobrad. 
Ml.  23c  2,  credidi  prosperari,  g.  nosoinmigfed. 
Ml.  25e  15,  (ea)  sibi  competere  demonstrat,  g.  immindaircet. 
Ml.  33c  20,  dicit  esse— comprehensum,  g.  doretarracht.    And 
cf.  §  26*. 


308  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  Df  HUB — J.  STUCHJUT. 


9.  Rzlitjtx  CLtrSSL 

70.  bidnMrf  Ike  fin.  "if  it  he  tkej  who  do  it,""  let  it 
to  this  the*  tkej  do."  where  Ike  ierk  sahetaatnre  is  is  the 


iategralpert  of  Ike  riiftiM  ote^is  also  pot  im  the 
*kt  two 


Wb  ^^uai^^ltdW^ifiiWbitmr  good  there 
is,  let  it  be  that  that  re  do. 

Wb.  13»  ».  tolas**/  oat»*tar-«i  dsf,OMlhll.  LK  it  be  done  as 
Isajit 

LU.  77*  1,  eo  m  hod  «d  attend  asm.  It  would  be  this  that 
he  said. 

LL.  61*  9,  dim  avtod  m  titmd.  U  he  had  come. 

LL.  53*45;  dim  ■  hod  smwT  m /«- jo  abend,  If  I  had  belonged 
to  a  niggardly  husband. 

Wb.  25*  24,  met  nf  CWaf  pridehos  <**,  Provided  that  all 
peach  Christ. 

ML  90»  14,  ass*/  betis  dtmmmimi  data  tail.  As  though  benefits 
were  given. 

Ml.  67*  8,  w  emmjmel  hid  pagnator  aeberad.  It  is  the  same  as 
though  he  had  said  /«*w*/«r. 

ML  95*  2,  «  a  bad  ttUm  nweOBttllaiti*  «»i  *r:<k*iU*t.  That 
they  might  quickly  fulfil  what  they  had  determined. 

LU.  60*  47,  mibert  CmmUuU  %d  bod  m<\*id*  nobertha  eAmt*t\ 
Cauland  said  that  it  should  not  be  a  large  number  that  should  be 
bioaght  to  him. 

71.  Of  this  kind  is  the  snbjmnetiTe  after  j*rAi>.  etc. 

For  fid.  wtmd,  cf .  p.  267. 

Wb.  ld  19.  arrhiphf  too  st-bd  iustitia  legis,  Whoever  he  be 
with  whom  there  is  t'mttitim  Left*. 

ML  86*  12,  sedriped  arabera  biutk  m  em**,  u  wr*  U*  met  r\>[b] 
hnnmek,  Whatever  a  man  en  jot*,  he  deems  bitter  if  he  be  sorrowful. 

Wb.  5*  18.  seehi  ehrath  dondrdn.  In  whatever  way  I  do  it. 

ML  73*  11,  seehidi  deneeaither-*a=ubicumque  n*pexeri$. 

ML  39»  15,  f  m-hmd  fritmm  /ritftfT— Wtev««i;fW  sjrhipod  ed 
dodlTosnd  »my  That  whatever  came  to  them  might  meet  the 
cheeks  first. 

[<v«^Ml  §m  p.  310. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD  IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  309 


70*.  But  if  the  verb  be  not  an  integral  part  of  the  condition, 
etc.,  then  it  may  stand  in  the  indicative. 

LL.  124b  30,  co  m-bad  4  Alius  in  consul  dodechaid  o  Oehtauin 
do  chuingid  in  chisa  noinnised  do  Chonchobur  Crist  do  ehrochad, 
It  would  be  Altus  the  consul,  who  came  from  Octavian  to  ask  for 
the  tribute,  who  told  Conohobor  of  the  crucifixion  of  Christ. 
Here  noinnised  is  in  the  subjunctive  by  §  70;  dodechaid,  in  an 
explanatory  relative  clause,  is  in  the  indicative. 

Ml.  42c  19,  amal  bid  alai[li~\  chumachtaig  rethes  een  erchdt 
a  retho,  As  it  were  of  some  mighty  man  who  runs  without  hindrance 
to  his  running. 


310  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  IS   IRISH— J.   STRACBA*. 

72.  In  relative  sentence  of  a  general  or  hypothetical  character 
with  an  indefinite  antecedent  the  subjunctiTe  ii  found. 

(a)  ML  42*  28,  dies  diei  utfut  uerbum,  inpertit — ootitiam  Dei 
uelut  quodam  inculcatoris  officio,  .L  i*d  nepkc*m*in*td*  L  *m*l  neck 
nad  chomainsea  (MS.  ekomsiwutm)  •  rfefWuf,  sic  dies,  As  of  the 
non-eontemner,1  i.e.  as  one  who  does  not  contemn  his  lord,  tie  diet. 

ML  19*  6,  uke  didim  m  m-K*  tdt\  Ml  diib  bet  trwta*  oreaid  afrtfr, 
This,  then,  is  their  custom ;  he  of  them  who  is  stronger  slays 
the  other. 

Wo.  27*  14,  Mi  bet  mirltti*  1.  aid  chfimtlnathar  m  mmtbermr 
frit*  rmtMm  dlf*Iy  He  who  is  disobedient,  or  who  does  not  fulfil 
what  is  said  to  him,  there  will  be  vengeance  to  him. 

Wb.  4« 19,  miserentis  est  Dei,  a.  arceari  d*  metth  bet  mtldsek  Utt, 
He  pities  whomsoever  He  pleases. 

8g.  12*  7,  cmmmtil  leitt  cmckm  fax  rat  cmrm  fa  *ttmrt,  He  deems 
it  alike  whomsoever  he  slays,  whether  friend  or  foe. 

ML  59*  12,  mrUfvtJk  dt  m*mc*  bet  mmUUr  hmidrt,  For  deafness 
is  cnstomary  to  whoever  is  dumb. 

Wb.  24*  2,  Dominus  prope  est,  *  tk*b*iri  dmib  ntiefc  rilid 
m  tot,  To  give  to  you  whatever  ye  may  need. 

Wb.  22*  9,  donantis  inuicem  a.  an  dorogba  edck  fri  Mb, 
What  each  may  commit  against  another. 

Wb.  12*  32,  iummdid  is  ttri*  torn  co  etercerta  an  asbera,  It  is 
thus  that  it  is  profitable,  provided  be  interpret  what  he  says. 

LL.  278*  42.  d*n*m  e»m*irb,  ntrkltr  d*  *dnd  dig  «r  tnt  CO  ti 
€0  scelsU  dim  cUiUy  Let  us  come  to  an  understanding  that  which- 
ever of  us  twain  shall  depart  vthls  lifeN  first  shall  come  with 
tidings  to  his  fellow.' 

LL.  251*  27,  an  rochara  dagne  ^mm.  Deal  with  me  as  it  may 
please  thee. 

Wb.  7d  10,  amp  (*»«*  crvfan  bet  *•  f*r  eridiu  et  a  n-asberaid 
ko  $«Uii7  That  the  belief  which  is  in  your  hearts  and  what  ye  say 
with  iyour^  lips  may  be  the  same. 

Wb.  27*  27,  i*  ked  tr*  /UrrAji»  torn  hie  *r*  faro  ctic\  s  canat 
COodib  ritl  Utt  ind  tnm*  beta  snd  et  *ri*riU  d<>  c\dc.%  n*ick*mirwt.i*r 
(indie.},  This,  then,  is  what  he  teaches  hen\  that  everyone  should 


1  A  mt«tr*re£itkxi  of  i»-*-»i«*fjr-i*,  **  tlKmsh  r*  wvre  th*  Deceit:**  nirtiol*. 
s  TVa  f-xlow*  tmm*r*+**i  ****  tiji  #»>  at4igmd  it  ;>**w  co  &md  .■*■.  *".# 

ifcMJUi  cvme  with  ta&ag*  to  th*  other. 

{.■Wtmrnmi  jm  j.  312. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  311. 

72*.  Compare  the  following*  indicative  clauses. 

Ml.  2C  3,  psalmosque  omnes  coram  testamur  auctorum  qui 
ponuntur  in  titulis,  .i.  inti  as  a  ainm  bis  isnaib  titlaib,  is  doib 
doamlbter  int  sailm  sin,  He  whose  name  is  in  the  superscriptions, 
it  is  to  them  that  those  psalms  are  ascribed. 

Ml.  24*  19,  rofitir  didiu  7  etirgein  ni  du  ulc  inti  lasm-bf  ind 
encae;  ni  fitir  immurgu  olc  n-etir  inti  bis  isind  encae  ut  sunt 
infantes,  He  knows  then  and  discerns  somewhat  of  evil,  with 
whom  there  is  innocence ;  he,  however,  knows  not  evil  at  all, 
who  is  in  innocence  ut  sunt  infantes. 

Wb.  16b  11,  im  dethidnea  saeculi  .i.  doguilse  di  neuch  adbaill  et 
di  neuch  n£d  etar  et  di  neuch  bis  la  nech  nod  bi  I  at -so,  Concerning 
the  anxieties  of  the  world,  to  wit,  grief  for  what  perishes,  and 
lor  what  is  not  found,  and  for  what  another  hath  that  thou 
hast  not. 

Wb.  15b  14,  maso  dorchide  la  nech  a  pridchimme-ni,  ni  la  nech 
nodchomalnadar  act  is  la  nech  nadidchreti,  If  what  we  preach 
seems  dark  to  anyone,  it  is  not  so  to  him  who  fulfils  it  but  to  him 
who  does  not  believe  it. 

Wb.  23d  9,  necessarium  autem  existimaui — ministrum  neces- 
sitatis meae  mittere  ad  uos,  .i.  neioh  roiccu  a  less,  Of  whatever 
I  need. 

Ml.  22°  1,  int  a  mail  insofri  nech  tarsa-tochuirther  sciath  air  nach 
ri  olc,  A  comparison  this  to  one  over  whom  is  put  a  shield  that  evil 
may  not  reach  him. 

Ml.  50d  1,  asbeir  nadmbi  ciall  la  nech  disluindi  dliged  remdeicsen, 
He  says  that  no  one  who  denies  the  law  of  Providence  has  under- 
standing. 

Ml.  23°  20,  nephdenum  neich  di  ulc  fri  nnech  dogni  olc  frit,  air  is 
huilliu  son  indaas  nadndene  (subj.)  olc  fri  nech  nadeni  olc  friut,  To 
abstain  from  doing  any  evil  to  one  who  does  evil  to  thee,  for  that 
is  more  than  that  thou  shouldst  not  do  evil  to  one  who  does  no 
evil  to  theo. 

Ml.  27c  10,  nach  ma  gen  i  n-imfogni  in  briathar-so  fri  ainsid  isnaib 
sabnaib,  is  do  ruccae  7  melacht  teit,  Wherever  in  the  psalms  this  verb 
is  construed  with  the  accusative,  it  is  applied  to  shame  and  disgrace. 

Wb.  9C  22,  ni  dilgaid  a  n-ancride  dognither  frib,  Ye  forgive  not 
the  injury  that  is  done  to  you. 

Ml.  108*  11,  cia  beith  soilse  isind  lau,  ni  soilse  do  neuch  bis  *  m-brdn, 
Though  there  be  light  in  the  day,  it  is  not  light  to  anyone  that  is 
in  sorrow. 

[continued  on  p.  313. 


312  8UBJUNCT1VE  MOOD  IN  IRISH — J.   8TRACHAN. 

understand  what  he  recites,  so  that  the  sense  which  is  in  it  may  be 
clear  to  him,  and  that  he  may  make  it  clear  to  everyone  who 
hears  it. 

23  N.  10,  R.I.A.*  a  forcanffl  di  each  an  ara  n-deine  filn,  That 
thoa  do  thyself  what  thon  teachest  to  everyone. 

Wb.  5d  14,  nip  sain  an  asberthar  ho  giun  7  a  m-bets  hi  cridiu, 
What  is  spoken  by  the  mouth  and  what  is  in  the  heart  most  not 
be  different. 

Wb.  5*  20,  chech  irnigde  dongneid  t  tuil  file  bed  dlichlhech,  Let 
every  prayer  that  ye  make  in  the  will  of  God  be  lawful. 

Wb.  5d  80,  nd  maith  robe*  bad  hod  dogneid,  Every  good  thing 
that  is,  let  it  be  that  ye  do. 

Wb.  30b  10,  na  herassaiget  do  gn\m$  a  n-asbere,  Let  not  thy 
works  make  void  what  thou  sayest. 

Wb.  24b  8,  na"  bad  chotartne  fri  bar  n-lee  a  n-no-gessid,  Let 
what  ye  pray  for  not  be  contrary  to  your  salvation.1 

(*)  LU.  61*>  27,  nobild  each  Idth  gaiU  do  Vliaxb  a  laa  hi  Sleih 
Fudit  fri  inddud  neich  dothfisad  eo  n-airchetul,  Every  warrior  of 
Ulster  used  to  be  his  day  in  Sifab  Fudit  to  protect  whoever  eame 
with  poesy. 

ML  19*  5,  cona  bad  dliged  remdiieten  oco  tuistin  $idi  aeht  intk  bed 
trma  dofordiuclaim  alaili,  That  there  might  be  no  law  of  Providence 
at  their  creation,  but  that  he  who  was  stronger  should  devour  the 
other. 

Ml.  69a  2,  si  fuissent  obtatis  potiti,  .i.  neieh  adgustis,  Anything 
that  they  desired. 

Ml.  29°  16,  hi  quos  fugae  eius— necessitudo  coniunxerat,  .i. 
&  carairad  .i.  neck  bed  chare  do,  Their  friendship,  i.e.  anyone  who 
was  a  friend  of  his. 

Ml.  125a  4,  00  n-detaitis  ani  nogestais,  That  they  might  obtain 
what  they  prayed  for. 

Ml.  2d  1 ,  in  hunc  modum  multas  haberent  libros,  .i.  mad  forcenn 
libuir  nach  tnagen  i  m-beth  amen  indib,  If  each  place  in  which  amen 
is  in  them  were  the  end  of  a  book. 

Wb.  14c  23,  co  m-bad  tain  a  n-asberin  0  belib  et  ani  im- 
meradin  6  ehridiu,  That  what  I  say  wilh  the  lips  and  what  1  think 
with  the  heart  might  be  different 


1  In  Ml.  23d  17,  the  present  subjunctive  is  found  after  a  past,  is  a  mare  dia 
*$  <-*mbed  d  ainm-iom  bas  foir,  It  is  his  son  after  him,  though  it  be  not  his  name 
that  is  upon  him. 

[continued  <m  p.  314. 


SUBJUNCTIVE    MOOD    IN    IRISH— J.    OTKACHAN. 


313 


hb  rmcmnallftfhar  mH  ardatuaissi,  That  ho 
who  Listens  to  tin  -mi  may  fulfil  them  diligently. 

Ml*  21b  8,  mmdstgu  00  n-itrUtig\f\  dam  ton  tuna  hi  noguidim 
thn'f-xitf,  That  I  should  pray  that  Thou  mayest  me  forgive  the 
tftingi  I  in-.iy  of  Ti 

ML  fHb  10,  mnn\  ehomatla  n^h  oru  forchOBgaiT  Dtn  do.  If  any- 
one  fulfil  not  *  unjoins  him. 

JH,  I04v  3,  mmJ  itMtotad  pi  M  robatar  i  n-Ead 

da  no  sic  7  taha^r  pfflM  forma  hi  friiorcat  dmiaih  Mmhahdth,  As 
pun  Aliment  wat*  in  die  toil  on  those  who  were  in  Kn>h>r,  §0  let  them 
die,  and    let   punishment  be   indicted  ou  those   that   oppose   th« 

Haoeatx 

Wb.  LI*  0,  «r«  rand  an-rochlninetar,  That  they  may  love  what 
they  hear. 

Wb.  12*  6,  §Q  tt-th.rnti  tech  ball  a  ll-aa  d*W  dialttUtu,  That  ear.h 
tihf  i'  do  what  the  other  desires. 

ML  4l'1  12,  to  n-rurfl-na  doth  a  n*as  ffMtfiiir  Ami,  That  I  may 
manifest  lo  them  what  I  dfiBKI*. 

Wb.  6b  18,  a  n*aa  m  A  rftatf,  What  teami  good  to 

overjone,  let  him  do. 

Wb.  iti*  21,  ^1  /on^  m[i]M/>  dtrittn—cit  iit/mmmu  a  n-dogniat 

ar  et'/i,  It  WGW  a  fruit  of  our  labour  if  we  did  what  our  fellows  do. 
1  T2b  U<>,  ar  ttavh   HaU  d*  taunt  co   n-idt'frtitut  a&tnd 

\U  hi  m-bi,  That  the  temptations  of  the  Devil  may  not  ft  ioh 
him,  to  drive  hira  from  the  sanctity  in  whiih  1: 

ML  30*  29,  mm  hanebat  J.  wi  atriad  d§  n*  rodligestar 

»i  rfo,  He  had  not,  i.e.  any  thing  to  givu  to  a  creditor  who  had 
a  claim  on  him* 

Ml.  12GC  10,  nl  i<it  fh  an\  rolabrastar  Din  7 

durairiigert,  That  it  mi^ht  be  believed  that  what  Uod  hud  gpokea 
and  promised  won!  to  truth* 

Ml.  115*  1 |,  oo/or  ereh  tin  a  Jiua'tr  immeroimded  (impf.)  do! 
digal,  V  used  to  be  wrought  on  each  number  in  turn  that 

ML  88*  17,  nath  motad  rundammolad-sa  a  B*a  it  9ri 
Kvejy  praiee  wherewith  i  mm  prai  kid,  it  ii  by  TbM  that 

it  n 

pmti  robu  ]   hit  tttvhottt  Hmt  Who 

.  nil  thai  I  ml. 

AIL  id1  -  Qmall&mAr%  m  n*ni<b  $&rwrn$irt  Din  ft 

tin  fin  new?/*  nudcomalaabadar,  iemimiiaf  tkn  a  n-uiU'tin,  \\ 

timttd  on  }< 


314  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  IN  IRISH — J.  8TRACHAN. 

Wb.  18*  18,  eona  bad  j\r  a  n-aabermia,  That  what  we  say  is 
untrue.     (Cf.  §  25.) 

Wb.  17b  1,  ut  non  existimemnr  tamquam  terrere  uos  per  epistolas, 
.i.  mnd  ni  enimsin  hi  fr$ekiire  a  n-asberinn  per  epistolaa,  As 
though  I  could  not  do  in  (your)  presence  what  I  said  per  epistolas. 

(*)  Wb.  9*20,  cid  atobaioh  een  dUgud  e*eh  ancridi  dognethe 
frib,  What  compels  you  not  to  forgive  every  injury  that  may  be 
done  to  you  P 

Wb.  13*  19,  mulieres  in  ecclesiis  taceant,  .i.  si  sint  uiri  in 
praesentia,  or  is  ins*  in  ball  do  thineosc  neieh  asberad  cenn,  For  it 
is  hard  that  the  member  should  put  right  whatever  a  head  might 
utter. 


73.  Subjunctive  relative  clauses  are  found  in  negative,  or 
virtually  negative,  sentences  denying  a  possibility  or  the 
like. 

(«)  Wb.  14*  15,  ni  tabir  Diafomni  feehith  nid  fochomolsam ; 
eid  ind  foehith  follongam  dober  dithnad  dara  hissi,  God  putteth  not 
upon  us  suffering  that  we  cannot  endure.  Even  the  suffering 
that  we  do  endure,  He  giveth  consolation  for  it. 

ML  107d  4,  did  n-orbalam-ni  ni  Ma  neeh  runiccae-siu,  If  we 
die  there  will  be  no  one  for  Thee  to  heal. 

Ml.  114*  18,  nad  fll  neeh  oongne/ra  6n  acht  Diaf  That  there 
is  no  one  to  help  him  but  God. 

LL.  25 1»  24,  ni  fail  lot  do  setaib  ni  nodottain,  Thou  hast 
nought  of  treasures  that  can  protect  thee. 

ML  31d  6,  eonna  bi  ni  frestai  d  mes,  So  that  there  is  nothing 
to  oppose  its  estimation. 

Wb.  lld  8,  onabefe  nii  indidningaba  d  chocubus,  That  there 
may  be  nothing  for  his  conscience  to  reprove  him  for. 

Wb.  17*  13,  na  tomnathar  neeh  ni  bes  mo  quam  scrvi,  Let  no  one 
think  anything  that  is  more  quam  servi. 

Wb.  31d  11,  naohitochthad  fria  ehose  ni  bes  [*]ire,  Let  him  not 
wear  thee  out  in  admonishing  him  any  longer. 

Wb.  1 8*  2,  niofil  has  seiith  Urn  act  top  ar  Crist,  There  is  nothing 
of  which  I  am  weary  provided  it  be  for  Christ. 

(b)  Ml.  100c  23,  nio-robae  nech  adchotatae  dia  n-adnacul,  There 
was  no  one  who  could  be  got  to  bury  them. 

Ml.  125b  7,  nio-robae  rann  di  rannaib  in  domain  inna-ructais 

[continued  on  p.  316. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD  IN   IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  315 

fulfil  it,  there  shall  be  given  to  us  all  that  God  promised  through 
that  law  to  him  who  shall  fulfil  it. 

Ml.  63°  14,  intl  dogena  a  n-uile-so  sis,  is  do  berthar  (dobirthar  ?) 
bethu  sin,  That  life  shall  be  given  to  him  who  does  all  this  below. 

Ml.  56a  21,  immeit  (in  tneit?)  bias  firinne  neich  is  in  meit  sin 
dano  bias  dilgadche  Bd  do,  In  proportion  to  a  man's  righteousness 
shall  be  God's  forgiveness  to  him. 

Ml.  106*  4,  in  reliquis  liberalis  erit,  .i.  donaibhi  dnrigat  a  doiri, 
To  those  who  shall  come  out  of  captivity. 

Wb.  28d  16,  te  ipsum  saluum  facies  et  eos  qui  te  audiunt,  .i. 
cdch  rotohechladar  oc  precept.  All  who  shall  hear  thee  teaching. 

Wb.  32d  13,  amal  ronsoir  fesin,  soirfed  cdch  cretfes  and,  As 
He  delivered  Himself,  He  would  deliver  everyone  who  shall  believe 
in  Him. 

73*.  In  simple  periphrasis  the  indicative  stands. 

Ml.  31d  10,  amal  niofil  ni  arachoat  a  n-argat  n-glan  achl  dt[K]echt 
i  n-aicdiy  As  nothing  injures  pure  silver,  but  it  passes  into  a 
finished  form  (?). 

Ml.  26°  2,  ni  a  tobae  namma  fil  and  dognl  da  saltn  de,  It  is  not 
the  division  only  that  is  there  that  makes  two  psalms  of  it. 

LL.  126a  2,  ni  foil  ni  as  luathiu  anddit  na  eich-seo,  Nothing  is 
swifter  than  these  horses. 

Ml.  14b  13,  ni  bu/tta  riir  fesin  boi  som  isint  aimsir  [*w],  He 
was  not  under  his  own  control  at  that  time. 

LU.  43a  33,  ni  batar  i  n-Ere  enlaith  ba  cdini,  There  were  no 
fairer  birds  in  Ireland. 

LU.  45a  3,  ni  bo  ed  as  m6  rognathaigsem,  It  was  not  that  to 
which  we  have  been  most  accustomed. 

LU.  76*  4,  ni  p&  isind  ath  escomon-sa  condricfem,  We  will  not 
meet  in  this  polluted  ford. 

LU.  107a  45,  ni  b&  neck  has  ferr  nodglefe  atai-siu,  No  one  will 
settle  it  better  than  thou. 


316         suBJUHcnvB  mood  iir  irish — i.  sthachak. 

t1  n-dori  7  amachatncad  Di*,  There  was  no  part  of  the  world  into 
which  they  might  not  he  brought  into  slavery,  and  from  which 
God  should  not  take  them. 

Ml.  80«  9,  eonnaeonrobae  ni  rotcrutais,  80  that  there  was 
nothing  for  them  to  examine. 

ML  28*  3,  ni  rabae  atcui*  an  m-beth  enim  and,  There  was  no 
reason  why  #*#*»  should  be  there. 

l.U.  83*  31,  conach  robi  ddib  eonair  dochoistil,  80  that  they  had 
no  way  to  go. 

LI*.  260*  52,  ni  nbniforsin  tlrfir  nolamad  a  thabairt  do,  There 
was  not  on  the  land  a  man  who  dared  to  give  it  to  him. 

Wb.  33d  10,  ni  robe  neck  bad  huaUliu  tara  toissed,  There  was 
no  one  higher  by  whom  he  could  swear. 

Ml.  51*  2,  omnia  firmitas  corporis  ultima  languors  concussa  est, 
.i.  nio-robae  ni  bed  m6,  There  was  nothing  that  could  be  greater. 

ML  100s  11,  ultimis  coacti  malis,  .i.  nio-rabatar  olca  betii  mum, 
There  were  no  evils  that  could  be  greater. 

(e)  ML  107b  8,  nio-fil  frithorcain  nachamthited-sa  7  nad 
fordamainn,  There  is  no  affliction  that  might  not  have  come  to  me, 
and  that  1  might  not  have  endured. 

LL.  250*  45,  noooniaoca  ni  rosaissed  lath  no  tridn  do  ekruth, 
I  have  seen  nothing  to  come  up  to  thy  form  by  a  half  or  a  third. 

Wb.  18c  8,  ni  tlfolad  n-aill  fora-sernte  in  sosceU  issin  act  Crist, 
There  is  no  other  substance  on  which  ye  could  build  this  Gospel 
but  Christ. 

Ml.  17*  15,  ni  fll  ainuir  nadm-bed,  There  is  no  time  that  He 
was  not. 

Wb.  28b  1,  ni  fll  cancel  na  bclrc  isin  biuth  di[a]  nad  rfcthe  nech, 
For  there  is  neither  race  nor  tongue  in  the  world  of  which  some 
one  should  not  be  saved. 

Sg.  50*  2,  ni  techta  Mia  intkliucht  andfeimn  hua  n-ainmnigthae, 
It  has  no  special  sense  itself  from  which  it  should  be  named. 

Ml.  60b  2,  ni  feil  ni  bed  ardasachtchu,  Nothing  could  be  madder. 

Ml.  92*  9,  ni  fail  ni  bed  huilliu  oldaaa  attrab  la  Dia,  Nothing 
could  be  greater  than  to  dwell  with  God. 

LU.  68b  28,  ni  fetar  ni  ardott&igthe,  I  know  no  reason  why 
thou  shouldst  be  feared. 

SR.  7925,  cia  da  is  mo  messar,  in  fail  uaib  rofessad.  Which  of 
them  is  of  greater  measure,  is  there  anyone  of  you  who  could 
know?  This  amounts  to  ni  fail  uaib  rofessad,  none  of  you 
could  know. 

[continued  on  p.  31 S. 


SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN    IRISH— J.    STRACHAN.  317 


318        wcmtvwenrm  mood  or  ibjsh— j.  stbachax. 

i  pasnihflily  to  ] 

ML  53*  5,  fr  4i[a^mir  a  inehlidi  mm  Bad  eho[m]  sue*  actt 
Amm  /am,  la  the  hidden  place  of  His  secret,  over  which  none 
may  have  power  but  He  only. 

ML  S3*  10,  am  tJuta  Bad  dsosniethar  «v*  ~«  aatfradt, 
Venom  that  which  might  not  be  healed,  beyond  the  venom  of  makes. 

LTJ.  57*  24,  aa  tiaamr  mtkm  eo  B-ftar /tr  rolaa  tW  ««W,  Let 
it  not  be  paamed  till  there  be  found  a  man  to  throw  a  similar  collar. 

LL.  280»  18,  eirgg  mm  UU  aa  alfr-aa  O-imrddud,  Go  forth 
to  where  I  may  not  hear  mention  of  thee. 

Wb.  SI*  18,  bfi  ni  roglante  and,  There  was  something  to  be 
purified. 

Wb.  27*  16,  bfi  and  ni  roertfce,  There  was  something  to  be 
given. 

ML  60s  12,  eid  arnabm  mm  iwchoissitad  Unjmd,  Why  was  it  not 
a  word  to  express  eating? 

Wb.  2»  7,  ftTobad  innm  ckorp  ni  inchoissised  tti*  uitiorum, 
That  there  might  be  in  his  body  somewhat  to  signify  the  excision 
uitiorum. 

ML  107*  12,  eo  m-betii  Aymaiai  Uu  trinan-ctis  betkaid  afritkM, 
That  there  might  be  good  works  with  them  through  which  they 
might  obtain  life  again. 

Wb.  11*  19,  cent  eid  ara  m-bad  spiritalis  ind  ail.  Question, 
Why  should  the  rock  be  spirituality  (lit.  what  is  there  for  which?). 

LL.  286*  17,  ail  dam  bothnait  diamair  i  n-geissind  Dia,  I  would 
fain  have  a  little  hut  in  secret  in  which  I  might  pray  to  God. 


75.   In  the  following  sentences  the  relative  clause  expresses 
restriction:   c£  the  clauses  with  act,  §  48. 

Wb.  17*  13,  eon  n&  ruchrete-si  do  neuch  act  nrch  dogned  na 
gnimu  tin,  That  je  might  not  believe  in  anyone  save  one  who  did 
those  deeds. 

Tir.  11,  toinc  limm  fer  densetche  dunarmcthae  act  oen  tuittiu, 
I  desire  a  husband  of  one  wife  to  whom  has  not  been  born  but 
one  child. 

LU.  124b  30,  ni  hi  em  roeharuna,  for  CuchuUind,  nirforfamusa 
mndi  atgnead /<r,  "It  is  not  she  that  I  have  loved,"  said  Cuchulinn ; 
"  1  have  not  accepted  a  wife  who  has  known  a  man." 

[continue  on  p.  320. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.    STRACHAN.  319 

74*.  cid  ara  n-  may  be  followed  by  the  indicative. 

Wb.  5*  31,  other  id-si  cid  arind — epur  frit,  Ye  say,  why  do 
I  say  it  to  thee  ? 

Ml.  55d  11,  isid  insin  fodera  inn  erigim,  aid  ara  fodaim  int  ais 
firian  inna  fochaidi.  It  is  that  that  causes  the  plaint,  why  the 
righteous  suffer  the  tribulations. 

HI.  63c  9,  amal  immtchomairsed  nech,  cid  ara  tuic  Duaid  nostris, 
As  though  some  one  were  to  ask  why  David  put  nostris. 


320         bubjunctivk  hood  in  ikish — J.  btrachan* 

LTJ.  129b  35,  athert  ni  Mad  ina  farrad  acht  ben  Had  fessed  mch 
iofiraH  h-ISrend  rfomS  He  said  that  do  wife  should  be  with,  him 
rave  one  that  had  never  known  any  of  the  men  of  Ireland. 

76.  The  relative  clause  may  approach  in  force  to  a  concessive 

clause. 
ML  85d  5,  per  sirailitudinem  cor  urn  qui  exigunt  quod  mutuo 
non  dcdernnt,  ft  duthlucheiar  ni  nad  tardatis  do,  Who  demand 
something  that  they  had  not  given  him.     Tito  same  meaning  migt 
he  expressed  by  ceni  tardatis  ni  dAt  dathluchetar,  Though  thej 
hud  given  him  nothing,  they  demand  it     Cf.  Wb.  4*  6,  §  46. 


VI.    Particles  with  the  Subjunctive, 

I.    Negative  pAETietEs. 

77.  In  principal  clauses  of  every  description  the  regular 
negative  with  the  subjunctive  mood  is  «i.  It  is  unnecessary 
to  repeat  here  the  examples  that  have  been  given  in  the 
foregoing  pages. 

78.  In  subordinate  clauses,  too,  nl  predominates,  but  here  there 

are  exceptions. 

(a)  In  accordance  with  the  general  rule,  ni  is  replaced  by  nA 
(mAm\  nil  eh)  in  relative  clauses,  and  in  clauses  dependent  on  \t*rba 
smtiendi  H  dtcmdi\  cf.  Gramra*  Celt.1 741.  Examples  will  be  found 
above,  §§  20,  28,  72,  73,  74,  75,  76.  With  mat  m  the  sense 
of  *as  though/  the  negation  m  Old  Irish  if*  regularly  ill,  §  51. 
With  amal  in  the  sense  of  *  a*/  I  have  no  instance  of  a  negative 
subjunctive,  nor  have  I  any  such  example  with  the  temporal 
particles  ant  intan;  one  might  a  prion  expect  the  negative  to  be 
n<l.  In  subordinate  clauses  dependent  on  uerba  *entimdi  rt  dieendi, 
ttt  is  sometimes  found,  as  in  vnttio  rtcta  (parataxis  instead  of 
hypoUxis),  e.g.  LTJ.  69b  30,  rafttar-hti  m  g§mtim  1  n*ch  e*n  armu. 
Thou  knoweet  I  do  not  wound  an  unarmed  man.    Compare  with 


»  annHhsf  <«'|»y  ha*  a»*a  tibred  snmJ  Ajirti  dianuitucctd  iwA  eU 
Tint  In  wild  n#¥«i  Uke  li  mh  n  any  other  hud  taken  her  before  hiro. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD    IN    IRISH — J   STRACHAN.  321 

this  the  use  of  ni  with  the  subjunctive  after  ddich,  inda,  §27, 
also  ferr  duit  nirba  hanecnaid  and  ba  mSite  limm  ni  Martha  friumtn, 
§67. 

(b)  After  conjunctions  made  up  of  a  preposition  and  the  relative 
the  negative  is  nd. 

The  clearest  example  of  this  is  the  final  particle  ara  n-,  the 
negative  of  which  is  arnd,  arndch.  This  observation  will,  I  think, 
account  for  the  apparent  variation  between  ni  and  nd  after  co 
*  in  order  that/  cf.  Gramm.  Celt.2  745.  In  the  Old  Irish  Glosses, 
if  I  mistake  not,  the  facts  of  the  case  are  as  follows : — With  ni 
the  form  is  coni.  With  nd,  ndch  we  find  both  connd,  conndch  and 
cond,  eondch.  In  addition  to  the  examples  given  in  the  Grammatica 
Celtica  I  quote  a  few  instances  from  Ml. :  conna  beth  32d  5,  conna 
bi  44d  6,  conna ch  ful  57d  15,  conna  dechsam  62d  1,  cona  ruaigsetar 
35°  4,  cona  tiagat  51d  3.  These  facts  point  to  a  very  simple 
explanation.  As  is  well  known,  there  are  two  very  similar 
particles  in  Irish  —  co  with  no  relative  affix  and  eon-  with 
a  relative  affix.  In  coni,  then,  I  would  see  the  conjunction  co, 
in  conna  the  conjunction  con-.1  In  connd  we  should  then  have 
an  exact  parallel  to  arnd.  As  to  the  form  cond,  either  nn  has 
been  reduced  to  n  in  the  pretonic  syllable,  or  cond  may  have 
arisen  from  contamination  of  coni  and  connd.  It  may  be  observed 
that  coni  is  in  the  process  of  disappearing;  at  least,  I  have  not 
noted  it  in  the  literature  subsequent  to  the  Glosses. 

(c)  Sometimes  nd,  ndch,  ndd  stand  by  themselves  as  final 
particles. 

Examples  of  this  above  are  ndrthaeth  §  61,  na  belt's  §  62,  nod 
tintae-siu,  nad  remthidttais,  nd  tarta  §  65,  na  ruetarscara  Ml.  54d  5, 
nachinrogba  Wb.  I5d  40.  In  the  Glosses  I  have  not  noted  many 
instances  of  this. 

79.  It  is  to  be  remarked  that  in  later  Irish  the  tendency  is  for 
nd  to  extend  itself  in  subordinate  clauses  at  the  expense  of 
ni.  Compare  what  has  been  said  of  the  negatives  with 
amal  §  51,  note  2,  and  observe  also  acht  narmilter  §  48,  where 
in  Old  Irish  we  should  have  expected  ni.  But  it  is  not 
always  easy  to  say  whether  the  one  particle  has  been  sub- 
stituted for  the  other,  or  whether,  as  in  muna  =  O.Ir.  mani, 
we  have  weakening  of  ni. 

1  So  already  Zimmer,  Kelt.  Stud,  ii,  56. 
Phil.  Trans.  1896-7.  21 


IKACHAX. 


2.    Thk  Pabticxis  »o-  ash*  re-* 

80.  For  the  purpose  of  dealing  with  these  particles  I  hare  brought 
together  examples  of  the  subjunctives  of  simple  verbs  from 
the  three  large  collection  a  of  Glosses,  and  the  instances  of  tie 
substantive  verb  from  "WTx  The  copula  forms  have  been 
neglected,  as  they  bave  peculiarities  of  their  awn,  and  do  not 
altogether  follow  the  same  laws  as  other  verbs,  In  addition 
to  the  above,  I  have  before  me  the  subjunctive  forms  of  the 
two  verbs,  in  which  forms  with,  and  forms  without,  ro-  are 
most  frequently  found,  namely,  as-bittr  'I  say '  and  dv-#nlu 
1 1  do.'  The  instances  of  these  two  verbs  have  been  taken 
from  vol,  ii  of  Zimmer's  Keltische  Studton,  except  for  the 
portion  of  ML  which  had  not  yet  been  published  when  that 
work  appeared.  That  ray  collections  arc  complete  I  do 
not  venture  to  say,  as  I  went  through  the  Glosses  only  am, 
but  they  are  probably  complete  enough  to  draw  conclusions 
from.  Some  instances  of  other  compound  verbs  with  and 
without  re-  will  be  found  in  the  Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1895-6, 
ppT  143-4.  I  propose  to  deal  first  with  the  particle  no-,  as 
the  conditions  there  arc  simpler,  and  afterwards  to  discuss 
the  usage  of  the  particle  ro-> 


(1)    Tftk  Particle  jig-. 

81.  The  domain  of  the  particle  m-  is  much  more  restricted  than 
that  of  ro-t  in  that  it  i?  found  only  with  simple  verbs,1  and 
here  again  only  in  orthotonic  forms ;  it  is  not  found  ■ 
the  particles  fif,  nddt  mn-%  etc.,  which  demand  the  enclitic 
form  of  the  verb.  The  particle  ro-  is  bound  by  no  such 
restrictions.  But  as  ro-  is  found  in  the  same  positions  in 
which  no-  is  found,  they  have  formally  to  some  extent 
a  common  field.  Hence  &  double  problem  presents  itself. 
In  the  first  place,  we  must  seek  to  discover  the  rules  that 
determine  the  presence  and  the  absence  of  no-  under  the 
circumstances  in  which  its  use  is  permitted.  Then  we  mu*t 
try  to  delimit  the  usage  of  the  two  particle  En  that  domain 
which  they  share  in  common. 

1  Thi*  is  the  rule  in  the  qIuW  l» Tiding*.     Afterwards  m*  oomst  to  be  uacd 
with  name  tttuipuiiml  rerhs,  probably  Watwc  lliei  r  frit  to  bo 

compounds.      Instance*  of  Ihi*  will  be  found   ill  YSll.  p.  9.  Aikfcuaji,   lk*m. 
tud  How.  }> 


8UBJUNCTIVE   MOOD  IN   IRISH — J.   8TRACHAN.  323 

82.  With  regard  to  the  former  point  the  following  rules  may  be 

laid  down : — 

(1).  In  the  past  subjunctive  the  use  of  no-,  where  it  is 
permitted  by  the  rules  laid  down  in  the  previous  paragraph, 
is  regular  unless  the  past  subjunctive  be  preceded  by  ro-. 

(2).  In  the  present  subjunctive  no-  is  present  under  the  same 
conditions,  if  there  be  a  pronoun  infixed  between  it  and  the 
verb.  If  there  be  no  infixed  pronoun,  then  the  general  rule  is 
that  the  simple  verb  is  used  without  no-. 

83.  Of  these  rules  abundant  examples  may  be  found  in  the  fore- 
going pages.  Yet  it  may  be  convenient  to  illustrate  them 
more  fully  from  one  or  two  kinds  of  clauses.  The  instances 
under  the  several  headings  are  arranged  in  the  following 
order:  (a)  past  subjunctive,  (b)  present  subjunctive  with  no-, 
(<?)  present  subjunctive  without  no-. 

Conditional  clauses. 

(a)  ma  nutoltanaiged  Sg.  72b  6,  ma  nucomaUainn  Ml.  131d  19, 
ce  notectad  Sg.  197*  11,  cia  nutiastais  Ml.  117d  3,  ce  nachomalnithe 
Wb.  13*  33. 

(b)  ce  no-n-molid,  ce  no-n-airid  Wb.  16a  1,  ce  napridchid-$i 
Wb.  I5d  6. 

(c)  ma  chomalnit  Wb.  28c  7,  ma  marbitir  Wb.  4*  13,  ma  beid 
Wb.  5d  32,  13*  4,  24b  9,  20*  12,  ma  ienaigidir  Sg.  151*  1,  cia 
gmir  Wb.  17d  27,  cia  bes  Wb.  21d  3,  29d  19,  30*  23,  cia  beid 
Wb.  4*  6,  3°  10  (MS.  bed),  cia  beimmi  19*  16,  cia  betir  Ml.  54*  17, 
cia  chomallaide  Ml.  95c  3. 

Final  clauses  with  co. 

(a)  co  noairladigthe  Wb.  3b  9,  co  nocomalnithe  Wb.  3d  26,  co 
no-s-berinn  Wb.  10d  36,  co  nocomalnide  Wb.  19b  22,  co  nu-m-gabthae 
(MS.  comnumgabthae)  Ml.  27b  7,  co  nucoined  Ml.  32b  13,  co  nidintae 
Ml.  32b  15,  co  nulogad  Ml.  39«  5,  co  nugabtis  Ml.  39c  15. 

(c)  co  beid  Wb.  14c  23,  co  beit  Wb.  10b  5,  co  bethe  Wb.  19d  19, 
co  mothaigid  Ml.  25c  6,  co  thirmaigid  Mi.  44d  8,  co  glanaid  Ml. 
51*  10,  <?o  molait  Ml.  51c  10,  co  erladaigear  Ml.  106c  6,  co  eochme- 
laigidir  Ml.  138°  4. 

Of  (b)  1  have  no  examples. 


324         scBjrscrrrB  mood  is  ibish — J.  stxachas. 


Imtatai  nlynctifcs  translating  a  Lntin  miMitnre  ;§  68). 

(*)  mummkO*  Wb.  26k  13,  w~m-ft*m***  ML  21*  1,  m^n-4*irt*U 
ML  2^  18,  m*mt~x  ML  32*  6,  aw**1  ML  S-i»  26,  nW/< 
ML  39*  19,  a#-am-i**M  ML  40*  2,  m*-mt-ftitU-«  ML  54*  26, 
nm-n-4td*it  ML  83*  3,  j^-»-^#>«#^m  ML  95*  3,  mhm/m/i 
ML  104*  6,  —-n-jUnJu  ML  119*  2. 

(*)  a^K*1  Wb.  23-   1,  a*!*1  ML  29*  2,  at  *«aVf*f JUr  '  ML 
33-   23,   *+-mJ4d^m]f*U>   ML  43*  2,    mmfmOtiffr1  ML  46*   16, 
•^m^UifUur  ML  56*   17,   »o  ■  icmmgtcr  ML  80*  3,  ui^fi 
awSrifcr  ML  63«  4. 

(0  r«M^r  ML  37*  9,  mmmsyUr  ML  79F  2,  irnmimyeisr 
ML  108"  6,  u-fUmsi'  ML  28*  4,  »-<*fer<  ML  101*  5. 

84.  To  the  former  of  the  two  rales  I  hare  noted  do  exceptions 
in  the  Old  Irish  Glosses,  except  in  one  or  two  instances  in 
the  snbstantiTe  verb:  Sg.  5*  4  (p.  254,  1.  11),  209*  1  (p.  254, 
L  28),  ML  39*  13,  dm  bed  «uw*,  'however  great  might  be.9 
To  the  latter  there  is  an  apparent  exception  in  mmmoftttid, 
Wb.  24*  3,  p.  312,  above.  There  I  took  an  as  the  relative, 
but  it  may  be  the  temporal  an  'when  ye  pray.'  Whether 
we  hare  here  a  real  exception,  or  whether  we  should  correct 
to  mnncmaewd,  I  am  unable  to  decide  from  the  material  at  my 
disposaL  In  the  Saltair  na  Rann,  in  spite  of  the  exigencies 
of  the  metre,  the  same  rules  are  still,  for  the  most  part, 
observed.  To  the  second  rule  there  seem  to  be  no  exceptions, 
cf.  VSR.  pp.  9,  13,  14,  17,  46,  47.  To  the  first  exceptions 
are  found  in  gabad  VSR.  p.  16,  and  in  Ixth  VSR.  p.  48, 
both  in  relative  sentences.  The  almost  complete  harmony 
between  this  tenth -century  text  and  the  results  arrived  at 
from  the  material  collected  from  the  Old  Irish  Glosses 
furnishes  a  strong  proof  of  the  correctness  of  the  above  rules. 
It  may  be  added  that,  so  far  as  can  be  gathered  from  the 
examples  given  in  the  Grammatica  Celtica,  somewhat  similar 
rules  seem  to  apply  to  the  primary  and  secondary  tenses  of 

1  In  all  these  instances  no-  stands  for  no-n-,  the  «  being  regularly  lost  before 
the  following  consonant. 

2  =  HQ-b-bendaehthar. 

3  So  I  would  restore  the  missing  letter ;  lam-pabim  would  be  a  good 
glofioatorial  translation  of  man-ripo. 

4  The  pre  fixation  of  the  relative  particle  n  here  is  perhaps  an  artificial  way 
of  indicating  the  subjunctive  mood ;  at  least,  I  have  not  noted  it  in  the  living 
language. 


SUBJUNCTIVE    MOOD    IX    IRISH  —  J,    SlRACHAW 


325 


the  indicative  in  which  no*  is  found.  But  there  is  at  least 
one  point  of  difference;  no-  is  found  in  primary  relative  form 
without  infixed  pronoun,  Gramra.  Celt.*  p.  416,  I  hlfft  HO 
sufficient  collections  of  material  to  enter  Into  duluils. 

85,  Wo  come  now  to  the  difference  in  use  between  no*  and  ra- 
in those  cases  in  which  both  particles  are  found  In  brief, 
the  difference  may,  I  think,  be  expressed  thus:  nogahad  : 
rogabad  -  na  gabad  :  na  rogbad  -  asberad  :  asrobrad.  In 
otht^r  words,  no-  with  the  subjunctive  is  parallel  to  sub- 
junctivos  without  any  particle  after  conjunctions  that  do  not 
admit  of  no-t  and  to  subjunctives  without  ro-  of  compound 
verbs  in  which  both  forms  without  ro-  and  forms  with  ro*  are 
■;. :  re-  with  the  subjunctive  of  simple  verbs  is  parallel 
to  the  use  of  ro-  in  compound  verbs  of  this  character,  Thin 
is  to  be  inferred  from  the  uses  of  thi-  two  particles  in  different 
kinds  of  subordinate  clauses.  With  amal  *  as  though/  and 
in  clauses  of  a  similar  kiiul  Willi  olddaxf  inihtns,  in  eummt 
(§§  51-53),  the  verbs  mhiur  and  dagnlu  appear  without  ro*i 
MI.  olb  15  amal  hid  fd  i ,i8Q  mherad%  similarly  Ml.  62*  2, 
8g*  217*  Wj  M  atm[me]  hid  pugnator  atberad  ML  67*  8  ;  amal 
m  bad  an  cittta  dupntlit  Ml.  74*  1,  similarly  ML  49*  11. 
Here,  in  the  simp!*  stands  where  it  is  permissible. 

Add  to  the  instances  given  above  amal  nulhnsdhe  ML  32*  13, 

amal  nutatamiginiut  ML    m  h   19,  amal  bid  >■  teMti 

Ml.  68*  9,  amal  bid  at  1 1,  68b  2,  i 

ptoir  .  »  .  i  Hudptithiht,}  Ml.  42*  18,  it  mtmm*  dl 
rtkt*  Wb.  I  lc  VS.  After  negatives  the  simple  wih 
appears  without  any  particle:  amal  nltteciitit  Wb*  10b  5, 
n\  adu  NVb.  10b6.  Again,  in  relative  clauses  (§  72  &t\,) 
these  compound  verbs  are  generally  without  ro-t  and  here 
again  the  simple  verb  has  prevalently  either  mo-  or  no  verbal 
particle.     In  conditional  sent  ■  verbs  anfaur  and  dognm 

appear  regularly  without  to-f  Wb.  1»»  t,  5*26,  10*  H,  12*  4, 
V2il  13.  13*  19,"  15d  18,  38*  23.  2G"  1,  27*  27,  ft*  30, 

ML  129*  12;  Wb.  8«  2,  5*  23,  8*  11,  10*  4,  io*  19,  10d  32, 
I7fl  2u   25  :u>;;*  6,  ML  23'  24,  23*   t,  2«>  fi,  3.v   is, 

35d  14j  37c  18.      In  the  simple  verb  ra-  is  very  rare ;  for  the 


. 


326         subjuhctive  mood  nc  wish—  j.  strachax. 

few  instances  see  $  93.  On  the  other  hand,  in  wishes  ro- 
prevails  both  in  simple  verbs  and  in  compounds  (§  18). 
Similarly  with  act  §  48,  and  with  retiu  §  55.  Farther 
illustrations  might  be  drawn  from  the  foregoing  pages,  but 
the  examples  already  given  show  that  the  parallel  above 
drawn  is  not  a  fanciful  one.  Something  more  will  have  to 
be  said  of  special  cases  under  the  next  heading. 

(2)  The  Pasxiclv  ro-. 

86.  What  has  been  said  about  the  particle  no-  has  paved  the  way 
for  the  discussion  of  the  particle  ro-.  For  if  the  parallelism 
that  we  have  sought  to  establish  be  correct,  then  in  those 
verbs  in  which  ro-  is  permissible  in  the  subjunctive  the 
contrast  will  be  between  all  ro-  forms  on  the  one  hand  and 
all  ro-less  forms  on  the  other.  Such  a  variation  is  by  no 
means  found  in  all  Irish  verbs.  In  simple  verbs  ro-  is  used 
freely  with  the  subjunctive.1  But  in  compound  verbs  the 
use  of  ro-  is  greatly  restricted.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  a 
general  rule  that  compound  verbs  whose  subjunctive  is  the 
t -subjunctive  do  not  insert  ro-.  For  these  subjunctives  see 
Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1895-6,  p.  157  sq.  To  the  exceptions 
mentioned  there  should  have  been  added  dorothuwa2  'may 
I  fall '  111.  23'  23,  resiu  doroUad2  'before  it  fell '  LU.  59»  23, 
by  arna  todsat  'that  they  may  not  fall'  Ml.  118*  12. 
Further,  resiu  forruma*  bine  form  LL.  250*  10.  In  addition 
to  these  ^-subjunctives  many  other  compound  verbs  do  not 
take  ro-  in  the  subjunctive.  Some  examples  will  be  found, 
Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1895-6,  p.  157  sq.4  ;  I  have  not  got 
together  a  complete   list   of  these  verbs.      In  what  follows, 


1  For  the  few  verbs  in  which  orthotonic  forms  with  ro-  alternate  throughout 
with  enclitic  forma  without  ro-,  see  Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1895-6,  pp.  147,  149. 

2  Here  ro-  stands  in  the  types  of  sentence  where  it  is  most  widely  used,  so 
that  it  may  be  regarded  as  an  analogical  insertion. 

3  O'Beirne  Crowe  translates  '  before  he  may  inflict  destruction  upon  us.' 
Zimmer,  KZ.  xxx,  151,  takes  the  form  from  *for-maiditn,  according  to  which 
the  meaning  would  be  *  before  destruction  break  upon  us.*  Thurneysen,  KZ. 
xxxi,  95,  suggests  as  a  possibility  that  the  form  may  belong  to  du-forban 
*  peruenit.'  This  suggestion  finds  support  in  LL.  238b  50,  gabthi  rcmib  in  certan 
9-foruim  'leg.  /curiam)  for  dx  UUm  na  gabra.  The  little  rag  went  before  them 
and  lighted  on  the  haunches  of  the  mare.  Here  mavdim  would  not  be 
appropriate. 

•  In  these  lists  some  indicatives  have  been  wrongly  given  as  subjunctives  : 
-eumgaitu  p.  157,  incoisged  p.  159 :  see  above,  pp.  234  note,  297  1.  3. 


SUBJUNCTIVE    MOOD  IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  327 

these  subjunctives  that  do  not  admit  ro-  must  be  regarded 
as  excluded  from  the  discussion ;  my  remarks  will  apply  only 
to  the  others. 

87.  At  Sg.  203a  6  we  find  arna  dernmifl  cum  nobis,  air  dia  n- 
denmis  cum  me,  dogenmis  dano  cum  nobis,  "  That  we  might 
not  make  cum  nobis,  for  if  we  made  cum  me  we  should  more- 
over make  cum  nobis."  Here  it  is  impossible  to  make  out  any 
difference  in  meaning  between  -denmis  and  -dernmis.  But 
the  example  points  to  a  difference  of  usage  in  different  kinds 
of  sentences.  Hence,  before  we  seek  to  determine  what 
special  meaning,  if  any,  ro-  has  in  the  subjunctive  mood, 
it  will  be  well  to  examine  the  different  types  of  subjunctive 
sentences  that  have  been  considered  in  the  foregoing  pages, 
in  order  that  it  may  be  seen  to  what  extent  ro-  forms  and 
ro-less  forms  occur  in  them  respectively.  In  this  the  various 
kinds  of  sentences  will  be  taken  in  the  order  in  which  they 
have  been  arranged  above,  except  that,  for  reasons  which 
will  appear,  final  clauses  will  now  be  put  last. 

88.  §  18.  In  expressing  a  wish  the  present  subjunctive  is 
regularly,  so  far  as  is  possible,  accompanied  by  ro-.  Further 
instances  may  be  seen  in  Hy.  i,  6,  10,  13,  15,  16,  17,  18,  20, 
24,  27,  30,  34,  36,  40,  45,  56;  iv,  3,  4,  5,  11,  12;  v,  92,  96, 
103;  vi,  22,  23,  26;  viii,  6.1  Compare  the  use  of  Cornish 
re-,  Breton  ra-. 

89.  §§  20,  21.  In  expressing  command,  in  positive  sentences  the 
subjunctive  is  used  without  ro-.  Note  the  positive  nomdiusca 
by  the  negative  nimdersaige  in  the  passage  quoted  from 
LU.  62a  25.  In  negative  sentences  both  forms  are  found, 
but  ro-  is  more  often  absent  than  present.  Additional 
examples  from  the  Glosses  are  ni  eretid  Wb.  18c  11,  ni  gessid 
"Wb.  26a  34,  ni  etaigther-tu,  ni  charae  Ml.  56b  31,  ni  berae-tiu, 
ni  malartae-siu   (by   ni  derlagae-siu)  Ml.    74d    13,   ni  berae 


1  We  do  not  find  ro-  with  the  peculiar  forms  snaidsium  i,  11,  snaidriunn 
i,  27,  38,  soenum  i,  28,  ainsiunn  vi,  14,  which,  so  far  as  I  remember,  have  been 
last  discussed  by  Thurneysen,  KZ.  ixxi,  101.  However  the  forms  are  to  be 
explained,  the  absence  of  ro-  reminds  one  of  the  absence  of  ro-  in  the  later 
preterite  gabais  for  the  older  ro-gab. 


328  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  IN   IRISH— J.   STRACHAN. 

Ml  94»  1,  nimdenaith  Wb.  6b  29,  and  in  the  third  person1 
ni  riat  Wb.  28c  2.  It  will  be  observed  that  ro-  is  present 
only  in  compound  verbs,  cf.  ni  fareba  '  thou  eh  alt  not  leave ' 
YBL.  344*  19.  In  simple  verbs  it  is  not  present;  many 
more  examples  of  this  may  be  found  in  the  Reglum 
Mochuta,  LBr.  261,  and  in  the  Tecosca  Cormaic.  LL.  344*, 
345».  The  copnla  is  an  exception  to  the  rule ;  there  ro  may 
be  present  at  least  in  later  Irish  {ni  rob.  nirba,  nirbat) ; 
I  have  at  present  no  example  to  hand  from  the  Glosses. 

90.  §§  20-23.  With  the  potential  subjunctives  §§21,  22,  ro-  is 
regularly  used.  A  further  instance  is  Wb.  30*  10,  ni  rohila 
udit,  It  could  not  escape  from  thee.  On  the  otber  hand, 
after  the  adverb  bit  §  24  I  have  no  example  of  the  addition 
of  ro~. 

91.  §§  25-28.  With  the  past  subjunctive  of  doubt  or  conjecture, 
§§  25,  26,  the  usage  varies.  To  the  examples  given  above, 
which  will  have  to  be  considered  later,  add  Ml.  35b  16, 
toimtiu  bed  fob  nogttbtis   inna  dligeda  inna  canone  fetariaice 

foni  fuatabarr  bind  nuiadnisiu,  "  The  opinion  that  the  saying9 
of  the  canon  of  the  Old  Testament  with  reference  to  that 
to  which  they  are  applied  in  the  New  Testament "  ;  Ml.  35b  16, 
dorumenatar  co  m-bad  fou  nogttbthe  isint  faithsi  foni  fotabarr 
isind  ntifiadnisiu,  "  They  thought  that  it  was  sung  in  Prophecy 
with  reference  to  that  to  which  it  is  applied  in  the  New 
Testament";  Ml.  113°  7,  ne  .  .  .  .  crederetur  tunc  tantum 
adeptus  imperium,  .i.  co  m-bad  and  nogabad  flaith  son,  "  That 
it  was  then  that  he  took  the  sovereignty  "  ;  Ml.  24d  7,  uisum 
sane  est  quibusdam  quod  in  tabernaculorum  confixione  .... 
est  psalmus  iste  compositus,  .i.  co  m.bad  si  amser  sin  rongabthe 
insalm,  "That  it  was  at  that  time  the  psalm  was  sung"  ;  Ml. 
139*  9,  co  m-bad  du  doiri  babH\_on~]i  rogabtis,  "That  they 
were  sung  of  the  captivity  of  Babylon."    With  ddig,  inda  §  27 

1  In  indirect  command  the  second  person  may  be  replaced  by  the  third, 
e.g.  apair  fris  Jingal  nitderna,  Tell  him  he  shall  not  commit  parricide, 
LL.  294*  15:  on  this  page  such  subjunctives  alternate  with  the  imperative 
and  the  future  indicative.  After  a  past  tense  the  present  subjunctive  may 
become  past,  cf.  LU.  99»  28,  asbcrt  Minion  drui  bdtar  n-e  airchoxlte  a  JJatha:armi 
echbrad  a  temraig  each  nomaid  aidche  J  ni  fuimmilied  gata  ina  Jfaith,  7  na 
gabtha  diberg,  7  ni  airsed  augra  in  dd  tuathmdil  tuath  maligna  7  na  foied  hi 
taig  anmbad  ema  soil*e  iar  fuinittd  grene.  Here  the  indirect  command  alternates 
with  formal  final  clauses. 


8UBJDNCTIVE   MOOD  IN   IK1SH— J.    8TRACHAN.  329 

none  of  the  instances  have  ro~  ;  however,  none  of  them  are 
of  such  a  kind  that  ro-  might  have  been  expected  in  ac- 
cordance with  what  will  be  laid  down  afterwards,  and  the 
apparent  absence  of  ro~  may  be  due  to  mere  chance.  With 
the  subjunctive  of  rejected  reason  or  fact  (§  28)  the  usage 
varies.  I  have  no  examples  to  add  to  those  that  have  been 
already  given. 

92.  §§  31-33.  In  dependent  interrogative  sentences  §  31  ro-  is 
not  found,  but,  as  the  instances  are  few,  no  weight  can  be 
laid  on  this.  With  dut  §  33  ro-  is  found  once,  Wb.  10»  3, 
but  the  total  number  of  examples  is  small. 

93.  §§  34-47.  In  conditional  clauses,  in  proportion  to  the  total 
number  of  occurrences,  the  instances  in  which  the  subjunctive 
is  accompanied  by  ro~  are  very  few.  As  the  examples  on 
the  foregoing  pages  are  much  scattered,  it  will  be  convenient 
to  bring  them  together  here  along  with  other  instances  that 
have  been  noted. 

(a)  Present  subjunctive. 
(a)  ma,  mani-. 

Ml.  89°  11,  solis  continuis  cursibus  pax  aequabitur  si  fuerit 
iusto  principis  uigore  fundata,  .i.  mani  roima  for  a  eenn  ni  mema 
forsna  bxdlu  (p.  264,  1.  16).  Wb.  28b  28,  si  quis  autem  doraui 
suae  bene  praeesse  nescit,  quomodo  ecclesiae  Dei  diligentiam 
habebit?  .i.  mani  rochosoa  torn  a  muntir  intain  biis  cen  grdd, 
ni  uisse  toinigecht  tochuide  do  (p.  266,  bottom). 

As  examples  without  ro-,  in  addition  to  those  already  given 
§  83,  may  be  quoted  Wb.  2°  17,  5b  23,  10d  24,  25,  12«  46,  13b  19, 
18b  7,  29a  16,  30b  2,  8a  11,  12°  43,  12b  23,  13b  20;  Sg.  77*  8; 
Ml.  40b  2,  46°  15,  71c  19,  77d  6,  94b  10,  103»  8,  142b  3. 

(/3)  dia  n-. 

Ml.  107d  4,  ut  de  medio  nos  captiuitatis  educas,  ne  materia 
salutis  tuae  pereat,  si  opus  pietatis  tuae  mors  nostra  praeueniut, 
.i.  dia  n-8Brbalam-ni  *  ni  bia  neck  ru  iccae-tiu  andde  (p.  264,  1.  23). 

Acr.  79,  niba  animus  dia  n-6rbala,  It  will  not  he  ant  mm  if  it 
die.     (The  previous  gloss,  quoted  p.  246,  1.  18,  has  eiatbelaJ) 

1  But  Sg.  181*  5  mani  epk. 


330  8UBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 

Ml.  45°  7,  tuum  habens  adiutorium  formidare  non  potero,  .i. 
dia  roib  to  fortacht-tu  lium,  "If  I  have  Thy  help." 

As  examples  without  ro-  may  be  quoted  Wb.  1°  9,  5d  23,  15d  28, 
29»  2 ;  Sg.  203*  6  ;  Ml.  46°  22,  53b  19.  In  Ml.  142b  2  Mr.  Stokes 
informs  me  that  the  MS.  has  dia  nunuoirae. 

(7)  cia. 
Here  ro-  is  found  after  expressions  like  it  uinse  l it  is  fit'  (§  40). 
This  usage  is  not  universal,  cf.  Sg.  71»  10  (§  40)  and  Psalt.  Hib. 
235  ohodain  ndd  maith  fri  Cirine  ciasberthar,  "  However,  it  does 
not  seem  right  to  Jerome  that  it  should  be  8aid.,,  With  cia  in 
its  ordinary  use  I  have  noted  Ml.  20d  4  cia  rube*  cm  ni  diib,  ni 
rubai  cenaib  huli  (§  37),  and  Sg.  138a  5,  in  commoditate  deficiunt 
quaedam  ut  si  uelimus  ab  eo  quod  est  cursor  et  risor  femininum 
dicere,  .i.  robiat  ar  chuit  folid cenid  rubat  ar  chuit  suin,  "They  will 
be  in  respect  of  substance,  though  they  are  not  in  respect  of  sound." 
For  examples  of  cia  without  ro-  see  §  83. 

(b)  Fast  subjunotive. 

Here  I  have  only  examples  of  cia : — Wb.  4a  6,  oe  rudglanta 
tri  bathit  nita  cumacc  do  chaingnim;  Fel.  241,  cia  ronbeth — cath 
fri  demon  detla,  diar  fortacht  —  mar  aid  in  Critt  cetna  (§  46). 
With  ba  uisse,  etc.,  the  examples  §  43  are  all  without  ro-.  So 
further,  Wb.  13*  33,  per  quod  et  saluamini  qua  ratione  praedi- 
cauerim  uobis  si  tenetis,  .i.  ba  coir  oe  nachomalnithe ;  ropridchad 
m&r  n-amri  diiib,  "  It  were  fitting  that  ye  should  fulfil  it ;  much 
of  marvel  has  been  preached  unto  you";  Psalt.  Hib.  81,  ni 
animmaircide  ciasbertha  diti  prophetia,  "  It  is  not  unsuitable  that 
it  should  be  called  prophecy  "  ;  ib.  202,  immaircide  cid  isin  tressluc 
nobeth l  in  salm  asindet  dond  esergu  iar  tredetius  .  immaircide  dano 
cid  isin  cokatmad  luce  nobeth1  in  psalm  aithrige,  "  It  is  fit  that  the 
psalm  which  tells  of  the  Resurrection  after  three  days  should 
be  in  the  third  place.  It  is  fit  again  that  the  penitential  psalm 
should  be  in  the  fiftieth  place."  On  the  other  hand,  Psalt.  Hib.  86, 
ni  animmaircide  dono  cia  dorurmithe  la  noebscribendat  "It  is  not 
unfitting  that  it  should  have  been  reckoned  with  the  Sacred 
writings";  Sll.  3617  (Joseph  is  addressed  by  his  brethren  after 
the  discovery  of  the  cup  in  Benjamin's  sack),  ciambad  londbrass 
digal  De  fornn  ba  com  ad  as  fri  ar  cloenri  ;  coir  cia  roncrinad  co  lar 

1  Rawl.  B.  612  has  in  both  cases  uobeith,  but  Harl.  5280  points  to  the 
correct  reading. 


SUBJUNCTIVE    MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  331 

idnaid  or  targabal,  "It  were  fitting  that  the  vengeance  of  God 
should  he  fierce  and  great  on  us  all  our  wicked  lives;  it  were 
right  that  He  had  withered  us  to  the  ground  for  the  fault  of  our 
transgressions";  LU.  61a  15,  fer  dorigni  sin  amdar  Idna  a  *6  bliadna, 
ni  pu  machddd  ce  doronad  tide  dagnim  ind  inbuid-sea  intan  ata 
Idna  a  eecht  m-bliadna  dec,  "  It  were  no  wonder  that  a  man  who  did 
that  when  his  six  years  were  complete,  should  have  done  a 
doughty  deed  now  when  his  sixteen  years  are  complete."  Instances 
of  the  past  subjunctive  without  ro-  will  be  found  above  §  83, 
and  Wb.  3d  16,  Ml.  74b  12,  88b  16,  96»  10,  Wb.  3°  28,  Ml.  35°  18, 
Sg.  203*  6. 

94.  §  48.  With  act  'provided  that'  ro-  is  regular.  To  the 
examples  given  §  48  add  act  rocomalnither  Wb.  26a  15,  act 
rocretem  Wb.  27a  15,  act  rocretea  Wb.  27b  15,  act  ranglana 
Wb.  30b  19,  act  rachomalnathar  Wb.  31b  11,  aeht  asringba 
Sg.  71a  2,  acht  aerobarthar  Bcr.  32b  5.  The  only  exception 
that  I  have  noted  from  the  Glosses  is  act  ni  bed  Wb.  10b  27 
(p.  280,  1.  20). 

95.  §§  50-53.  In  sentences  of  comparison  the  subjunctive  is 
regularly  used  without  ro- ;  see  above  §  85. 

96.  §§  54,  55.  With  the  temporal  particles  intan,  etc.  (§  54), 
I  have  no  cases  of  ro- ;  but  the  total  number  of  instances 
is  small.  On  the  other  hand,  with  resiu  '  before '  (§  55) 
ro-  IB  regular  in  Old  Irish.  In  Mid.  Ir.  no-  is  also  found, 
e.g.  LL.  124b  42,  SR.  7851,  7852,  7855.  But  how  inti- 
mately ro-  was  associated  with  this  conjunction  is  shown 
by  the  Mod.  sul1  and  sear  (O'Donovan  Gram.,  pp.  157,  158), 
which  are  undoubtedly  developed  from  resiu  ro-f  siu  ro-. 

Of  con-  *  until '  I  have  only  a  few  examples  from  the  Glosses. 
Add  Ml.  129a  14  donee — despiciat,  g.  co  n-dernesta  .i.  o-rudimicedar ; 
and  from  later  texts  LU.  58a  43,  ni  thessid  eecce  CO  n-darala  nech 
udib  co  n-<£n  laim,  "  Ye  shall  not  go  past  it  till  one  of  you  throw 
it  with  one  hand  "  ;  LU.  63b  4,  arnd  dechead  nech  eechai  o-ribuilsed 
err  6encharpo.it,   "  That  no  one  should  go  past  it  till  a  warrior  of 


1  ml  is  already  found  LL.  89b  4,  sul  bus  trdthsta  imbarach,  '  before  this  time 
to-morrow/ 


332  SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH— J.   STRACHAN. 

a  single  chariot  had  leaped  it " ;  LU.  22b  37,  ni  ib  ni  CO  n-erbara 
/rim  mo  mat  hair  7  m' at  hair,  "  I  will  drink  nothing  till  thou  tellest 
me  my  mother  and  my  father."  But  the  instances  in  the  Glosses, 
along  with  those  from  other  texts,  seem  to  indicate  that  here 
ro-  is  regular.  In  LU.  57b  24  we  have  eo  n-itar  '  till  is  found,' 
but  this  is  not  an  exception,  since  itaim  is  a  verb  that  is  averse 
to  ro-  (Phil.  80c.  Trans.  1895-6,  p.  149).  There  is  a  real  exception 
in  eo  fagbad  Ir.  Text,  i,  215,  11.  16,  18,  24,  but  the  verse  in  this 
text  is  not  old ;  I  should  say  it  is  not  earlier  than  the  eleventh 
century.  * 

97.  §§  70-76.     In  relative  clauses  as  in  conditional  clauses  ro- 

is  rare. 

(a)  In  periphrastic  forms  of  expression  (§§  70,  71)  ro-  is  not 
uncommon  in  sentences  of  the  type  co  m-bad  de  rogabthe  "It 
would  be  of  that  that  it  was  sung,"  §§  25,  26,  91.  In  all  other 
periphrastic  sentences,  conditional,  final,  etc.,  it  is  very  rare.  It 
is  found  Ml.  129b  2,  iterat  sane  istius  bona  et  praecepta  uirtutis 
utet  hortantis  intentio  et  pracstantissimi  incoletur  operis  adpetitus, 
.i.  eorrup  liir  roscomallathar  inti  ardatuaissi  (p.  313,  1.  1);  but 
the  preceding  gloss  on  the  samo  sentence  has  coru\_p']  liir  dungn6 
nech  in  preeeupt,  "  That  everyone  may  diligently  do  the  teaching." 
So  further,  Wb.  13d  21,  cid  fo  gnim  cid  fo  chesad  dorrdntar 
(p.  270,  1.  6);  "Wb.  5b  18,  si  quomodo  ad  emulandum  prouocem 
carnem  meam,  .i.  sechi  chruth  dondron,  "  In  whatever  way  I  may 
do  it."  Additional  examples  of  this  subjunctive  without  ro-  will 
be  found  Wb.  2b  4,  5b  10,  5d  27,  6b  4,  9*  24,  9d  22,  9d  27, 
10*  18,  10a  28,  lld  6,  13a  5,  18b  16,  18c  31,  25d  20,  29a  21; 
Sg.  21b  6,  73b  8,  120a  2,  202a  7  ;  Ml.  25d  11,  32d  5,  38d  20 
(leg.  dognethe),  49d  27,  5ld  2,  53c  13,  55a  9,  73d  1,  103d  16, 
120c  1,  etc. 

(b)  In  general  relative  clauses  (§  72)  ro-  is  very  rare : — Wb. 
5d  30,  prouidentes  bona  non  tantum  coram  Deo,  .i.  nd  maith  rob£ 
bad  hed  dogneid  (p.  31 2, 1.  11) ;  LL.  25  la  27,  an  rochara  dagne  dimsa 
(p.  310,  1.  29);  Hy.  vii,  58,  Crist  i  cridiu  cech  duine  immimrorda, 
Crist  i  n-gin  cech  oen  rodomlabrathar,  "  Christ  in  the  heart  of  every 
man  who  meditates  upon  me,  Christ  in  the  mouth  of  every  man 
who  speaks  of  me";  Wb.  8a  4,  non  misit  me  Christus  baptizare 
sed  euangelizare,  .i.  ut  dixit,  ut  portas  nomen  nostrum  coram 
gentibus :  precept  dosom  dtdiu  et  todiuschad  co  m-bad  aurlam  each 
dia  bathis  et  a  des-ipul  som  don  bathis  iarom,  arnach  n-aurchoissed 


*om  fri  nU  duronad  nark  mht  u  That  he  then  should  teach  and 
awaken,  that  eveiyoue  might  he  ready  for  his  baptism,  and  his 
rliaciple  for  baptism  afterwards,  that  he  might  not  hinder 
himself  (?)  against  what  another  had  done/1 

(c)   In   negative  sentences  of  the  type  of    §   73  ro-  is  rare; — 
ML  107d  A,4ia  n-<nhtdam~r\\  n't  bta  meh  runiccae-shl  (p.  31  J,  1.  20); 
H  v.    v,  67,  an  (tongue  do  fertmb  m  fail  dorurme  co  cert*   u  What 
eh©     Lath   done   of   miracles  there   is    no   one   who   could   reckon 
exactly";  Wh.  28b  lf  coram     ,     .     ,     .     Deo,  qui  omncs  homines 
uult   saluos  fieri,  g,  mat  md  natat  dam  ind  huli  mdtc/utbra,   quiu 
omnia   quaecunque    uoluit    Dominus    fecit  ?    ni  an&e :    tin   nod 
tometcniffther  neck  fri  toil.     1.   i$  pare  pro  toto,  ami  fit  cened  na 
Ww    i'iih  biuth  di[a]  nadricthe  neeh.    1.  MU  advkobrtt  mm  do 
I   it  he  ronicc  tun  tuna,  "Question,  why  are  all  not  saved  if  He 
-ires  it,  quia,  etc.  ?    Hot  hard  (to  say) :  because  no  one  is  con- 
strained  against   his  will.     Or  it  is  pan  pro  totoY  for  there  is 
neither  race   nor  nation   in   the  world   of  whom   somo   one  has 
not  been  saved.     Or  those  whom  Ho  desires  to  save  it  is  they 
*honi  He  has  saved  only."     Ml,  107b8,  nihil  miseriarum  reliquum 
nihil  udflictionis  cuius  iam   experimenta  non  eapercm,  .1.  ni 
*fil  fnthreain  naehamtMud-ia  7  nad  fordamaura  (p,  316,  L  18)  j 
Ml  R0<  9,  conna  t-omobae  ril  roserutais  (p.  316,  1.  4);  Ml-  36»  29, 
qoia  non  habebat,  A.  tA  mriad  do  ftichtmain  rodlaje&tar  ni  do  I,  ni 
d&rwttlad/*wk*f'»  p-rairt*ced  do, tl  Because  he  had  not,  namely,  aught 
tojnVo  to  a  cj editor  who  had  a  claim  upon  him,  or  aught  which  he 
himself  might  enjoy,  till  it  was  lent  him,"    To  the  examples  without 
r#-  muy  be  added  ML  33ft  5,  raalis  eum  sine  impedimenta  aliquo 
^mniasirnis  atten  bant,   .i,  vein  nod  in-bid  fvrtacht  dv  desom  (leg. 
A***?),,  ni  b6i  m  nogabad  dibsom  tabarl  fochoide  foir,  "  80  long  as  he 
hurl  not  the  help  of  liod,  there  was  nothing  that  could  prevent  them 
from  inflictiog  sufferings  on  him";  ML  74b  13,  non  condemnanda 
cat  conliitio    no  ni  in  urn   Dei  et  honiinis,    S.  ni  dimkthi  cumachtaa 
n  dr  dn  tot  rod  7  eumachfue  thduini  du  ingraimmim^  X  air  ni  hoi 
numsoiradsa  or  ehumachta*  ii-duirti  0$  m'mgrtiimmim  man  im&o  trad 
tumachtiie  n   ddt    **  Not   contemptible    is  the   power   of  God   for 
deliverance  and  tho  power  of  man  for  persecution,   i.e.  for  there 
was   no   one   to   deliver   me   from    the   power   of  man    when  he 
persecuted  me  unless  the  power  of  God  had  delivered  me,1' 

{4)  In  the  relative  sentences  of  the  types  of  §  74,  ro*  is  found 
with  the  present  subjunctive  in  two  relative  clauses  of  a  potential 
character  (ef.  §  23),  ML  33rt  10,  mm  imin  nad  chonricthar  (p.  319, 


334  8UBJUKCTIVE  MOOD  IN   IRISH — J.   8TRACHAN. 

1.  6) ;  Wb.  17b  6,  quia  quales  sumus  uerbo  per  epistolas  absentes, 
tales  et  praesentes  in  facto,  .i.  ni  irbdgam  na*  dernam,  "  We  boast 
not  what  we  could  not  do." *  With  the  past  subjunctive  there  are 
two  instances:  Wb.  27a  16,  donans  uobis  omnia  delicta,  .i.  bdi  and 
ni  roerthe  (p.  318,  1.  14);  Wb.  31c  18,  qui  dedit  semet  ipsum 
pro  nobis  ut  nos  redimeret  ab  omni  iniquitate  et  mundaret  sibi 
populum  acceptabilem,  .i.  bdi  ni  roglante  and. 

98.  It  remains  to  treat  of  final  clauses  §  61  sq.  This  type  of 
clause  differs  from  most  of  those  that  have  been  hitherto 
considered,  in  that  there  is  no  such  clear  predominance  of  one 
form  over  the  other ;  subjunctives  with  ro-  and  subjunctives 
without  ro-  seem  at  first  sight  to  be  used  absolutely  without 
discrimination.  Seeing  that  this  is  so,  in  order  that  others 
may  be  better  able  to  judge  of  the  correctness  of  my  con- 
clusions or  the  contrary,  I  give  lists  of  final  clauses  found 
in  the  Glosses.  The  lists  will  probably  be  found  pretty 
complete  for  simple  verbs,  and  for  asbiur  and  dogniu :  the 
substantive  verb  is  given  only  from  Wb.  First  come  clauses 
with  aran-,  then  clauses  with  co  con-,  and  lastly  the  few 
examples  of  subjunctives  with  other  particles.  In  each  case 
the  clauses  without  ro-  precede.  Under  the  several  sub- 
divisions the  instances  are  arranged  in  the  following  order : 
(a)  the  simple  verb,  (/3)  asbiur  (7)  dogniu,  (£)  the  substantive 
verb. 

99.  aran-. 

(a)  without  ro-. 

(a)  Wb.  2d  4,  non  est  autem  scriptum  tantum  propter  ipsum 
.  .  .  .  sed  et  propter  nos,  .i.  ara  sechemmar  a  bfau  som  in 
fide,  That  we  may  follow  his  customs  in  fide. 

Wb.  llb  6,  is  bees  Ira  donaib  dagforcitlidib  molad  ingni  inna 
n-ttside  ara  carat  an  rochluinetar,  It  is  customary,  then,  for  good 
teachers  to  praise  the  understanding  of  the  hearers  that  they  may 
love  what  they  hear. 


1  Cf.  the  past  subjunctive  "Wb.  8a  5,  non  in  sapientia  uerbi  ut  non  euacuetur 
crux  Christi,  .i.  in  qua  uos  gloriamini  .i.  tiiptt  nach  derainn-ie  <rw,  act  ni 
tuecfither  run  inna  cruche  mad  sulbair  7  mad  an  in  precept \  It  was  not  that 
I  could  not  have  done  it  indeedt  but  the  mvstery  of  the  Cross  will  not  be 
understood  if  the  preaching  be  eloquent  and  brilliant. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.    8TRACHAN.  335 

Wb.  15a  19,  tit  hed  asbeir  torn  hie  ara  tartar  airmitiu  fiid 
donaib  preceptorib,  .i.  ara  comalnither  quod  dicunt,  It  is  this  that 
he  says  here,  that  honour  may  be  given  to  teachers,  i.e.  that 
what  they  say  may  be  fulfilled. 

Wb.  27b  27,  is  hed  tra  forchain  som  hie,  ara  tuoea  edeh  a 
canas,  condib  riil  less  ind  inne  best  and,  et  ari(n)re*la  do  chdeh 
rodchluinethar,  It  is  this,  then,  that  he  teaches  here,  that  every- 
one should  understand  what  he  says,  so  that  the  sense  which 
is  in  it  may  be  clear  to  him,  and  that  he  may  make  it  clear  to 
everyone  who  hears  it. 

Wb.  31 b  10,  amplectantem  eum,  qui  secundum  doctrinam  est, 
g.  ara  scrfita  cid  forchana  do  hice  catch,  That  he  may  scrutinize 
what  he  may  teach  to  save  all. 

Wb.  31c  14,  non  fraudantes,  sed  in  omnibus  fidem  bonara 
ostendentes,  ut  doctrinam  Saluatoris  nostri  Dei  ornent  in  omnibus, 
.i.  arinohomalnathar  each  n-gdd,  That  He  may  fulfil  every 
want  (?). 

Wb.  32a  2,  ut  communicatio  fidei  tuae  euidens  fiat,  in  agni- 
tionem  omnis  opens  boni,  gg.,  arimp  folios  et  ara  n-gaba  each 
desimrecht  de,  That  it  may  be  clear,  and  that  all  may  take  an 
example  therefrom ;  ara  tucid  et  ara  oomalnid  each  maid,  That 
ye  may  understand  and  fulfil  every  good  thing. 

Ml.  51a  16,  pro  simili  arrogantia  oportet  ab  omni  sancto  orari, 
.i.  ma  beith  ara  n-dena  nech  dmaib  noibaib  huail  cosmail  frisinni 
dorigni  ezechias  ara  n-ge*  dilgud  7  ara  n-dena  aith[r~]ig%  atrial 
dundrigni  ezechias,  If  it  be  that  any  of  the  saints  is  guilty  of 
pride  like  to  that  of  Hezekiah,  that  he  entreat  forgiveness  and 
make  repentance  even  as  Hezekiah  did. 

Ml.  53b  27,  utilitatem  exhortationis  inculcat,  .i.  foihigidir  sdn 
7  doadbat  nertad  coitchen  do  chdeh,  .i.  ara  n-ge  each  dia  amal 
dundrigni  som  7  rondcechladar  adi,  He  manifests  and  shows  a 
common  encouragement  to  all,  i.e.  that  all  should  pray  to  God 
as  he  did,  and  He  will  hear  them. 

Ml.  1 22b  7,  acht  is  ara  techta,  But  it  is  that  he  may  have. 

Wb.  5a  16,  do  choscc  inna  n-israhelde  asbeir  som  ani  siu, 
arnacham6idet  cid  doib  doarrchet,  To  correct  the  Israelites  he 
says  this,  that  they  may  not  boast  though  they  were  prophesied 
unto. 

Wb.  28a  20,  asbertar  a  n-anman  arna  gala  nech  desimrecht  diib, 
Their  names  are  mentioned  that  no  one  may  take  an  example 
from  them. 


SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  IK  IRI8H— J.  8TRACHAN. 

Ml.  27°  6,  accingere  in  nltionem  ne  insoleteant,  .i.  araa 
ecmailtigetar. 

Ml.  28d  9,  ne  haec,  inquit,  ....  opinio  oonualeteat, 
g.  araa  sonartnaigedar. 

Ml.  65°  3,  biid  im  chorpu  aiso  coim  leu  s*m  araa  lobat  in 
sepulcro,  It  is  about  the  bodies  of  the  beautiful  ones  with  them 
that  they  may  not  rot  in  the  grave. 

111.  68b  9,  Dauid  instituit  docens  ut  non  magno  stupore 
capiantur  earum  lerum  quae  in  hae  uita  gloriosa  creduntur, 
•i.  da  beith  or  n-acathar  nech  inna  ritu  inducbaidi  in  betha  **, 
arnaohoorathar  t  m-tnoth  7  machtkad  dia  ssire  7  dia  n  accubur, 
Though  it  be  that  one  sees  the  glorious  things  of  this  world,  that 
it  may  not  put  him  in  stupor  and  wonder  to  love  them  and  to 
desire  them. 

Ml.  68°  7,  dives  ne  .  .  .  .  turgeseat,  g.  araa  exu[a]cha 
i.  araa  diummusiaigedar. 

Ml.  71b  6,  obseruatur  semper  ....  admissi  qualitas 
quantitasque  ne  .  .  .  .  poenitentiae  ....  langueaoat 
intentio,  .i.  sechis  araa  lobraigedar. 

Ml.  126*  4,  ne    .    .    .    .    uadet,  .i.  araa  t*. 

Ml.  54c  18,  hu[aye  asbered  heremias  friusom  fesin  ara  n-gnetis 
degnintu,  Because  Jeremiah  used  to  say  to  them  themselves  that 
they  should  do  goo«l  works. 

Ml.  102d  1,  huius  deuotionis  obsequium  ....  non  leuiter 
imperatum  est,  .i.  ara  m-moltis  dia  eu  tuthrachtach  on,  That  they 
should  praise  Ood  fervently. 

Ml.  102d  3,  asrubart  dia  frituom  ara  celebartis  a  sollumnu  7 
arindmoldais,  God  said  to  them  that  they  should  celebrate  His 
festivals  and  that  they  should  praise  Him. 

Ml.  125c  2,  asrubart  dia  hi  recht  on  ara  sechitis  a  thimnae, 
He  said  "a  God  in  law"  that  they  might  follow  His  ordi- 
nances. 

ML  126°  10,  is  airi  asber  som  is  dia  rodlabrastar,  ara  Crete  s6n 

vmbiad  iar  fir  ani  rolabrastar  dia.  Therefore  he  says  that  God 

ke  it,  that  it  might  be  believed  that  what  God  had  spoken 

lid  be  according  to  truth. 

fl.    113d  5,   huare   dorairngerad   doib    tuideeht  a  doiri,   araa 

laigdif  gudi  n  dm  dia  tabairt  asin  doiri  sin,  Because  God  had 
-«>mf~w1  them  that  they  should  come  from  captivity,  that  they 
(gleet  to  pray  to  God  that  they  might  be  brought 
rity. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   TRISH — J.    ST  R  AC  HAN.  337 

(/8)  Wb.  5a  5,  is  hecen  saineeosce  leosom  for  accrannaib  innani 
prechite  pacem  et  immechuretar  cori  ho  rigaib  ara  n-epertar : 
is  do  immarchor  chdre  dotiagat  ind  fir  so,  They  deem  it  necessary 
to  have  a  peculiar  appearance  on  the  sandals  of  those  that  preach 
peace  and  carry  peace  from  kings,  so  that  it  may  be  said  of  them  : 
"  It  is  on  an  errand  of  peace  that  these  men  come." 

Wb.  7d  8,  dobeir  som  ainm  brdthre  doib  arna  epret  is  ara  miseuis 
in  cursachad  act  is  ara  seircc,  He  gives  them  the  name  of  brethren 
that  they  may  not  say  the  reproof  is  out  of  hatred  to  them,  but  it  is 
out  of  love  for  them. 

Wb.  30b  1 7,  erit  uas  in  honorem  sanctificatum,  ,i.  precept  athirge 
arna  epret  ind  heretic :  hore  is  in  contumeliam  dunni  nipiam  fri 
aithirgi,  The  preaching  of  repentance  that  the  heretics  may  not 
say :  "  Because  it  is  in  contumeliam  to  us,  we  will  not  be  at 
repentance." 

Wb.  23d  25,  nos  autem  sumus  circumcisio,  .i.  arna  eperthe, 
is  airi  robdi  som  oc  tathair  imdibi  hdre  ni  roimdibed,  That  it  might 
not  be  said  that  therefore  he  was  blaming  circumcision  because  he 
had  not  been  circumcised. 

(7)  Ml.  30d  13,  in  commune  consulit  .  .  .  .  ut  uel  emen- 
dentur  uel  certe  caueantur,  .i.  ara  n- den  tar  a  n-indarbae  mani 
eroimet  a  forcital  7  arna  rogabthar  midesmrecht  dib,  That  their 
expulsion  may  be  wrought  if  they  receive  not  his  teaching,  and 
that  an  evil  example  may  not  be  taken  from  them. 

Cf.  also  Ml.  51a  16,  p.  335. 

(£)  Wb.  25d  26,  ut  non  cito  moueamini  a  uestro  sensu,  g.  ni 
armad  maith  lessom  in  cumscugud  mall  act  is  arna  b£  etir,  Not 
that  He  might  like  the  slow  movement,  but  that  it  may  not  be 
at  all. 

(b)  with  ro-. 

(a)  Ml.  131d  14,  do  andud  a  menman  sdn  ar[a  rjoigsitis  a 
tailciud  asin  doiri  amal  rondgadatar  tres  pueri,  To  inflame  their 
mind  that  they  should  pray  to  be  let  go  from  captivity  as  did 
tres  pueri. 

Wb.  10°  14,  non  manducabo  camera  in  aeternum,  ne  fratrem 
meum  scandalizem,  .i.  arna  derlind,  .i.  arna  arna  rimfolngar 
diltod  do,  Lest  I  should  scandalize,  i.e.  lest  scandal  be  caused  to  him. 

Wb.  llb  21,  omne  ....  manducate,  nihil  interrogantes 
propter  conscientiam,  .i.  ni  ail  ditto  &  iarfaigid  arna  rala  for  cubus 
Phil.  Trans.  1896-7.  22 


338  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  IN  IRISH — J.   8TRACHAN. 

dirt,  It  is  not  pleasant  for  yon  to  ask  it,  lest  it  force  itself  upon 
jour  conscience  (lit.  lest  your  conscience  come  to  consider  it). 

Wb.  14d  21,  ita  nt  e  contrario  magis  donetis  et  consolemini, 
ne  forte  abnndantiori  tristitia  absorbeatur,  .i.  arniehrdllea 
dtrchoiniud,  dilgid  dd  et  dandonid,  That  despair  may  not  swallow 
him  up,  forgive  him  and  console  him. 

ML  SO*  18,  arna  rogabthar  by  ara  n-dentar,  see  above  p.  337. 

Ml.  56b  83,  a  zelaueris  immurgu  dt  $6n  im  ni  noteehtai  fein 
(a)rn(a)chr6thechta  nach  ails  hi  cutrummus  frit,  The  ZsUu&ri*, 
however,  is  jealousy  about  a  thing  that  thou  possessest  thyself  that 
another  may  not  possess  it  equally  with  thee. 

Ml.  127*  7,  inprecatur  inimico  desperationem  salutis,  .i.  arna 
roehretea  m-bia*  ice  do  hua  dia,  That  he  may  not  believe  that 
there  will  be  salvation  to  him  from  God. 

(ft)  Wb.  10*  18,  omnia  sustinemus,  ne  quod  offendiculum  demus 
euangelio  Christi,  .L  ami  6rbarthar  u  precept  or  biad  nammd  et 
arna  dergaba  linn  cretmech  et  arn-dom-roib-se  fochrice,  That  it 
may  not  be  said  that  it  is  teaching  for  food  only,  and  that 
believers  may  not  diminish  and  that  I  may  have  reward. 

Wb.  27°  8,  {for)eain  torn  hie  seruos  obedire  et  seruire  dominis 
arna  6rbarat  domini :  robtar  irlilhi  or  (moge)  ddun  reslu  tieed  hiress, 
He  teaches  here  servants  to  be  obedient  and  submissive  to  their 
masters,  that  the  masters  may  not  say:  "Our  servants  were 
obedient  to  us  before  faith  came." 

Wb.  31°  7,  subdita8  uiris  suis,  ut  non  blasfemetur  uerbum  Dei, 
.i.  arna  6rbarthar:  o  ehretsit,  nintd  airli  (irlami?  Stokes)  ar 
m-ban,  That  it  may  not  be  said :  "  Since  they  believed,  we  have 
not  the  control  (?)  of  our  wives." 

Wb.  33b  16,  festinemus  ergo  ingredi  in  illam  requiem,  ut  ne 
in  id  ipsum  quis  incedat  incredulitatis  exeraplura,  g.  arna 
erbarthar  frinn  a  n-asrobrad  fri  ar  ceiliu,  That  what  was  said 
to  our  fellows  may  not  be  said  unto  us. 

(7)  Wb.  4*  5,  corpus  quidem  mortuum  est  propter  peccatum, 
.i.  arna  derna  peccad,  That  it  may  not  commit  sin. 

Wb.  16*  24,  ciasbersa  into,  ni  to  bar  tathdir  act  is  do  bar 
tinchosc,  ara  n-dernaid  a  n-dogniam-ni  et  arna  dernaid  annad 
denam-ni,  Though  I  say  this,  it  is  not  to  reproach  you,  but  to 
instruct  you,  that  ye  may  do  what  wo  do,  and  that  ye  may  not 
do  what  we  do  not  do. 

Ml.  93*  1,  uenite,  comprimamus  dies  festos  Dei  a  terra,  .i.  arna 
derntar  a  n  adrad,  That  they  may  not  be  honoured. 


8UBJUNCTIVE    MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN.  339 

Sg.  203a  6,  ne  eadera  computatione  adiungendura  esset  "cum 
nobis,"  g.  arna  dernmis  cum  nobis,  That  we  might  not  make 
cum  nobis. 

(£)  Wb.  5a  5,  signum  sdn  ara  roib  saingni  for  gnimaib  inna 
preceptors,  That  is  a  signum  that  there  may  be  a  special  form  on 
the  deeds  of  teachers. 

Wb.  15d  11,  et  pro  omnibus  mortuus  est,  lit  et  qui  uiuunt  iam 
non  sibi  uiuant,  sed  ei  qui  pro  ipsis  mortuus  est,  .i.  arna  oon-roib 
dethiden  for  neuch  act  tol  dd  do  dinum,  That  there  may  be  no 
care  on  anyone  save  to  do  the  will  of  God. 

Wb.  5a  26,  et  ego  relict  us  sum  solus,  et  quaerunt  animam  meam, 
cid  a  n-uathath  n-isiu  arna  roib  occo,  That  even  this  one  should 
not  be  at  it. 

Wb.  29a  7,  uolo  ergo  iuniores  nubere,  ....  nullara 
occasion  em  dare  aduersario  maledicti  gratia,  .i.  arna  roib  iicndag 
ind  raith  diadi  trea  peccad  som,  That  there  may  be  no  blasphemy 
of  the  divine  grace  through  their  sin. 

100.  If  we  look  at  Ml.  30d  13  (p.  337),  we  see  that  the  positive 
ara  n-dentar  is  joined  with  the  negative  arna  rogabthar. 
This  at  once  suggests  the  possibility  of  a  difference  of  usage 
in  positive  and  negative  clauses.  That  the  distinction  is  not 
absolute  is  clear  from  the  preceding  examples,  but  it  may 
be  worth  while  noting  the  statistics  for  Wb.  and  Ml.  Ex- 
cluding the  forms  of  the  substantive  verb,  of  which  I  have 
no  complete  collection  for  Ml.,  the  case  stands  as  follows : — 

Wb.    Ml.  Wb.    Ml. 


aran-  without  ro-      9      12 
arna-  without  ro-      5        9 


aran-  with  ro-  1  !      1 

arna-  with  ro-         11        4 


With  aran-,  ro-,  then,  is  rare  in  both  collections.  With 
arna-,  the  ratio  in  Wb.  is  reversed  in  Ml.  From  this  we 
are  justified  in  inferring  that  at  one  time  ro-  predominated 
in  negative  clauses.  In  the  later  language  we  should 
expect  a  further  diminution  of  ro-  in  negative  clauses. 
Unfortunately,  the  conjunction  ceases  to  be  a  common  one, 
but  the  development  seems  certainly  to  be  in  that  direction. 
Thus,  from  the  copies  of  the  Tain  Bo  Ciiailnge,  and  the  Togail 

1  Wb.  16c  24,  where  ara  n-dernaid  is  followed  by  arna  dernaid.     Can  the 
former  be  a  scribal  error  due  to  the  proximity  of  the  latter  P 


340  SUBJTOCT1VE   MCOD   IN   IRISH — J.    STRACHAN. 

Bruidne  Da  Dergga  in  LU.,  I  have  noted  arndchasalchad 
57b  16,  arna  bristc  77b  8  by  arnd  rabi  'that  thou  mayest 
not  be'  84a  30.  In  the  Tecosca  Cormaic,  LL.  345»  51  sq., 
in  sentences  of  the  form  nirbat  comramach  arnabat  miscnech, 
"thou  shalt  not  be  contentious  that  thou  mayest  not  be 
odious,"  the  copula  stands  without  ro-  twelve  times,  with 
ro-  once.  Compare  also  the  examples  in  Windisoh  s.v.  ara-. 
The  development  here  is  the  reverse  of  what  we  shall  find 
with  am-. 

101.  {a)  oo,  oon- without  ro-. 

(a)  Wb.  6*  11,  ut  abundetis  in  spe  et  uirtute  Spiritus  sancti, 
•i.  t«  hi  nodonnerta-ni  00  fedligmer  uin  f retain  foirbthi,  It  is  He 
that  strengthens  us,  so  that  we  may  remain  in  the  perfect  hope. 

Ml.  39b  8,  fac  mecum  misericordiam  nt  mirentur  omnes,  g.  co 
adamraiget&r. 

Ml.  51a  10,  nt  paenitentia  expiet  quod  incurrit  arrogantia,  .i. 
co  glanaid. 

Ml.  51°  10,  hortatur  ut  psallant,  .i.  00  molait  *6n,  That  they 
praise. 

Ml.  103d  16,  nt  taceri  sinas,  .i.  oo  lece. 

Ml.  106°  6,  ut  ad  parendum  tibi  impiger  accedam,  .i.  co 
erladaigear. 

Ml.  138c  4,  idola  in  nostram  formantur  effigiem  nt  inanimam 

.   .   .   materiem  humana  imago  nobilitet,  g.  co  sochenelaigidir. 

Wb.  31c  8,  te  ipsum  praebe  exemplum  bonorum  operum,  .i. 
CO  n-gaba  each  desimrecht  dit  gnimaib,  So  that  all  may  take  an 
example  from  thy  works. 

Wb.  31c  11,  ut  is  qui  ex  aduerso  est  reuereatur,  nihil  habons 
dicere,  g.  mad  in  chrudso  bemmi,  A.  co  comalnammar  a  pridchimme 
et  co  tn-man  dessimrccht  do  chach,  If  we  be  in  this  wise,  to  wit, 
that  we  fulfil  what  we  preach,  and  that  we  be  an  example  unto  all. 

Ml.  58c  6,  tiag-*a  CO  tall  a  chenn,  I  go  to  take  off  his  head. 

311.  86b  8,  cripe  me  de  luto  nt  non  haeream,  .i.  coni  gleu. 

Wb.  2b  4,  ut  omne  os  obstruatur,  .i.  connachmoidea  necht  That 
no  one  may  boast. 

(Corresponding  to  co-  with  the  present  subjunctive  we  have 
co  no-  with  the  past  subjunctive,  §  83). 

Wb.  3b  9,  non  ergo  regnet  peccatum  in  uestro  mortali  corpore, 
nt  oboediatis  concupiscentiac  eius,  .i.  co  noairladigthe. 


SU INJUNCTIVE    MOOD   IN    IRISH — J*    STKACHAK. 


341 


Wb.  3*  26,  nt  iustificatio  Legis  impleretur  in  nobis,  a.  eo 
uocomalnithe  fadimmi, 

Wk  10*  36,  ut  eos  qui  iub  Lege  eraut  lucrificarem,  ,i.  00 
nosberinn  duchuni  hint**,  That  I  might  bring  them  to  faith. 

IWb.  19b  22,  ut  in  Gentibus  beuedictio  Alwhae  tieret  in  Christo 
i.  co  nocomalnide  an  durairhgred  d$  abnrvham.  That  what 
had  been  promised  to  Abraham  might  be  fulfilled, 
ML  27b  7,  saluti  meae    .     ,     ,     .    roddidisti  me  ut    »    •    «    . 
in  dieendis  tibi  laudibus  occtiparer,  JL  sechis  oo[MS.  tf»;j]num~ 
gabthae  •&*, 

ML  32h  13,  omneiu  impendebat  operam  ut  peccatum  buuui 
deploraret  (g.  CO  uncoined.),  et  uelut  recenti  semper  tristitia 
compleretnr,  g.  co  nulintae, 

ML  W  o,  ut  munimeu  ....  inpetraret,  beue  .... 
aduocauit  exeniphim,  ,L  CO  nulogad. 

ML  39*  15,  nt  primi  ezeiperent  si  quoa  fors  ictus  inferrct,  ,g,  CO 
nugabtis  adL 

ML  13ld  13,  testimonium  obtineat  omnes  idem  potuisse,  .i.  con 
E-ge&tait  fault  ttitkhw  asm  rfowi"  at  feeerunt  tres  pueri,  That  all 
should  pray  for  a  return  from  captivity,  ut  etc* 

Wbi  4*  9,  nt  secundum  caracm  uhiamua,   .i,   CO  n-gnemmia 

»u  flofaj,  That  we  should  do  the  deeds  of  the  flesh. 
Wb.  8d  26,  o -seclude  ItumtMAt  humtme,  That  ye  might  folio w 
humility  from  me  (cL  p,  294,  L  10). 
ML  7QE  13,  nee  fructuose  facies  si  praeeepta  mea  tcmerans 
honorem  meam  praedicaueris,  oHteiitationi,  uon  deuotioni  seruiens, 
.1.  o-idchomallada  htta  antmaib,  That  thou  shouldst  fulfil  it  in  deeds. 
ML  69*  1 7f  ut  Deo  subdltus  neque  pro  spent  atib  us  elatus  referret 
gralias  l»rj^itorir  onachgabad  huall  cfe,  That  pride  might  not  seize 
him  therefrom. 

(fi)  y?b*  32*  20,  ego  reddam  nt  non  dicara  tibi  quod  et  te  ipsum 
jmhi  debes,  g.  coni  eper-ia  friha  dltgim  nt  duitx  That  I  may  not 
»y  to  thee  I  have  a  claim  upon  thee. 

ML  ttm  6,  ut  .  .  ,  .  dicereturque,  p.  co  asberthae. 
ML  36*  32,  khii  in  statu  aUex  nl  a-rotfab  tervrhraic  Ha  jiur  dommu 
ar  epert  a  Jtrinne  kt«t  A.  o-epred  /ruin  d&mmae,  ra/etanta  at 
Jtrimm  nty  a^ht  cia  fa  firian  tale  davim  a  log  ar  eptrt  do  jirinnt  lat% 
This  is  the  other  sense:  he  did  not  take  a  reward  from  the  poor 
man  for  testifying  to  his  righteousness,  Le,  that  he  should  say 
the  poor  man  :  "I  know  that  thou  art  righteous,  bat  though  thuu 
art  righteous  give  me  my  price  for  testifying  to  thy  righteousness.** 


842  8UBJUNCT1VB  MOOD  IN  IBI8H — J.   STRACHAN. 

HI.  28b  11,  quod  aero  posuit  "dixit  enim,"  non  quia  in  talem 
diues  uocem  eramperit  sed  quia  ita  agat,  .L  00  n-epred  inn  insei-so, 
That  he  should  utter  this  speech. 

Ml.  70*  6,  appellat  Iudeos  ....  ne  ...  .  ininriosa 
damnatione  praeiudicasse  uideatur,  .i.  oonna  epreid  ainm  dian 
doib,  That  he  might  not  give  them  a  hasty  name.  (Ascoli  suggests 
ainsim  'accusation.') 

ML  35*  8,  ni  fit  ainm  n-assar  isini  salm  immurgu  o-eperthe  is 
dib  rogabad  mi  sainriudt  The  name  of  the  Assyrians  is  not  in  the 
psalm,  however,  so  that  it  should  he  said  that  it  was  sung  of  them 
in  particular. 

ML  69*  21,  ut  .  •  .  •  appetitu  rerum  impetu  non  iudicio 
moueatur,  .L  00  n-eprod,  dug&n  a  n-noib-sa  7  »i  digsn  mrgarikao 
90  eid  aceubur  hum;  ni  epsr  insin,  That  he  should  say :  "I  will  do 
this  holy  thing,  and  I  will  not  do  this  forbidden  thing  though 
I  desire  it,"  he  does  not  say  that. 

ML  136*  4,  aptantur  autem  uerba  huiusmodi,  non  quibus  ilia 
de  so  insolenter  utuntur  sed  quae  meritis  eorum  rite  oonueniant, 
•i.  00  n-epertis  6n  nadmbu  choir  do  digal  form  huare  ata  firieim ; 
ni  id  am  insin  dorigsnsat,  That  they  should  say  that  it  was  not 
right  to  inflict  vengeance  on  them,  because  they  are  righteous ; 
that  was  not  what  they  did. 

Sg.  25b  6,  ne  quis  conetur  uires  in  doas  partes  diuidere,  .i. 
0-epred  iarum  is  pars  minima  orationis  ceehtar  in  da  leithe  sin, 
•i.  ui  7  res,  80  that  he  should  say  that  each  of  those  two  halves, 
ui  and  ret,  is  pars  minima  orationis. 

Sg.  26*  6,  nee  alitor  posse  examosin  tractari,  .i.  o-eperthae 
da  aieeent  7  eisi  aimssr  dsrb  theehtas,  That  it  should  be  said  what 
accent  and  what  definite  time  it  possesses. 

(7)  Wb.  21b  9,  in  operibus  bonis  quae  praeparauit  Deus,  ut 
in  illis  ambulemus  .i.  t  tr&diu,  .i.  rospridach,  roscomalnastar,  ros- 
ddnigestar  dim  00  dosgnem,  In  three  things,  to  wit,  He  hath 
preached  them,  He  hath  fulfilled  them,  He  hath  granted  them 
to  us  that  we  may  do  them. 

Ml.  23*  6,  nos  errare  tamen,  si  ....  ea  quae  agenda  sunt 
nihilominu8  intente  faciemus,  g.  mani  ni  n&dndenam-ni  acht  is  CO 
dugnem,  If  not  (?)  that  we  do  not  do  it,  but  it  is  that  we  may  do  it. 

Ml.  20*  14,  utrumque  tamen  necessarium  .  .  .  .  ut  et 
Deo  iugiter  supplicet  et  probitatem  ....  admoueat,  .i. 
co  n-dena  degnim,  That  he  do  good  work. 

Ml.  39*  6,  dimisit — inlaesum,  eligens  cum  metu  periculis  uiuere 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J     STRACHAN.  343 

quam  mercari  peccato  securitatem,  g.  indas  nocundraiged,  .i. 
O-denad  fi[n]gail  ar  chuinged  soinmige  do,  That  he  should  commit 
parricide  in  seeking  prosperity  for  himself. 

Sg.  9b  2,  Don  est  translatum  ab  illis  in  aliam  figuram,  g.  o- 
n-denta  6en  torand  lar[a]hesi  amal  na  heliu,  That  thou  shouldst 
make  one  sign  for  it  like  the  others. 

Ml.  60*  10,  tantam  mihi  reditus  securitatem  dedit  ut  necessitatem 
tran8migrationi8  rainime  formidarem,  .i.  non,  1.  coni  deninn  uids 
foto  do  tuidecht  asin  doiri,  That  I  might  not  make  a  long  journey  to 
go  from  captivity. 

(S)  Wb.  14c  23,  aut  quae  cogito,  secundum  carnem  cogito, 
Ut  sit  apud  me  Est  et  Non  ?  .i.  CO  beid. 

Wb.  10b  5,  reliquum  est  ut  et  qui  habent  uxores  tamquam 
non  habentes  sint,  CO  beit  amal  innahi  nadtectat  setchi,  That  they 
be  as  those  who  have  no  wives. 

Wb.  19d  19,  fratres,  obsecro  uos,  .i.  CO  bethe-si  ut  sum,  That 
ye  be  as  I  am. 

Wb.  lld  8,  perscrutanda  est  conscientia  si  in  nullo  nos  repre- 
hendit,  .i.  nanglanad  tri  aithirgi  ona  b&  nil  indidningaba  a  choeubus, 
Let  him  purify  himself  through  penance,  so  that  there  may  be 
nothing  for  which  his  conscience  may  reprehend  him. 

Wb.  6b  21,  Christus  mortuus  est  .  .  .  .  ut  et  mortuorum 
et  uiuorum  dominetur,  .i.  CO  m-mimifl  Ub»  huili,  That  we  may  all 
be  with  Him. 

Wb.  10d  33,  omnium  me  senium  feci  ut  plures  lucrificarem, 
CO  m-beti8  *  n-indiub  foehricce  damsa,  So  that  they  might  be  in 
gain  of  the  reward  to  me. 

Wb.  22d  13,  quoniam  non  est  nobis  conluctatio  aduersus  carnem, 
.i.  CO  m-betis  arma  cholno  leu,  That  the  arms  of  the  flesh  should  be 
with  them. 

(b)  con-  with  ro-. 

(a)  Wb.  la  9,  desidero  enim  uidere  uos,  ut  aliquid  inpertiar 
nobis  gratiae  spiritualis  ad  confirmaudos  uos,  .i.  ni  ogthindnacul 
(as)mbeir  som,  6re  roUcUat  ni  de  riam  :  andudeda  didiu  di  foirbtheiu 
for  n-iri*86  conrufailnither 1  a  me,  It  is  not  a  complete  gift  which 
he  mentions,  because  they  previously  had  something  of  it :  what, 
then,  is  wanting  of  the  perfection  of  your  faith,  that  it  may  be 
supplied  a  me. 

1  So  Zimraer,  remarking:,  "literae  «rw  parnra  clarae."  Stokes,  "conaru 
.     .    .     ,  the  fourth  and  fifth  letters  are  doubtful." 


344  SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD  IN   IRISH— J.   8TRACHAW. 

Wb.  4*  17,  coheredes  autem  Christi,  si  tamen  compatimtir  at  et 
simal  glorificemur,  .i.  qui  similes  ei  erimus  .i.  cororanjiam,  So 
that  we  may  have  part. 

Wb.  6b  3,  sed  induite  uos  Dominum  Iesum  Christum,  .i.  bed 
imthuge-8%  Domino  corroaitreba  indiib,  Be  ye  raiment  Domino  so 
that  He  may  dwell  in  you. 

Wb.  6d  1,  Deus  autem  .  .  .  .  det  uobis  id  ipsum  sapere 
in  altera trum,  g.  conrochra  edch  alaile,  So  that  each  may  love  the 
other. 

Wb.  7*  4,  spero  quod  praeteriens  uideam  uos,  .i.  oral  eiiairt  fuiribii, 
So  that  I  may  make  a  visitation  to  you. 

Wb.  7*  17,  ut  ueciam  ad  uos  .  .  .  .  et  refrigerer  nobis- 
cum,  .i.  corran  eelide  libit,  So  that  I  may  stay  on  a  visit  with  you. 

Wb.  7e  10,  ei  hautem  qui  potens  est  uos  confirmare  iuxta 
euangelium  meura,  .i.  conrochomalnid  a  pridchither  duibt  So  that 
ye  may  fulfil  what  is  preached  unto  you. 

Wb.  12*  33,  maior  est  qui  profetat  quam  qui  loquitur  Unguis 
nisi  forte  ut  interpretetur  (eo  eUrcerta),  ut  ecclesia  aedificationem 
accipiat,  .i.  corrochraitea*0iAiff&  triit,  That  a  multitude  may  believe 
through  him. 

Wb.  12d  29,  itaque  linguae  in  signum  sunt  non  fidelibus  sed 
infidelibus,  .i.  ished  torbe  nammda  tra  aratobarr  labrad  ilbelre  con* 
roadamrigther  dia  triit,  This,  then,  is  the  only  profit  for  which 
speaking  many  languages  is  given,  that  God  may  be  glorified 
thereby. 

Wb.  14b  13,  qui  consolatur  nos  in  omni  tribulation©  nostra,  ut 
possimus  et  ipsi  consolari  eos  qui  in  omni  pressura  sunt,  per 
exhortationem  qua  exhortamur,  et  ipsi  a  Deo,  .i.  corronertamni 
edch  hi  fuditin  fochide  amal  nonnertarni  ho  dia,  So  that  we  may 
strengthen  all  in  the  endurance  of  tribulations,  as  we  are  strengthened 
by  God. 

Wb.  16c  23,  in  praesenti  tempore  uestra  abundantia  illorum 
inopiam  suppleat,  ut  et  illorum  abundantia  uestrae  inopiae  sit 
supplementum,  .i.  con-roigset  dia  n-airiuibsi,  That  they  may  pray 
to  God  for  you. 

Wb.  23b  40,  tantum  digne  euangelio  Christi  conucrsamini,  .i. 
oon-rochomalnid  et  o-ropridchid  soscele,  So  that  yc  may  fulfil  and 

that  ye  may  preach  the  Gospel, 
b.  26b  7,  Dominus  autem  derigat  corda  uestra  in     ...     . 
ntia  Christi,  .i.  o-rogbaid  d'temrecht  di  Crist,  So  that  ye  may 
an  example  from  Christ. 


SUBJUNCTIVE    MOOR    IS    IRISH J.    STRAC11AN. 


345 


Wb,  27c  21,  orautes  si  m  til  et  pro  nobis,  ut  aperiat  Deus  nobis 
ostium  sermonis  ad  loquenduni  iniatorium  Christi,  ,L  euangelhim 
i.  cororeUm  runa  inchoftmjthea  et  geine  Crutl  So  that  we  may 
make  manifest  the  mysteries  of  the  incarnation  and  birth  of  Christ, 

Yb,  2Kd  fi,  exemplo  esto  fideliuin,  *i.  D-rOgba  each  dcumrtcht 
All,  Bo  that,  all  may  take  an  example  from  thee. 

AVb,  28d  1 1 ,  in  his  esto,  ut  pro  feet  us  tuus  inanifcstua  ait  omnibus, 

*lo  fmrbthttn,  o-rogba  airh  dmimrwht  tlutt  That  all 

mnv  thy  perfection,  that  all  may  take  aa  example  from  thee, 

Wb.  30tt  24,  Idea  omnia  sustinco  propter  eleetos,  J,  o-rogbat 
dfiintrtchi  d'nm,  That  they  may  take  an  example  from  me. 

KL  42*  4,  et  notondum  est  quam  sit  in  suos  moderata  petitio, 
tuid  digail  du  thabairt  fur  nib  acid  Cor  ruanat  mna  mradt  He 
pr»ya  not  that  vengeance  be  inflicted  on  them,  but  that  the)*  may 
lenwin  with  him. 

AIL  60  2,  ben©  .  •  ■  .  commendatur  il  1 1  ciira  uirtutimi 
»  ..  .  quae  in  tirnore  mentis  pari  iuugitur  atfectu,  A.  corua- 
gathar  in  [mm^mai  dia  h  ddh\Jd~\in  na  n-depiimae^  That  the  mind 
Bq  Inn  Qod  with  care  tor  good  works. 

Wb.  17"  13,   cid    hit  (tm   ronmoiisem    ni    bo  ar  scire  moid  me  act 

wbid  torhc  duihi  triit  ,L  o-rochrete-si  et  a-rointsamlithe  mo 
*«u-m  et  ana  ruchjete*ai  do  much  act  ncch  dvgnrd  na  gnimx  tito, 
Even  when  we  boasted,  it  was  not  for  love  of  boasting,  but  that 
night  be  profit  to  you  through  it,  i.e.  that  ye  might  believe 
*&■!  imitate  my  customs,  and  that  ye  might  not  believe  in  any 
***  inch  as  did  those  deeds, 

841  8,  sicut  scitis  quales  fuerimus  in  nobis  propter  noa, 
1  ^rogabthe-si  dtssemrecht  dhnu\  That  ye  might  take  an  example 
frim  oi, 

ML  89*  22>  ut  ♦  »  .  *  iaceretur  de  uia  modest  iac  suae, 
4  d  idrogbad  huall  tria  ckumgabail  7  tri[_a]  molad  duihom^  That 
pndu  might  seize  him  through  his  being  extolled  and  praised  by 

nb.  4*  |9f  uoluntas  quidem  cordis  mei,  et  obsec ratio  ad  Deunit 
ft  pro  illls  in  salutem,  g.  co  n-dariccad  diat  That  God  might 
nte  them, 

fliK  9&  7,  nunc  gaudeo  in  passiontbus  pro  nobis,  .1.  o-rogjib- 
twi  immnM  Onm,  That  ye  might  take  an  example  from  us, 

W)  Wb.  1 5d  6,  occasion  em  daams  uobis  gloi  iandi  pro  nobis, 
*t  lirtbeatis  ad  cos,  qui  in  facie  glonaatur  et  non  iu  corde,  .1. 
(6  n4uj  w\ni  jQr  jinUdtmsi  X   co   n-erbarid-si,   anatdenat   ur 


346  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  IK   IRISH — J.   8TRACHAN. 

wuyUtir  ni  digntm-ni,  So  that  we  might  be  your  boast,  that  is, 
so  that  ye  may  say :  "  What  our  masters  do  not,  we  will  not  do." 

(7)  Wb*  12b  6»  nt  non  nt  scisma  in  corpore,  .i.  o-derna  e$ek  baU 
*na$  toise  diaUnliu,  That  each  member  may  do  what  the  other 
wishes, 

Wb.  13d  30,  stabiles  estote  et  immobile*,  abundantes  in  opere 
Domini  semper,  .i.  o-dernaid  nagnimu  dorigtni  Crist,  That  ye  may 
do  the  works  that  Christ  did. 

Wb.  17*  13,  si  quia  confidit  sibi  so  Christi  esse,  hoc  cogitet 
iternm  apod  se,  .1.  iiisr  t  touug  as  mug,  imrddi  iternm  o-derna 
gnimu  mega,  He  says  at  first  that  he  is  a  servant,  he  takes  thought 
iUrum  that  he  may  do  the  works  of  a  servant. 

Wb.  22*  12,  donee  oocurramns  omnes  in  ...  .  agnationem 
filii  Dei,  a.  00  n-dernam  a  n-dorigtni  tide,  So  that  we  may  do  what 
He  did. 

Wb.  25°  10,  qnoniam  non  posuit  nos  Dens  in  iram,  sad  in  opera- 
tionem  salutis,  .L  o-dernain  gnimu  immafolnget  hicc  duun,  That 
we  may  do  works  that  effect  salvation  for  us. 

Per.  1*  2,  hnius  tamen  opens  te  hortatorem  sortitas  iudicem 
qnoque  facio,  .i.  ronertais  dams*  o-dernain  At  eutrummu*  /rim 
cheliu,  Thou  didst  encourage  me  to  do  like  my  fellows. 

(£)  Wb.  6d  18,  spiritu  feruentes,  .i.  o-roib  irgal  diwrcee  in  tpirito 
indiunn,  So  that  the  valour  of  the  love  of  the  Spirit  may  be  in  us. 

Wb.  15b  27,  semper  mortificationem  Iesu  in  corpore  nostro 
circumferentes,  ut  et  uita  Iesu  in  corporibus  nostris  manifestetur, 
.i.  o-donroib  ind  indocbdl  itd  crist  i  n-ntm,  So  that  we  may  have 
the  glory  in  which  Christ  is  in  Heaven. 

Wb.  18b  22,  communicatio  sancti  Spiritus  sit  cum  omnibus  nobis, 
.L  00  n-roib  in  spirui  ndib  indib,  That  tho  Holy  Spirit  may  be 
in  you. 

Wb.  21d  5,  ut  det  uobis  ....  uirtute  roborari  per  spiritu m 
eius,  .i.  o-roib  delb  in  spiriio  foirib,  So  that  the  form  of  the  Spirit 
may  be  on  you. 

Wb.  2od  23,  oramus  semper  pro  uobis,  ut  .  .  .  .  impleat 
.  .  .  .  opus  fidei  in  uirtute,  .i.  o-roib  gnim  irme  lib  i  n-neurt 
hiruse,  So  that  ye  may  have  the  work  of  faith  in  the  power  of 
faith. 

Wb.  26*  28,  in  qua  et  uocauit  uos  per  euangelium  nostrum  in 
adquisitione  gloriae  Domini  nostri,  .i.  o-robith  i  n-indocbail  la  crist, 
That  yc  may  be  in  glory  with  Christ. 


SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN    IRI8H — J.    STRACIIAN.  347 

Wb.  26b  30,  Dominus  pacis  det  uobis  pacem  sempiternara  in 
omni  loco,  .i.  oroib  core  diiib  fri  each  7  do  chach  fribsi,  So  that 
there  may  be  peace  to  you  from  everyone  and  to  everyone  from  you. 

Wb.  26d  22,  ut  consolentur  (co  dodonat)  corda  ipsorum  instructi 
in  caritate,  .i.  CO  n-roib  deserc  leu  fri  each,  So  that  they  may  have 
charity  towards  all. 

Wb.  27°  20,  orantes  simul  et  pro  nobis,  ut  aperiat  Deus  nobis 
ostium  sermonis,  .i.  CO  n-roib  budid  precepts  duun  trisaniccatar  hUi, 
That  we  may  have  the  gift  of  teaching,  through  which  many  may 
be  saved. 

Wb.  29°  8,  thesaurizare  sibi  fundamentum  bonum  in  futurum, 
nt  adprehendant  ueram  uitam,  .i.  condip  maith  a  fuiree  %  n-nim  et 
O-robat  *  n-hellug  coirp  crist  %  n-nim,  So  that  their  provision  in 
Heaven  may  be  good,  aud  that  they  may  be  in  union  with  Christ's 
body  in  Heaven. 

Wb.  16°  24,  ut  et  illorum  abundantia  uestrae  inopiae  sit  supple- 
mentum,  ut  fiat  aequalitas,  .i.  cona  roib  diupart  neich  lekle,  So 
that  there  may  be  no  defrauding  of  one  by  another. 

Wb.  30b  8,  sollicite  cura  te  ipsum  probabilem  exhibere  Deo 
operarium,  .i.  cona  robat  dualchi  lat,  So  that  thou  mayest  not 
have  vices. 

Wb.  28c  18,  abstinere  a  cibis  quos  Deus  creauit  ad  percipiendum 
cum  gratiarum  actione  fidelibus,  .i.  CO  n-robad  attlugud  buide  do 
dia  Ireu  a  fidelibus,  That  there  might  be  rendering  thanks  unto 
God  through  them  a  fidelibu*. 

Wb.  34*  4,  neque  initium  dierum  neque  fin  em  uitae  habeas, 
adsimilatus  autera  Filio  Dei,  manet  sacerdos  in  aeternum,  [marg.] 
o-rabad  cech  brathair  post  alium,  That  each  brother  should  be 
post  alium. 

102.  The  relation  between  co-  and  eo  »-  when  the  subjunctive  is 
not  accompanied  by  ro-  will  be  seen  from  the  following  tables. 
The  numbers  in  brackets  are  those  of  the  substantive  verb 
from  Wb. 

Wb.       XI.  Wb.      XI. 


CO  +  pros.  2  [3]  7 

coni  -f  pres.      1  1 

con-  +  pres.     2  2 
oonna,  connach 

+  pres.         1  [1]  0 


oo  +  past         4  6 

coni  +  past       0  1 

con-  +  past       2  [3]  9[8g.3] 
oonna,  connach 

+  past  0  2 


348  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAK. 

It  will  be  seen  that  with  the  present  subjunctive  eo  is 
frequent,  am-  rare.  On  the  other  hand,  with  the  past  sub- 
junctive con-  is  about  twice  as  frequent  as  eo.  At  first  sight 
this  difference  is  very  startling,  but  if  we  consider  the 
examples  we  shall  discover  a  certain  principle.  In  most  of 
the  instances  it  is  clear  that  the  subjunctive  does  not  express 
a  direct  purpose ;  it  is  not  a  pure  final  subjunctive ;  it  will 
bo  noticed  that  in  almost  every  case  the  leading  verb  of  the 
sentence  is  primary  (cf/  §  15).  With  the  negatives  the 
instances  are  too  few  to  base  any  conclusions  upon.  In  two 
cases  there  is  an  infixed  pronoun,  "Wb.  2b  4,  Ml.  69*  7, 
whether  that  is  due  to  accident  or  design.  Of  the  two  past 
subjunctives  ML  69*  17  is  apparently  a  pure  final  subjunctive, 
Ml.  70*  5  is  not 


103.  When  the  subjunctive  is  accompanied  by  ro-,  then  the 
conjunction  is  regularly  eon-,1  written  eon,  o,  or  with  assimi- 
lation ear.9  There  are  only  three  apparent  exceptions — 
cororannam  Wb.  4*  17,  cororelam,  coruapathar  Ml.  66*  2.  In 
these  cases  the  suggestion  of  Professor  Thurneysen  is  doubtless 
right,  that  the  simplification  is  due  to  the  following  r. 


104.  The  general  principles,  then,  are  clear.  With  ro-  the  con- 
junction is  regularly  con-,  without  ro-  the  conjunction  is 
generally  eo,  except  with  non-final  past  subjunctives,  where 
con-  is  frequent.  In  the  later  language  the  subjunctive  with 
ro-  prevails.  Thus,  in  the  LU.  texts  referred  to  above, 
pp.  339-40,  I  have  found  only  the  following  instances  without 
ro-:  6lb  21  a-dambennachtdit,  where  the  subjunctive  probably 
expresses  purpose,  but  might  express  possibility;  73*  27 
a-airlither,  unless  we  have  here  a  compound  verb,  82*  26 
o-apror,  certainly  final.  In  the  same  texts  I  have  noted 
fourteen  instances  with  ro-.  The  spelling  cor-,  which  in  the 
Glosses  is  rare,  is  here  the  prevalent  one,  and  we  find  coro- 
in  the  sense  of  'until/  where  the  conjunction  is  certainly 
con-  not  co. 


i  Cf.  the  use  of  ro-  with  con-  « until,'  }  96. 

*  With  the  variation  between  eon-  and  cor-,  cf.  the  variation  between  an- 
and  ar-,  in-  and  ir-,  Phil.  Soc.  Trans.  1896-6,  p.  81. 


SUBJUNCTIVE    MOOD    IN    IRISH— J,    STRAMIAN. 


349 


105.  i  >f  other  Baal  particles  tto*a  an  only  a  couple  of  example: — 

Wb.   13d  40,  in  uirtule  Dot,   per  arum  iustitiue  a  3i 
a  eiuiatrfa,  .i,  nachinrogba  tfatt  tie  prospers,  nachinrogba  «fer- 
ekoiniud  in  aduei'sls,  That  pride  may  not  seize  us  rf#  pro*peri*t  that 
tftir  may  not  Beige  u*  fn  titftwgis* 
Ml.  54*1  5,  illud  redilc  uicinis  nostris  sopt opium  in  sinu  eorum, 
.L  aa  metarscara /n't*  a  cdiW,  That  their  reproach  may  not  part 
m  thorn. 
All  the  instances  are  negatives  and  all  have  ro-. 


106.  So  far,  then p  concerning  the  distribution  of  ro-  with  various 
kinds  of  subjunctives.  And  this  very  distribution  easts  soma 
light  on  the  position  of  ro-  in  the  verbal  system  in  the  curliest 
stage  of  the  Irish  language  of  which  we  have  any  historical 
record.  Before  a  particle  could  have  come  to  be  treated  so 
mechanically  it  must  have  ceased  to  have,  for  the  mast  part 
at  any  rate,  any  distinctly  appreciable  force.  Of  course  it 
is  a  mere  truism  to  say  that  ro-  must  at  one  time  have 
been  significant  That  it  should  have  become  so  intimately 
attached  to  certain  kinds  of  clauses,  can  be  explained  only 
on  the  supposition  that  there  was  something  in  the  on 
signification  of  the  partiole  thai  rendered  it  especially  instable 
for  such  clauses  (cf+  §  1 1 1 ).  In  the  Transactions  of  this  Society, 
1895-6,  p.  146.  I  have  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  othfti 
scholars  in  assuming  that  the  original  force  of  r&~  was,  to  use 
the  terminology  of  Slavonic  grammar,  perfective.  And  this 
I  hold  to  be  the  correct  view.  A  very  strong  argument 
in  its  favour  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  pointed  out  in  that 
paper  that  ro~  is  almost  entirely  absent  from  the  #-sub- 
j  11  active,  0  descendant  of  the  I  ndo*  Germanic  perfective  tense 
the  sigma tie  aorisL  And  from  it  may  very  well  be  explain**! 
the  regular  usage  of  ro-  in  curtain  clauses*  Thus,  to  take 
a  single  instant,  with  p»ibi  'before'  ro-  is  regular  « 
with  the  *-Huhj u active,  and  with  the  subjunctive  of  com- 
pound verbs  that  -I)  not  admit  of  ra-*  Compare  with  this  the 
fondness  of  finvk  *ywV  for  the  aorist  (ef.  §  111),  Bat  I  fH 
wrong  in  admitting  that  in  historic  Irish  ro-  was  any  longer 
felt,  to  have  such  a  perfective  force,  A  prolonged  st': 
the  Irinh  subjunctive  with  much  fuller  materials  than  1  then 
had,  has  convinced   me  that    in   the  oldest    known   Irish  the 


350  SUBJUNCTIVE   MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 

formal  distinction  of  perfective  and  imperfective  action  is 
unknown.  One  has  only  to  compare  the  Irish  subjunctive 
with  the  Greek  to  see  the  vast  difference  between  the  two 
languages.  In  favour  of  this  view,  too,  may  be  urged  the 
fact  that  it  is  only  in  certain  classes  of  Irish  verbs  ro-  forms 
and  ro -leas  forms  exist  side  by  side.  If  the  Irish  had  had 
a  feeling  for  the  difference  of  perfectivity  and  imperfectivity 
such  as  the  Greeks  had,  they  would  surely  have  devised 
some  means,  either  by  the  use  of  Indo-Germanic  forms  as 
in  Greek  or  by  new  formations  as  in  Slavonic,  of  carrying  it 
through  the  whole  verbal  system. 

107.  So  far,  then,  concerning  the  general  question.  But  a  general 
rule  admits  of  exceptions,  and  it  is  necessary  to  consider 
whether  there  may  not  be  some  cases  in  Irish  in  which  ro-  has 
still  some  distinct  force.  Zimmer,  Kelt.  Stud,  ii,  123-4,  after 
Ebel,  Gramm.  Celt.  413,  holds  that  ro-  may  give  to  a  present 
and  an  imperfect  (what  I  call  a  past)  subjunctive  the  force  of 
a  perfect  and  a  pluperfect  respectively.  This  use  of  Latin 
terminology  is  unfortunate,  for  a  language  that  did  not 
distinguish  between  the  perfect  and  the  pluperfect  in  the 
indicative  is  not  likely  to  have  felt  the  need  of  such 
a  distinction  in  the  subjunctive.  Still,  let  us  look  at  the 
facts.  And  let  us  start  with  the  past  subjunctive.  Here 
in  certain  clauses  ro-  seems  to  have,  as  Ebel  pointed  out, 
a  very  clear  shade  of  meaning.  But  that  this  usage  developed 
directly  from  the  perfective  force  of  ro-,  I  do  not  believe. 
Before  going  further  I  must  call  attention  to  a  fruitful  observ- 
ation by  Delbriick,  in  the  new  volume  of  his  "Vergleichende 
Syntax,"  p.  390.  After  mentioning  *  Modusverschiebung,'  he 
proceeds  with  reference  to  Latin :  "  Ohne  mich  hier  naher 
auf  die  Erklarung  einzulassen,  nehme  ich  nur  von  der 
Thatsache  Akt,  dass  im  abhiingigen  Satze  oft  ein  Subjunctiv 
erscheint,  wo  im  unabhangigen  Satze  ein  Indikativ  stent, 
und  dass  diese  Subjunctive  die  Bezeichnung  der  Zeitstufe 
gewissermassen  aus  ihrer  fruheren  Existenz  mit  heriiber 
nehmen.,,  Let  us  see  if  anything  can  be  got  from  this  for 
Irish.  Suppose  we  wanted  to  express  in  the  language  of 
the  Glosses,  "  Though  it  has  been  [as  a  matter  of  fact,  in 
past  time]  purified  through  baptism,  it  is  unable  to  do  well,,, 
we   might   say:    ce   rudglanad   tre    bathis,    nita   cumacc   do 


-i   r.n  vilVH   MOOD    IN    IRISH— J.    51  RAC1IAN.  851 

ihuuujtthn.  But  if  we  are  speaking  not  of  what  is,  or  is 
assumed  to  be,  a  fact,  but  of  a  mere  supposition  which  may 
or  may  not  bo  true—1*  Even  supposing  it  to  have  been 
purified  by  baptism  [wi  do  not  know  or  profess  to  know 
whether  this  purification  has  taken  place  or  not],  it  is  not 
able  to  tlo  well*'— how  might  that  be  expressed  in  accordance 
with  the  above?  Surely  by  ce  rudfflanta  tr*  hatha,  rutn 
rumtuc  do  chdinf/nimt  and  so  it  stands  in  Wb.  4*  6*  According 
to  my  theory  the  peculiar  force  of  ro-  with  the  subjunctive 
hero  is  derived,  not  directly  from  its  perfective  meaning,  but 
is  due  to  association  with  the  indicative,1 

108.  Such  is  the  principle  that  seems  to  mo  to  underlie  this  use 
of  ro~  with  the  subjunctive  in  which  it  serves  to  denote  time 
past.  We  most  new  illustrate  the  usage,  and  see  how  ha 
it  extends. 

Perhaps  it  is  most  clearly  seen  in  the  subjunctive,  which 
is  used  in  p  bed  reason  or  fact  §  28*     Here 

the  MibJTim  tive  with  ro-  cl curly  refers  to  past  time.  Take, 
for  instance,  Wb.  16tt  23:  if  this  had  been  presented  in 
the  form  of  a  direct  statement,  wc  should  have  had  ni 
dergensid-si  m^mm,  "Ye  did  not  do  this."  Similarly,  in  all 
the  othi  i  sentences  in  which  ro-  is  present  the  preterite  of  the 
indicative  would  have  been  used  iu  direct  statement.  On 
the  other  hand,  in  every  instance  but  one  in  which  the  sub- 
junctive is  not  Attended  by  ro-  the  direct  statement  would 
a  had  the  present  indicative;  in  fact,  in  every  case  the 
present  indicative  stands  side  by  side  with  the  subjunctive. 
Tin:  exception  is  ML  B2d  5,  Here  we  should  certainly  expect 
in  direct  statement  ni  robatar  or  i,     That  the 

;lossator  had  in  his   d  I  time,  is  shown  not  only  by 

ni  mar  but  also  by  the  following  gloss  on  the  same  Latin 
sentence:  duriflniat  §m  nt,  "Which 

thi.-y   committed    against   us  without   fcft  dast   thcm.ff 

llowthis  exception  is  jiml,  i>  ttOi  cle:ir  to  me.     We 

shall  find  more  in  f  the  same  kind  in  other  Yarn  ■ 

of    clauses,    most   of    them    from    ML     From   the    similarity 
1  n  confusion  between  ro-  and  n&-  is  Tery  easy, 

o  the  tulinilivo  "\\v\Yc\»a, 

Giumm.  Celt,  1 1 


352  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   STRACHAN. 

and  as  Ml.  swarms  with  copyist's  errors  it  is  not  certain  that 
in  any  particular  case  no-  is  not  a  clerical  blunder.  But  it 
would  perhaps  be  too  bold  to  get  rid  of  all  the  instances 
in  this  way.  Can  it  be  that  the  formal  expression  of  past 
time  was  not  always  felt  to  be  necessary?  Or  did  the 
language  come  to  confuse  an  old  distinction?  (Cf.  corn-bad 
ed  atberad,  p.  308,  1.  12.) 

In  the  sentences  cited  §§  25,  26,  91  this  usage  is  very 
transparent.  Take  Ml.  139a  9,  eo  m-bad  du  doiri  babil[on]e 
ro-gabtis,  and  compare  with  it  the  neighbouring  glosses  in 
which  in  direct  statement  the  preterite  indicative  is  employed. 
Here,  again,  there  are  one  or  two  instances,  all  in  ML,  in 
which  no-  is  apparently  used  in  a  sense  not  appreciably 
different  from  ro-.  With  these  there  is  the  same  doubt  as 
in  the  case  mentioned  before.  It  may  just  be  noted  that 
the  copula  does  not  take  ro-. 

Instances  of  this  usage  with  eta  will  be  found  §  935; 
a  typical  example  has  been  already  given  §  104.  The 
example  with  coir  from  SR.  may  be  similarly  explained : 
"  Though  He  had  already  withered  us,  it  is  no  more  than  we 
deserve."  Still  clearer  is  LTJ.  61*  15,  "  It  were  no  wonder 
that  he  should  have  done  a  brave  deed  (the  deed  had  already 
been  done)" :  cf.  Sg.  65*  I,  quoted  p.  306,  1.  6.  In  the 
instance  from  the  Psalt.  Hib.  86  we  may  have  a  referenco 
to  past  time.  But  in  similar  sentences  Ml.  35a  9,  LU.  60a  35, 
we  have  no-  though  the  action  is  already  past. 

The  only  remaining  type  of  clause  in  which  this  usage 
clearly  appears  is  the  relative  clause.  The  cases  will  be  found 
in  §  98.  We  will  take  first  the  clearest  examples  :  Wb.  28b  1 
(§  98c),  ni  fil  eeneel  na  belre  isin  biuth  di[a~]-nadr'icthc  nech ; 
that  the  verb  of  the  relative  clause  is  past  relatively  to  the 
main  verb,  is  clear  from  the  preterite  ronicc  that  follows. 
So  in  Ml.  107b  8  (§  98c),  the  Latin  and  the  general  context 
indicate  that  the  reference  is  to  the  past,  not  to  the  future. 
In  the  same  way  in  Wb.  8a  4  (§  984)  duronad  means,  I  think, 
not  what  anyone  might  do  in  the  future,  but  what  anyone 
might  have  already  done.  On  the  other  hand,  in  Ml.  36a  29 
(§  95c)  we  seem  to  have  a  different  use  of  ro~ ;  the  having 
is  a  necessary  preliminary  to  the  enjoyment,  and  I  would 
compare  the  use  of  ro-  with  the  past  subjunctive  here  with 
the  use  of  ro-  with  the  present  subjunctive  in  Ml.  107a  4, 


SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN   IRISH — J.   8TRACHAN.  353 

Hy.  v,  67  (§  97<?,  109).  In  the  same  way  I  would  take 
Ml.  80c  9.  As  to  Wb.  27*  16  and  31c  18  (§  98<*),  I  am 
uncertain  how  to  classify  them. 

109.  It  appears,  then,  that  Ebel's  idea  that  ro~  might  give 
a  peculiar  force  to  the  past  subjunctive  is  correct.  Of  course, 
this  use  of  ro-  is  limited  to  those  verbs  that  admit  of  this 
particle ;  in  the  case  of  the  others  the  relations  of  time  had, 
under  the  same  circumstances,  to  be  inferred  from  the  context, 
and  even  in  those  verbs  where  ro-  is  permissible  the  Irish 
usage  is  by  no  means  entirely  parallel  to  the  Latin.  The 
Irish  language  is  much  less  precise  than  the  Latin;  time- 
relations,  which  in  Latin  are  formally  expressed,  must  often 
in  Irish  be  inferred  from  the  context.  Of  this  numerous 
examples  will  be  found  in  the  foregoing  pages.  Compare, 
for  instance,  the  Irish  text  with  the  Latin  in  Ml.  131d  19, 
73d,  §  41.  Or,  again,  look  at  the  subjunctives  with  amal, 
§  51,  where  the  time-relations  are  altogether  unexpressed. 

110.  Ebel  says  further  that  the  addition*  of  ro-  to  the  present 
subjunctive  may  change  it  to  a  preterite  (perfect,  Zimmer). 
Here  it  seems  impossible  to  follow  the  great  Celtist.  Of  the 
examples  that  he  gives  we  must  exclude  at  the  outset  clauses 
with  act  'provided  that,'  in  which,  as  wo  have  seen,  ro- 
has  come  to  be  a  constant  formal  element.  This  leaves  over 
some  few  cases  of  ro-  in  conditional,  concessive,  and  relative 
clauses,  §§  93a,  98,  and  one  with  dusf  §  92.  That  in  these 
sentences  ro-  has  any  reference  to  past  time,  I  cannot  perceive. 
In  most  conditional  and  concessive  clauses  I  am  unable  to  see 
that  it  alters  the  meaning  in  any  perceptible  way.  In  Ml.  20d  4 
(§  93a,  7),  it  might,  indeed,  conceivably  have  a  potential  force — 
"  though  he  might  be  without  some  of  them  " — but  this  is  far 
from  certain.  In  some  relative  clauses  it  seems,  as  has  been 
pointed  out  in  §  99rf,  to  have  a  potential  force.  In  the  others 
I  can  discern  no  special  meaning,  and  the  principles  that 
regulate  the  usage  are  as  obscure  to  me  as  in  conditional 
clauses. 

111.  If,  then,  in  the  greater  number  of  instances  ro-  has  no  ap- 
preciable significance,  how  is  its  distribution  to  be  accounted 
for?    In  essaying  to  answer  such  a  question,  I  am  aware 

Phil.  Trans.  1896-7.  23 


354        suBJUBcnvE  mood  ni  jmvbb. — J.  bteachaic. 

that  I  am  on  very  shaky  ground.  8tfll,  even  at  the  riak 
of  appearing  to  be  fanciful,  I  would  venture  to  throw  out 
tome  suggestions  for  consideratioii.  If  the  distribution  cannot 
be  explained  from  Irish  itself,  one  can  hope  to  solve  the 
problem  or  bring  it  nearer  to  solution  only  by  the  eomparatiTe 
method.  Naturally  the  first  thing  to  do  would  be  to  call  in 
the  help  of  the  British  languages.  But  there,  to  judge  from 
Atkinson's  collections — 1  have  none  of  my  own — the  circum- 
stances are  so  different  that  little  real  help  is  to  be  looked 
for  from  that  quarter.  That  this  should  be  so  need  not 
surprise  us,  since  the  British  languages  in  their  earliest 
known  stages  are  so  much  more  broken  down  than  the  Irish. 
Since  the  help  fails  us,  it  is  necessary  to  go  further  afield. 
It  has  been  held  above  that  the  primary  significance  of  re- 
is  perfective.  If  that  be  so,  then  one  would  naturally  turn 
to  a  language  like  Greek,  where  perfective  and  imperfective 
action  is  well  distinguished.  Now  for  Greek  it  has  been 
pointed  out  that  some  kinds  of  clauses,  from  their  nature, 
favour  the  perfective  mode  of  expression:  compare  Sturm's 
remarks  on  the  'prevalence  of  the  aorist  with  *-pW  with 
which  was  compared  above  (§  106;  the  usage  of  the  Irish 
resiu.  One  might  perhaps,  then,  tentatively  formulate  some 
such  theory  as  the  following: — In  some  kinds  of  clauses  from 
their  very  nature  the  perfective  mode  of  action  prevailed 
to  a  greater  or  leas  extent  over  the  imperfective.  In 
Irish  this  state  of  affairs  was  further  accentuated  by 
analogy ;  in  some  kinds  of  clauses  the  representatives  of 
the  Indo-Germanie  perfective  forms  prevailed  wholly  or 
for  the  most  part,  in  others  the  representative  of  Indo- 
Germanic  imperfective  forms  gained  the  day.  Of  course 
this  is  speaking  very  roughly ;  the  oldest  Irish  that  we  have 
is  not  so  very  old,  and,  apart  from  the  comparative  method, 
one  can  only  form  some  conjecture  about  a  period  still  earlier 
by  observing  tho  tendencies  of  the  language  within  historical 
times.  Nor  do  I  profess  to  be  able  to  carry  the  explanation 
throughout.  I  would  only  call  attention  to  one  or  two  points 
that  make  in  favour  of  the  above  hypothesis,  and  leave  the 
rest  to  time  and  to  the  students  of  comparative  syntax.  One 
of  the  strongest  parallels,  that  between  the  construction  of 

1  *'  Geschichtliche  Entwickelung  der  Constructionem  mit  riPIN,"  p.  42. 


SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD  IN  IRISH— J.   STRACHAN.  355 

Greek  trplv  and  of  Irish  resiu,  has  been  noted  already.  In 
Irish  we  have  seen  (§  96)  that  con-  'until'  regularly  has 
ro-,  where  possible.  Compare  with  this  the  use  of  €u>9  with 
the  aorist,  Goodwin's  Moods  and  Tenses,  §  614,  and  of  the 
Homeric  o<j>pa,  eh  o*e,  §§  615,  616.  With  the  final  ara  n-, 
ro-  is  most  common  when  the  clause  is  negative.  Compare 
the  remarks  of  Weber  ("  Entwickelungsgeschichte  der 
Absichtsatze,"  i,  p.  60)  on  the  natural  fondness  of  the 
negative  clause  for  the  aorist.  With  the  subjunctive  of  will 
and  command  ro-  is  found  only  in  negative  clauses;  this 
again  suits  well  with  the  Indo-Germanic  use  of  the  aorist 
injunctive  with  #me  (/«/).  In  expression  of  wish  ro- 
is  regular.  In  Greek,  to  judge  from  the  examples  in 
Goodwin's  Moods  and  Tenses,  §  722  sg.,  the  aorist  is  more 
frequent  than  the  present.  So  much  for  comparison  with 
Greek.  In  Irish,  act  'provided  that'  is  regularly  followed 
by  ro- ;  here  the  completion  of  the  action  is  naturally  before 
the  eye.  Note  also  the  distinction  pointed  out  above,  §  102, 
between  the  use  of  con-  in  pure  final  clauses  and  in  others. 
Why  con-  in  final  clauses  should  so  frequently  have  ro-,  is 
hard  to  say.  Can  it  be  due  to  association  with  con-  in 
temporal  clauses?  The  two  chief  forms  of  clause  that 
mostly  dispense  with  ro-  are  conditional  and  relative  clauses. 
Perhaps  further  investigation  of  cognate  languages  may  throw 
some  light  on  this  too. 


356  SUBJUNCTIVE  MOOD   IN   IKI8H — 3.   STRACHAN. 


ADDENDA. 


§2.  In  some  cases  in  the  Trip.  Life— p.  10,  1.  18,  an  noeluined, 
12,  1.  8,  an  doadchuired,  14,  1.  6,  an  nochetfanad,  ISO, 
1.  10,  an  asbertis — the  imperfect  has  not  the  sense  of 
repetition.  Can  this  use  have  been  due  to  the  influence 
of  some  Latin  original?  For  the  use  of  the  imperfect  by 
the  side  of  the  perfect,  cf.  LU.  60b  27  sq. 

§  7.  But  as  Professor  Thurneysen  has  pointed  out  to  me,  tiagam 
'let  us  go'  cannot  be  an  d  subjunctive  unless  the  Irish 
form  is  to  be  separated  from  the  Welsh  imperative,  which 
ends  in  -un.  Are  they  both  to  be  put  down  as  injunctive 
in  origin? 

§  20  (p.  243,  1.  3).  But  I  am  not  quite  sure  of  the  construction 
of  ndmertamar.  In  Ir.  Text,  i,  73,  1.  7,  there  seems 
to  be  a  parallel  case:  nammongonad  d'UUaib  it  cinaid. 
Does  this  mean :  "  Would  that  there  had  not  been  mutual 
wounding  to  the  Ulstcrmen  for  thy  fault "? 

§  110.  Professor  Thurneysen  suggests  to  me  that  the  subjunctive 
with  ro-  may  have  a  potential  force  in  other  conditional 
sentences,  e.g.  Acr.  79. 


VII  ^NOTES  ON  ULSTER  ENGLISH  DIALECT  FOR 
COMPARISON  WITH  ENGLISH  DIALECTS  BY 
THE  LATE  A.  J.  ELLIS,  RR&,  WITH  SAMPLES 
IN  PALAEOTYPE,  COMPARISON  SPECIMEN 
AND   WORD   LIST.      By  J.  IL  Staple 


Jfiwitortf. 

fa  tli-  Key  all  the  pnlueotypo  fatten  used  in  these  pages  for 
phooetk  spelling,  which  are  taken  from  Ellis's  *' En-lish  Dialects/' 
pp.  76#-88*r  are  in  parentheses  on  the  left  before  their  descriptions, 
and  at  the  end  of  the  descriptions,  applied  to  all  seriatim,  are 
also  in  parentheses  preceded  by  8.,  the  corresponding  alphabetic 
characters  used  by  Sweet  in  his  "Primer  of  Phonetics/'  as  adopted 
by  Bwett  from  those  of  Melville  Bell  according  to  Ellis's  identifi- 
Ontioa  of  the  latter1 3  symbols  at  the  head  of  the  Key  in  his 
"  English  Dialects/'  Phonetic  spellings,  whenever  referred  to  in 
the  Key,  are  in  palaeotype  in  parentheses,  and  palaeotype  letters 
are  used  for  phonetic  spelling  throughout  in  this  description  of 
Ulster  Dialect.  In  the  general  desvripLive  mutter  such  spellings 
in  in  Large  brackets  Urns :  [dhii]. 

Thi..'  word  list,  which  ia  n  selection  from  that  in  Ellin's  M  Ei 
Dialects/1  pp,  17*- 2 4*  and  paft  from  typical  Lowland  divi 
MM  id,,  p,  HS4  et  M-q.,  lias  each  word  in  palaeotype  with  the  pro- 
nunciation either  of  typical  Belfast  or  of  the  borders  of  Tyrone  and 
Berry,   near  Cookstown,   fid  lowing    the  reference   number,   listed 
vowel  letters  as  in   ElliVs  divisional  word   lists,   and    the 
rdinary  spelling  in  n  parenthesis  following-    Opposite  856 
of  those  words,  bfting  old  English,  or  us  headed  by  Ellis,  N  Wessex 
ace  numbers  arc  those  used  by  Ellis;   49 
jh;   irordl    to  which   Ellis    gives  no   reference 
nuruhLT,    bit    classed    wit.li    the    first*      The    remainder,    having 
050-0177,  are  put  down   r 
ful  origin  01  Romance, 
Fail    Tram,  1896  -7*  24 


358   sons  on  llsiu  exgush  dialect — j.  h.  staples. 


It  may  be  noticed  that  Ellis's  old  English  Towels  which  he  grres 
as  old  English  spelling,  as  instanced  by  the  Towel  letters  under 
which  the  word*  are  grouped,  sometimes  differ  from  those  of 
Sweet  m  his  "History  of  Engliih  Sound*"  I  took  woe  trouble 
et  first  in  noting  those  differences,  bat  ss  this  description  is  to 
compere  with  Ellis's  work  alone,  I  here  left  those  differences,  doe, 
it  maybe  presumed,  to  dialect  Tmriatioua  in  old  English,  unmarked. 

The  words  in  the  word  list  are  all  found  in  the  Alphabetic 
Index,  with  the  reference  numbers  apposite. 

The  eomparatire  specimen  marked  C.S.  I  put  aa  near  aa  possible 
inn  typical  Belfast  prcmunektioD. 

The  gloessry  of  Ulster  words  is  s  selection  of  the  most  common 
or  repioeentatrcc  localisms,  most  of  which  I  am  familiar  with, 
and  including  some  peculiar  expressions  or  sayings,  for  which 
I  am  in  the  main  indebted  to  the  compilation  made  of  Antrim 
and  Down  words  by  my  friend  Mr.  W.  H.  Patterson, 

When  I  use  the  word  "English"  aa  referring  to  pronunciation 
in  these  pages,  I  mean  that  of  the  sversge  educated  Southern 
Englishman,  when  speaking  carefully  in  lecture-room,  pulpit, 
stage,  or  platform. 


KEY. 

Vowilt. 

(a)        English  sound  in  "  father "  or  "  p«lm."    8.  (<i). 

(a)        A  more  advanced  tongue  position  of  (a)  not  used  in  English, 

same  as  in  French  "  la,"  "  rat"     8.  (a>). 
(a)       The  broadest  and  lowest  tongue  position  of  the  "  a  "  group, 

not  usual  in  English,  often  spelt  in  Scotch  "mon,"  but 

with   no  roundness  in  it.   .A  common  Cockney  sound 

in  "  father."    8.  (»). 
(aa)      Long  (a). 

(aw)     Slightly  rounded  (a),  not  so  much  so  as  in  English  "  awe." 
(aaw)  Long  (aw). 
(o)        English  short  "  e  "  in  "  bed,"  which  is  but  occasionally  or 

locally  used  in  Ulster.     8.  (e). 
(e)        Narrow  sound  of  "  e  "  in  French  "  tt."     8.  (e). 
(at)      Long  (e). 


NOTES  ON   ULSTER   ENGLISH   DIALECT — J.    H.   STAPLES.     359 

(el)       Raised  tongue  position  of  (*)  somewhat  approaching  English 

"ee"  in  "see."     8.  (e*). 
(rf)     Long  («■). 

(e)        The  French  broad  "  e  "  in  "  bSte."     8.  (eb). 
(eb)      Long  (e). 
(Ei)      A  diphthong,  usual  Ulster  representative  of  English  "i" 

in  "ride"  or  " rite." 
(bu)     A  diphthong,  usual  Ulster  representative  of  English  "ow" 

in  "how,  cow." 
(o)        Usual  Ulster  neutral  vowel  representing  English  one  in 

"betfor,"  but  differing  from  that,  and  like  the  German 

sound  in  "  bess*r."     8.  (e). 
(at}    (^  vei7  8lightiy  diphthongal  sound,  intermediate  between 
<      the  old   "oo"  sound  in   "ploo"=»"  plough"  and  the 
*       '  V     living  Ulster  diphthong  (eu). 
(a)        The  English  sound  of  "  u  "  in  ♦«  but."     8.  (a). 
(a>)       The  East  Ulster  representative  of  English  "e"  in  "bed." 

The  Ulster  sound  does  not  exist  in  English  as  a  monoph- 

thongic  sound.      It  is,  I  think,   the  French   "  e "   in 

"  fcrame."     8.  (d). 
(ari)      A  diphthong,  being  a  wider  form  (si)  occasionally  used, 
(oi)       A  diphthong  occasionally  used,  a  narrower  form  of  (si), 
(i)        The  Continental  sound  of  "  i,"  short  as  in  French  "si," 

long  as  in  German  "  biene."     8.  (i). 
(ii)       Long  (i). 

(A  sound  Mr.  Ellis  adopted  for  a  sort  of  semi- vowel  "  i," 
viz.  a  very  short  sound  of  (i),  "English  Dialects," 
p.  82* ;  and  as  he  used  it  in  Scotch  specimens  in  words 
like  "  few,"  I  use  it  to  signify  this  sound  in  such  words 
in  Ulster  as  (flu)  or  (ffuu)="  few." 
(o)  An  open  sound  of  "o  "  existing  only  as  a  diphthong,  as  in 
"  hope  "  in  English,  but  in  Ulster  completely  monoph- 
thongic.  8.  (o). 
(oo)       Long  (o). 

(0)        The  closer  sound  of  "  o"  as  in  French  "eau."     8.  (0). 
(00)       Long  (0). 
(ow) l    Specially  rounded  (0)  with  lips  as  for  "  00." 


1  Mr.  Ellis  marked  this  (ou),  "  English  Dialects,"  p.  84*,  but  as  he  gives  (u>) 
p.  86*,  as  mark  of  special  labialization  "  lip  modifier,  and  as  I  use  it  thus  for 
\aw),  it  seems  more  consistent  to  keep  it  here  also. 


360    X0TE8  OH  ULSTER  KHGLISH  DIALECT— J.   H.   STAPLES, 

(paw)    Long  (*«>). 

(oh)  A  founded  sound  which  I  can't  compare  to  anything  I  hare 
heard  ont  of  Ireland.  In  Ulster  it  ordinarily  represents, 
and  is  used  instead  of,  English  <'u"  in  "but,"  and 
strikes  the  ear  as  something  intermediate  between  the 
sounds  in  English  "not"  and  French  "benrre."  I 
analyze  it  provisionally  as  the  sound  represented  by  this 
symbol. '  8.  (3). 

(v)  The  prevalent  Ulster  representative  need  instead  of  English 
"n"  or  "oo"  as  in  "rode,"  "cool";  intermediate 
between  French  "bap"  and  "lone"  and  German 
"gnt"  and  "grun."    8.  (ii). 

(uu)     long  (it). 

(tm)  A  wider  or  blunter  sound  than  (u)  and  only  need  as  a  short 
voweL  It  bears  the  same  relation  to  (u)  as  that  in 
English  between  "boot"  and  "foot,"  or  German 
"  griin  "  and  "  sehutzen."    8.  («). 

(jr)  Prevalent  sound  in  Ulster  representing,  and  used  instead 
of,  short  English  "i"  as  in  "bit."  Mr.  Ellis  says  he 
commonly  transcribes  this  by  (t'i),  "English  Dialects," 
p.  87*,  and  pp.  756  and  767.  I  use  (y),  as  I  think 
apparently  most  consistent  with  Ellis's  symbols.    S.  (I). 


Consonants. 

(b)  (d)  (f)  (g)  (h)  (k)  (1)  (m)  (n)  (p)  (s)  (t)  (v)  (w)  (z)  have  the 
usual  English  sounds,  (g)  being  understood  only  hard  as  in  "go," 
"  get,"  and  (h)  as  used  only  before  or  between  vowels. 

(j)        The  sound  of  English  "  y  "  in  "  ye,"  "  yacht."     S.  (j). 

(r)  Reversed  "j,"  a  soft  sound  of  "r"  used  in  Ulster  only,  in 
such  words  as  "cure"  (klu'r)  or  (ktuur)  or  "poor" 
(puu'r).  Mr.  Ellis  uses  this  for  what  he  calls  the 
Midland  "r."  From  his  description  it  seems  nearest 
the  sound  sometimes  used  in  Ulster  in  those  words. 

(A)  A  symbol  I  have  inserted  to  signify  a  sound  of  "h" 
after  a  vowel. 

(q)        The  English  sound  of  "  ng "  in  "  song,"  "  sing."     S.  (g). 

(r)        A  clearly  trilled  "  r,"  the  natural  Ulster  "  r."     S.  (r). 


JfOTES  ON   ULSTER  ENGLISH   DIALECT — J.    H.   STAPLES.     361 


Consonant  Digraphs. 

(jh)  The  palatal  hiss  of  (j)  heard  at  least  occasionally  in  "  hue, 
JTughes,  huge,  JZiime,"  Ellis,  " English  Dialects,"  p.  82*. 
I  use  this  also  for  the  sound  after  a  vowel  like  the 
German  "  ch "  in  "  ich,"  which  Mr.  Ellis  thinks  different 
and  gives  another  symbol  for.     8.  (cj. 

(kh)  The  sound  of  Scotch  "ch"  in  "Loch"  and  Irish  "gh"  in 
"  Lough  "  when  pronounced  by  natives.     S.  (x). 

(k«*)     English  "  qu  "  in  "  quality,"  "  quit." 

(dh)      The  English  sound  of  "  th  "  in  "  that,"  "  this."     8.  (*). 

(th)      The  English  sound  of  "  th  "  in  "  thin,"  "  thank."     8.  (». 

(sh)      The  English  sound  of  "  sh  "  in  "  shin,"  "  show."     8.  (/). 

(Th)  A  sound  resembling  "th"  or  "t."  I  think  it  is  an  import 
into  Ulster  from  southern  Ireland,  and  used  sometimes 
in  "creature,"  "potatoes."  I  have  adopted  this  from 
Ellis  as  the  best  to  fit  the  sound,  but  possibly  he 
applied  it  to  another  one. 

(dj)  The  mixed  sound  of  English  "g,"  "dg,"  or  "j,"  as  in 
"gem,"  "edge,"  "jet." 

(tj)  The  mixed  sound  of  English  "  ch  "  or  "  tch,"  as  in  "-chin," 
"watch." 

(wh)     The  voiceless  "  w  "  as  in  "  when."     8.  (m). 

(zh)  The  sound  of  "s"  in  "pleasure"  and  of  French  "j"  in 
"je."     8.(3). 

(')  "After  or  before  another  consonant"  to  signify  "voice 
in  its  simplest  form  independent  of  the  position  of  the 
organs,"— Ellis,  "English  Dialects,"  p.  87*— that  is, 
a  kind  of  vocal  or  vowel-like  passage  from  one  sound 
to  another,  generally  partaking  of  the  nature  of  the 
last,  as  in  (ap'l)  =  "  apple  " ;  but  I  use  it  also  to  signify 
the  kind  of  passage  from  some  vowels  to  "r,"  which 
is  very  slight  in  Ulster,  or  to  indicate  the  slight  keeping 
up  of  voice  where  a  syllable  is  dropt,  as  (harssoi  'I  tool) 
=  "  herself  will  tell,"  or  (aoni '  j*z)=*"any  o'  you." 

(*)  Indicates  when  placed  over  a  vowel  medial,  i.e.,  more  than 
short,  but  not  full  length;  and  when  over  one  vowel 
of  a  diphthong,  or  over  the  vowel  of  one  syllable  in 
a  polysyllable,  indicates  that  the  principal  stress  is  on 
that  vowel  or  syllable. 


362     NOTES   ON    tfLSTEH    KNOL1SH    DIALECT — S.    H,    STAPLI 


(  (  )      Adopted  from  Ellin  to  indie  ate  contraction,  or  end  of  on 
word  and  beginning  of  next;  m  (sh#(z)=s"  she's." 


English   and    other    not    Ulster   speech   sounds   are   sometim 
alluded  to  for  comparison,  and  when  they  are  referred  to,  Ellis*  s 
palaeotype   is  always   used*     These  are  only  in  the  descriptive* 


eg 


matter,    and   are :    (oa)   the   English 


1  man/*    (ei)    the 


English  "a"  in  "hate,"  («)  the  English  «*n"  in  "full,*'  (u)  the 
Herman  ia  "da,"  (i)  the  French  «u"  in  "tu." 


Alphabetic  Wobd  List, 


A. 

296   believe. 

529  brought 

385  beneath. 

657  brown. 

650  ahonl. 

016  best. 

688  build. 

599   afafftj 

141*  blase. 

697  bury. 

0127  advertize. 

09   bleach. 

681  business. 

158  after. 

473  blind  (adj.). 

680  bu*y. 

081  agent. 

572  blood. 

653  but 

264   nil. 

90  blow* 

607  bur 

335  all. 

077  blue. 

686  buy. 

01   among. 

548  board, 

400  by. 

194  any. 

518  body. 

07  apple. 

070  hog. 

3-12  arm. 

327  bold. 

C. 

090  army. 

569  book. 

087  audience. 

594  boot. 

333 

263  away. 

040  bom. 

338  cull. 

0161    bottle. 

083  cambric. 

577  bough. 

Lflie, 

B. 

527  bought 

46  candle. 

539  bowl. 

320  care. 

IM    bark. 

353   bread, 

06  cart. 

361   bean. 

232  break, 

089  case. 

0102  beast. 

1   breast. 

0 1 1 4  certain* 

434  heat. 

684  bridge. 

086  chapel. 

015  bed. 

106  bn> 

363  cheap. 

409  bee. 

0136  brooch. 

466  child. 

431  beer. 

574  broo.l 

468  children. 

9  behare. 

568  brother 

0129  er 

MOTES  ON   ULSTER   ENGLISH   DIALECT- 

— J.   H.   STAPLES.     < 

0125  Civil. 

674  did. 

138  father. 

0128  civilize. 

438  die. 

013  feather. 

193  clean. 

586  do. 

298  feel. 

0116  clergy. 

587  done. 

297  fellow. 

0115  clerk. 

606  door. 

349  few. 

069  clock. 

658  down. 

426  fight 

0137  coach. 

0163  dozen. 

477  find. 

532  coal. 

073  drown. 

481  finger. 

0148  coat. 

613  drunk. 

709  fire. 

328  cold. 

675  dry. 

0100  firm. 

0158  colour. 

0166  due. 

701  first. 

603  come. 

533  dull. 

502  five. 

0106  complete. 

639  dust. 

687  flight. 

098.  conceit. 

573  flood. 

582  cool. 

.    590  floor. 

552  corn. 

E. 

414  fly  (a). 

652  could. 

521  foal. 

0144  country. 

400  earnest. 

329  fold. 

640  cow. 

406  earth. 

595  foot. 

554  cross. 

014  eat. 

546  for. 

0167  cruel 

257  edge. 

0141  force. 

0123  cry. 

160  egg. 

547  ford. 

0155  cuckoo. 

213  either. 

042  fore. 

633  cup. 

324  eight. 

0140  form. 

0171  cure. 

268  eldest. 

421  forty. 

0165  employ. 

655  foul. 

057  endeavour. 

623  found  (they), 

D. 

579  enough. 

619  found  (was). 

0112  err. 

420  four. 

029  dark. 

208  ever. 

601  fowl. 

053  darn. 

348  eye. 

032  free. 

531  daughter. 

033  freeze. 

161  day. 

430  friend. 

350  dead. 

F. 

609  full. 

355  deaf. 

636  further. 

216  deal. 

080  fabric. 

416  dear. 

336  fall. 

368  death. 

085  family. 

G. 

097  deceive. 

403  far. 

0119  deny. 

030  farm. 

449  get. 

0103  desert. 

229  fat. 

050  glance. 

363 


364     KOTES  ON   tJLSTER  EKGLI8H   DIALECT— J.    H.    STAPLES*. 


536  gold. 

571  good. 

088  grand. 

172  grass. 

366  great. 

299  green. 

616  ground  (the). 

624  ground  (they)* 


115  home. 
0142  honor. 
523  hope. 
553  horn. 
663  house. 
641  how. 
626  hunger. 


676  lie  (falsehood). 
425  light. 
500  like. 
682  little. 
60  long. 
558  look. 
072  lost. 
600  love. 


H. 


M. 


452  I. 

140  hail. 

514  ice. 

5  make. 

334  half. 

456  if. 

51  man. 

43  hand. 

689  inch. 

084  manner. 

49  hang. 

496  iron. 

051  manure. 

021  hard. 

482  is. 

195  many. 

28  hare. 

489  it. 

341  marrow. 

022  harm. 

024  mark. 

159  has. 

245  meal. 

8  have. 

J. 

192  mean. 

347  head. 

0109  measure. 

08  health. 

0164  jewel. 

251  meat. 

301  hear. 

0162  journal. 

302  meet. 

314  heard. 

0174  juice. 

099  mercy. 

313  hearken. 

0176  just. 

712  mice. 

031  heart. 

508  mile. 

202  heat. 

388  milk. 

056  heather. 

L. 

510  mine  (adj.), 

384  heaven. 

0132  miser. 

306  height. 

079  labor. 

563  Monday. 

447  her. 

44  land. 

0143  money. 

312  here. 

322  laugh. 

562  moon. 

305  high. 

17  law. 

044  morn* 

048  hill. 

351  lead  (metal). 

226  most. 

470  him. 

011  lean  (adj.). 

559  mother. 

708  hire. 

402  learn. 

537  mould. 

483  his. 

187  leave. 

665  mouse. 

0157  hoe. 

281  length. 

671  mouth. 

330  hold. 

198  let. 

91  mow. 

534  hole. 

415  lie  (down). 

0170  mule. 

NOTES  ON    ULSTER   ENGLISH   DIALECT- 


593  must  (he). 


N. 


141 

nail. 

020 

narrow. 

365 

near. 

0101 

neat. 

359 

neighbour. 

214  neither. 

209 

never. 

387 

new. 

458 

night. 

446 

nine. 

565 

nose. 

643 

now. 

101 

oak. 

134 

oath. 

0104 

oblige, 

326  old. 

543 

on. 

117 

one. 

522 

open. 

0145 

order. 

566  other. 

648 

our. 

667  out. 

519 

over. 

79 

own. 

096  perceive. 

058  pet. 
0120  physician. 

060  pie. 

063  pin. 

703  pit. 
0131  pity. 
0118  please. 
0108  plenty. 

578  plough. 
03  pole. 
0139  porter. 
0133  position. 

052  potatoes. 

615  pound. 
0107  prefer. 

668  proud. 

076  pudding. 

078  pussy. 

Q. 

0169  question. 
453  quick. 


025  park. 
054  peat. 
017  pen. 


241 
33 
370 
094 
093 
095 
352 
0173 

0130 

685 

104 

0151 

0134 


R. 

rain. 

rather. 

raw. 

real. 

reason. 

receive. 

red. 

refuse   (v. 

adj.). 
religion, 
ridge, 
road, 
roast, 
rob. 


and 


-J.    H. 

STAPLES. 

0135  robber. 

105  rode. 

0156  roll. 

656 

room. 

596 

root. 

05 

rose  (he). 

0150 

rose  (a). 

654 

rough. 

04 

row. 

035 

rue  (to). 

036 

run. 

365 


01 

165 

7 

48 

12 
261 
560 
182 
092 
269 
018 
0113 
0110 
019 
383 

24 
026 
354 
555 
041 
390 
661 
422 
441 
491 
462 


S. 

saddle. 

said. 

sake. 

sang. 

saw. 

say. 

school. 

sea. 

season. 

self. 

sell. 

serpent. 

servant. 

settle. 

seven. 

shame. 

sharp. 

sheaf. 

shoe. 

shorn. 

should. 

shower. 

sick. 

sieve. 

sigh. 

sight. 


366    VOTES  ov 

OUTER  KBTGUSH  DIALECT — 1.  H.  STATU 

693  sin. 

0177  sore. 

583  tooL 

057  ait 

0124  suspicion*. 

039  torn. 

0126  siae. 

250  swear. 

580  tough. 

705  sky. 

226  sweat 

071  tow. 

669  slow. 

303  sweet 

0153  toweL 

93  SHOW. 

397  sword. 

659  town. 

067  soak. 

592  swore. 

0117  treasure. 

066  tod. 

091  treat 

074  soda. 

034  tree. 

331  soUL 

T. 

059  trial. 

612  some. 

0159  troop. 

606  son. 

143  tail. 

075  troth. 

65  song. 

4  take. 

0154  trouble. 

564  soon. 

028  tar. 

0168  troweL 

697  soot 

163  teach. 

436  true. 

043  sorrow. 

010  tease. 

439  trust. 

0147  sort. 

271  tell. 

437  truth. 

681  sought 

311  ten. 

066  try. 

97  soul. 

155  thatch. 

0175  tune. 

0160  soup. 

382  their. 

74  two. 

672  sooth. 

360  them. 

027  fpark. 

544  then. 

233  speak. 

373  they. 

U. 

203  speech. 

707  thirteen. 

064  split 

628  thought. 

622  under. 

589  spoon. 

205  thread. 

632  up. 

0121  spy. 

367  threat. 

662  us. 

02  stand. 

63  throng. 

0172  use. 

398  starve. 

634  through. 

124  stone. 

95  throw. 

675  stood. 

047  thumb. 

V. 

584  stool. 

631  Thursday. 

551  storm. 

463  till  (prep.). 

0105  vengeance, 

0138  story. 

471  timber. 

0111  verge. 

371  straw. 

494  time. 

0149  vote. 

282  strength. 

0152  toast. 

62  strong. 

332  told. 

644  suck. 

046  ton. 

W. 

604  summer. 

625  tongue. 

629  sun. 

557  too. 

337  wall. 

0146  suppose. 

670  took. 

54  want. 

NOTES   ON   VLSTER   ENGLISH   DIALECT — J.    H.   STAPLES.     367 


343  warm. 

173  was. 

152  water. 

262  way. 

378  weak. 

055  wealth. 

012  weapon. 

252  weather. 

235  weave. 

576  Wednesday. 

440  week. 

189  weigh. 

244  well,     argu- 
mentative. 

266  well,   good 
manner. 

227  wet. 

200  wheat. 

169  when. 

065  whig. 


061  whin. 
112  whole. 
706  why. 
501  wide. 

505  wife. 
467  wild. 

475  wind  (subs.). 

062  wing. 
515  wise. 
038  wit. 
702  with. 

506  woman. 

507  women. 
630  won. 
045  wonder. 
610  wool. 
550  word. 
396  work. 
524  world. 
049  worm. 


700  worse. 
635  worth. 
538  would. 
618  wound  (a). 
64  wrong. 
530  wrought. 


Y. 

340  yard. 

023  yam. 

487  yesterday. 

488  yet. 
517  yew. 
392  yon. 
435  you. 
895  young. 
419  your. 


Descriptive. 

I  think  I  must  say,  that  properly  speaking  this  paper  should 
have  been  read  by  me  either  many  years  ago,  or  not  until  such 
indefinite  time  in  the  future,  when  I  might  have  been  able  to 
get  the  matter  more  accurately  tabled  as  regards  local  differences, 
so  as  more  fitly  to  be  placed  alongside  of  the  stupendous  work 
the  late  Mr.  Ellis  has  done  in  English  dialects.  But  as  things 
are  uncertain,  and  as  I  cannot  tell  when  I  should,  if  ever,  be 
able  fully  to  describe  the  local  differences  of  Ulster  dialect, 
I  thought  I  might  as  well  bring  to  light  now  the  matter  I  long 
ago  obtained  relating  to  the  subject  which,  so  far  as  it  goes  and 
so  far  as  I  can  point  out  local  borders,  is,  I  think  I  may  say,  quite 
fit  in  kind,  although  not  in  degree,  to  be  treated  as  if  it  were 
a  small  supplement  to  Mr.  Ellis's  work,  and  perhaps,  when  com- 
pared with  that,  to  be  of  some  interest  to  dialect  students.  I  adopt 
herein  where  necessary  the  system  of  phonetic  spelling  he  called 
"  palaeotype,"  but,  of  course,  in  some  cases  he  would  have  spelt 
or  described   differently  from   what  I  do.     I  may  confess  that 


368     NOTES  ON  ULSTER  ENGLISH  DIALECT— J.   H.   STAPLE* 

personally  I  would  have  preferred  Sweet's  letters,  but  it  seems 
to  me  that  the  value  of  Mr.  Ellis's  work  is  so  incontestable,  that 
decidedly  the  balance  of  advantage  lies  in  fresh  workers  in  English 
dialect  phonetics  doing  the  work  so  that  it  may  in  some  way  be 
supplementary  to  his,  be  readable  with  his  key,  and  be  measurable 
as  much  as  possible  with  his  selected  specimens,  unless  anyone 
is  prepared  to  go  over  his  ground  afresh  and  supersede  his 
work,  which  I  for  one  am  by  no  means  disposed  to  do.  And 
dialect  phonetic  students  can  more  easily  estimate  and  allow  for 
different  spellings  owing  to  difference  of  personal  apprehension 
between  two  workers  if  a  common  system  of  speech  sound  repre- 
sentation be  used  by  both.  Professor  Wright's  Dialect  Dictionary 
seems  very  properly  to  have  other  aims.  Then  I  wish  to  make 
some  statements  as  to  my  experience  in  the  dialect  which  I  wish 
taken  account  of  by  those  who  may  hear  or  read  and  criticize 
my  description,  and  which  constitute  my  excuse  for  what 
I  feel  its  shortcomings,  although  I  think  those  shortcomings  are 
not  such  as  to  disable  this  offering  of  mine  from  giving  to 
phonetists  a  valid  idea  of  a  typical  Ulster  English,  its  relations 
to  Scotch  English,  and,  broadly  speaking,  a  few  boundaries  within 
Ulster  of  particularly  marked  speech  sounds. 

My  experience  dates  first  from  five  years  spent  in  business  in 
Belfast.  Before  that  the  local  vernacular  was  unknown  to  me, 
and  though  the,  to  me,  uncouth  effects  of  its  sounds  repelled 
me  at  first,  their  strangeness  arrested  my  attention,  and  towards 
the  end  of  my  Belfast  life  of  five  years,  while  I  was  still  busily 
engaged  all  day,  and  before  I  had  looked  at  what  anybody  else 
had  published  on  matters  of  this  kind,  I  put  on  paper  a  description 
of  the  peculiar  Ulster  speech  sounds  known  to  me  amongst  others. 
I  mention  this  to  show  I  had,  when  the  sounds  were  fresh  to 
my  ears,  made  some  careful  description  of  them,  and  notes  then 
made  are  through  later  copies  and  studies  part  of  my  material 
on  this  subject  now.  At  the  end  of  the  five  years  I  removed 
into  the  country,  and  after  some  time  was  perhaps  more  heavily 
engaged  than  I  had  even  been  before,  and  though  for  six  months 
of  the  year,  at  any  rate,  my  duties,  collecting  rent  from  tenants, 
settling  disputes  among  them,  thinning  plantations,  and  in  part 
superintending  farm  work  and  labourers,  gave  me  excellent 
experience  in  genuine  dialect,  other  six  months  of  these  years 
being  spent  in  studies  in  London,  my  necessary  occupations  and 
engagements  were  of   a  nature  so  remote  from   noting  dialect 


NOTES   *>x    CLSTfiB   ENGLISH    DIALECT — J,    H.   STAPLES,     369 


peculiarities  nnd  ei  so  much  of  my  turn  and  thought*, 

tfi.it  I  never  then  even  aimed  at  collecting  local  words  or  ex- 
pressions, nor  did  I  consider  the  question  of  investigating  the 
boundaries  of   special  w\  this,     it  was  not  till  some  time 

n-ticully  collected  my  experience  that  1  made  any 
study  of  phonetics  in  the  way  of  rending  what  other 
workers  bad  dons.    Ibia  I  did  not  do  till  after,  owing  to  personal 
rircntnttaucoe,  1  bad  given  up  all  former  work  and  bad  token  (XI 
Other  ways  of  life.     After  this  I    found   the  tale  Mr,  Ellis  was 
QoUecting  matter  for  bis  work  on  English  Dialects,    I  corresponded 
rith  and  had  interviews  with  him,  after  having  prepared  for  him 
samples  of  Ulster  dial  i $,  relying  on  the  notes  I  mentioned  having 
made    before    I    left    Belfast    and    iTQotlectiotLt  of    rural   dialect. 
Thh  Win  in    1886,   and   I  had  ceased  to  reside  in  Ireland  after 
Midsummer,    1884.      Mr.    Ellis    woe  fttil]    ttnoertaifl   whether   he 
would  be  able  to  include  Ulster  in  his  Kngltnh  dialects,  and  in 
the    Spring  of   1887    I    made    1    round  of   visits   to   friends   and 
relatives   in  Ulster  in  various  places  in   the  counties  of  Tyrone, 
and    Antrim,  ending   with    Belfast,  whan   I  took   every 
'unity  of  going  0f»  old   DT   aofciag  Afly  new  matter  I  could 
vcr,  which  results  were  embodied  iu  a  term  of    tetfc 
Mr.  Ellis,  which  lie  carefully  kept  and  returned  me,  regretting 
he  could  not  see  his  way,  I  suppose  from  stress  of  time,  to  include 
Ulster  in  his  English  dialed 

In  that  trip  in  the  year  1SS7,  I  noted  down  broadly  the  limits 
ol   some  of    iln    typical  speech  sounds,  and  shall  give  now  the 
ial  results  of   those  notes.      It  might  be  thought  I  should 
have  brought  the   nut  Iters  to  notice  before,   and    1    should    have 
dour  so  if  I  had  not  h>  red,  perhaps,   by  mere  (eeblsnetl 

or  false  modesty,  or  because  my  phonetic  work  was  engrossed 
by  th  'teh  Uaelic  speech  sounds. 

It  DlaJ   be   takes    that  th*  nt  is  the  common 

macular,  but  my  rendering  of  it  may,  perhaps  must, 

be  much  affected  by  the  eOQl  Win  W   I  lived  after  leaving 

it  U,  my  father's  In  one  if)  the  large  parish  of   L 

a*,  parti;  in   Deny,  from  two  to  five  miles  from 

In  the  samples  I  give  in  p  ,  I  give  frequent  alteri 

tions,      1    do   not  give   with  the   phonetic   spelliiu 
ilities  in  which  snob  or  tuch  a  type  prevaili  as  Mr.  EUia 

is  I  have  said,  I  am  not  able  to  them  With 


370     NOTES  ON  ULSTER   ENGLISH  DIALECT— J.   H.   8TAPLE8. 

exactness.  I  know  each  kind,  and  shall  state  now  certain  spots 
where  one  kind  will  he  found  and  where  another,  hat  the 
boundaries,  which  Mr.  Ellis  has  so  carefully  worked  oat  in  his 
"  English  Dialects,"  I  cannot  yet  and  may  never  he  able  to  give 
as  concerning  Ulster.  For  instance,  "they,"  the  plural  pronoun, 
is  near  Cookstown  [dhii],  in  Belfast  [dh*1],  the  latter  a  kind 
of  half-way  sound  between  English  "thee"  and  "they," 
only  closer,  as  is  also  the  first  than  any  corresponding  English 
sound;  and,  again,  the  words  "foot,  full,  put"  are  in  Belfast 
[fcht,  fuhl,  pitht],  with  a  blunted  shortened  form  of  the  prevalent 
Ulster  [u],  the  representative  of  English  "u"  or  "oo"  in  "rude, 
food";  but  at  Cookstown,  and  some  miles  to  the  north,  towards 
County  Berry,  and  for  some  distance  to  the  south,  those  words 
are  [foht,  fohl,  poht],  the  Ulster  short  [«h]  being  replaced  in 
them  and  some  other  words  by  that  [oh],  a  round  vowel  of  the 
"o"  group.  How  far  these  local  pronunciations  extend,  I  have 
not  been  able  to  trace.  I  am  sure  one,  viz.  [foht],  would  be 
heard  among  the  mixed  population  of  Belfast,  but  it  is  not  my 
typical  Belfast,  which  I  may  say  would  be  the  speech  of  the 
Linen  "lappers,"  with  whom  I  had  occasion  to  come  in  touch 
with.  They  are  representative  of  a  trained  class  of  urban  artisan. 
The  pronunciation  [ftfht]  I  think  would  be  considered  by  those 
who  use  it  more  "genteel"  than  [foht],  and  country  servants 
on  moving  into  towns  are  likely  to  drop  the  latter  and  adopt  the 
former.    The  short  "  oo  "  in  "  good  "  is  in  Ulster  always  [gwhd]. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  this  [oh]  in  [foht]  "foot"  is  the  usual 
and  prevalent  Ulster  representative  of  the  short  English  [a]  in 
"but,"  "cut,"  "dull,"  and  generally  used  in  words  where  in 
Southern  English  that  sound  would  be  used  instead.  So  the 
Ulster  use  of  [poht]  for  "put"  equates  with  a  Midland  pro- 
nunciation of  the  same  word  [pat]. 

Those  who  have  heard  or  read  Mr.  Ellis  on  English  dialects 
must  have  noted  the  importance  he  attaches  to  tracing  the 
boundary  lines  of  strongly  marked  pronunciations  of  particular 
words,  i.e.  what  he  calls  his  "transverse  lines";  and  it  seems 
to  me  a  great  interest  of  Ulster  dialect  lies  in  following  up,  as 
far  as  we  can,  such  of  these  transverse  lines,  if  any,  as  cross  the 
water.  I  shall  here  point  out  which  of  Mr.  Ellis's  transverse 
lines  have  crossed  over  to  Ireland,  and  state  some  facts  as  to  their 
course  and  influence  on  Irish  English  speech. 

Ellis's  transverse  lines  which   cross  the  Irish  Sea  into  Ulster 


NOTES   ON    UX6TKB    BXr.USH    DIALECT- — J.    TL    STIFLES-     371 


an  his  Southern  "hooee"  Lino  8,  '*  Dialect*,*'  p.  19,  and  his 
Lowland  line  10,  "Dialects,"  p. 

His  northern  "soom"  line  9,  and  southern  "sum"  line  8, 
11  Dialects,"  p-  21,  should  also  both  be  taken  account  of,  but,  as 
I  shall  show,  I  think  they  leave  in  a  kind  of  borderland  tin*  whole 
of  Ireland,  and  certainly  almost  all  Obfar.  1  hftTfl  made  no 
study  of  Southern  or  n  on- IT  later  Irish  English. 

The   "noose"   line.   I  take   it,    represents  the  limit   between 
<»ral  Scotch  and  northern  pronunciation,  retaining  the   old 
English  monophthongic   [u]   in  words   like    "  house,   how; 
not/'  as  [huus,  huu,  kuu,  nun],    and  the  more  southern  diph- 
thongal pronunciation  as  in  present  English, 

Now  we  must  remember  that  over  all  Ulster  that  long  [nu]  as 
remaining  in  lome  Scotch  pronunciations  is  alwayt  represented 
by  [uu],  a  narrow,  mixed  sound,  graphically  and  accurately 
describable  as  half-way  between  the  German  and  French  values 
of  the  vowel  letter,  i.e.  between  [u]  and  [i].  So  '*  house" 
[huus]  in  some  North  British  speech  becomes  diphthongal  in 
Ulster,  as  [hens],  in  some  plan*  [fiOTft],  the  diphthong  not  having 
grown  so  strung;  and  although  in  this  particular  word  I  have  not 
iii']  Hi'.1  opportunity  of  bearing  t\w  original  monophthong,  which 
in  Ulster  would  be  [hi:  us],  I  can  rough  for  its  existence  in  the 
word  "cow"  as  [kuo]  and  •'plough1*  [pier/].  And  while  I  am 
not  personally  familiar  with  the  district  as  far  as  any  proper 
observation  of  the  prevailing  pronunciation  goes,  I  may  say  I 
haw  Wty  good  indirect  authority,  gathered  independently  from 
various  individuals,  for  stating  that  there  is  a  fringe  roughly 
\  with  the  coast  in  Antrim  and  Down,  where  the  old 
English  monophthong*,  as  still  retained  in  Lowland  Scotch, 
il,  in  these  "house"  words,  hut  making  &e  [uj  into  [u], 
Kid  where  other  distinct  marks  of  genuine  and  special  Lowland 
are  to  be  found.  Thus  peasant  witness's  in  the 
Ballynuna  rWrt-houso  moke  their  "cow"  [kuu];  and  there  was 
iog  I  have  beard  Ml  old   residents  of   Bangor,  on 

the  County  Down  coast,  at  the  ontec  part  of  Belfast  Lough,  when 
one  of  the  heads  of  the  family  of  Ward,  of  Bangor  Castle,  had 
died,  who  bud  exercised  tenon  local  power:  [whu)l  hi  kyq  ■>  btoor 
ntm]  "  who  '11  be  King  of  B  ff  ?  ,T     line  wo  have  tie-  old 

genuine  Scotch  utterance  wit  li  monophtfc 

the  more  prodominanl  Thter  [ueu],  and  with  [wha]  inst+:nl  of 
other   UW  M  who/1    which   in  the   Scotch    part    would 


372     NOTES  ON    ULSTER   ENGLISH   DIALECT — J.    H.    STAPLES. 

mean  "how."  The  rest  of  the  sentence  would  throughout 
Antrim  and  Down  and  part  of  Deny  and  Tyrone  he  practically  the 
same.  I  think  it  certain  that  the  game  man  who  said  [nun] 
would  have  called  his  "house"  [huus]. 

The  presence  of  essential  Scotticisms  as  [twa]  "  two  "  [shuun] 
"shoon,"  "shoes,"  [iin]  "een,"  "eyes,"  [j^n]  "one,"  and  the 
peculiar  adverbial  form  [ava]  "ava,"  for  all  of  which  I  have 
repeated  and  independent  personal  authority,  besides  their  inclusion 
in  Patterson's  glossary  of  Antrim  and  Down  words,  fixes  this 
speech  as  within  the  Lowland  line,  and  as  I  have  just  shown  that 
it  is  within  the  "  hoose  "  line  also,  then  thus  far  the  two  lines 
in  Ireland  appear  conterminous.  Mr.  Ellis  indicated  that  in 
Britain  the  "  hoose "  liue  comes  far  south  of  the  horder9  viz. 
six  miles  north  of  Great  Grimsby  ("  English  Dialects,"  p.  19), 
while  he  traced  the  "  Lowland  "  line  as  very  nearly  conterminous 
with  the  border ;  and,  perhaps,  more  careful  local  examination  than 
I  have  been  able  to  make  or  to  find  might  show  some  overlapping 
of  one  line  over  the  other  in  Ireland.  There  are  traces  right 
through  Ulster  of  the  great  influence  of  the  "  hoose "  monoph- 
thongal  articulation,  and  perhaps  the  present  Ulster  representatives 
of  the  "  ow  "  diphthongs  are  a  very  recent  effect  of  the  English- 
pale  speech  upon  the  original  Scotch  of  the  plantation  settlers, 
but  I  must  leave  the  exact  boundaries  of  this  Lowland  and 
"  hoose  "  fringe  in  Ulster  unmarked.  As  I  was  writing  I  chanced 
to  find  a  poem  written  by  the  lute  Mrs.  Alexander,  the  deceased 
wife  of  the  present  Frimate  of  All  Ireland,  called  "  The  Legend 
of  Stumpies  Brae,"  in  a  footnote  declared  to  embody  an  actual 
legend  attached  to  a  spot  on  the  border  of  the  county  of  Donegal. 
The  ballad  contains  dialect  spelling  stated  by  the  authoress  to  be 
"the  peculiar  semi-Scottish  dialect  spoken  in  the  North  of 
Ireland."  From  an  examination  of  this,  although,  of  course,  it 
could  have  only  small  phonetic  value,  it  appeal's  probable  that 
part  of  Donegal  comes  within  this  combined  "hoose"  and 
44  Lowland"  line;  but  we  must  remember  that  in  its  purity  this 
is  not  only  confined  to  a  comparatively  narrow  band  of  territory, 
but  is  broken  into  by,  to  use  Mr.  Ellis's  term,  the  "  Celtic 
border,"  for  Gaelic  still  lingers  in  the  Glens  of  Antrim,  a  series 
of  small  river  valleys  drained  by  streams,  which  run  from  the 
high  backbone  of  northern  Antrim  eastwards  into  the  sea,  dividing 
Scotland  from  Ireland  between  Larne  and  Ballycastle.  This  is 
an  outlying,  surviving  Celtic   lemnunt,   surrounded   on   the    land 


1?0*1E*   ON    VtSVETL    ENGLISH    DIALECT — J*    H.    STAPLES,     373 


by  English  Scotch   or  English   Irish  speech.      On  the  sea 

the  Antrim  Glen  Gaelic  was,  and  perhaps  occasionally  still  is, 
sept  in  touch  with  Scotch  Gaelic  through  the  Hull  of  Can  tyre 
Bud  the  Southern  Hebrides,  The  natives  of  the  island  of  lUthlin, 
locally  (Rakhari)  "  Rsghery,"  lying  within  a  few  miles  off  the* 
coast  of  Antrim,  close  to  Ballycastle,  still  maintain  the  language. 
The  Gaelic  in  JJonegal,  and  some  slight  traces  now  or  recently 
aliasing  round  the  Mourne  Mountains  in  the  south  of  County 
J>ownt  is,  or  was  in  recent  times,  connected  continuously  by 
links  of  speech  with  the  general  hotly  of  Irish  Gaelic, 
so  the  Glens  of  Antrim  make  the  only  speech  gap  in  that  fringe 
of  the  more  distinctly  Scotch  Lowland  type  of  Ulster  dialect, 
which  I  say  continues  Mr.  Ellis's  **hoose"  and  Lowland  lines 
across  the  Irish  Channel  into  Ulster.  At  the  present  time  this 
fringe  is  intersected  by  the  Belfast  Lough,  and  if  extending  into 
Donegal,  by  Lough  Foyle, 

N<>w  let  us  consider  Mr.  Ellis's  northern  i4soom,p  line  0t  and 
southern  4*  sum  n  line  8.  On  the  British  sidy  of  the  Channel  we 
find  that  the  Scotch  generally  agree  with  the  southern  or  present 
standard  English  in  making  this  [$a ui],  or  something  near  to 
that,  so  that  [suum]  is  a  purely  south  of  the  border  English 
dialect  BUTTlVftl,  As  I  have  said,  I  can  only  roughly  th 
anil  allude  to  the  existence  of  the  more  distinctly  Lowland  fringe, 
so  I  simply  could  not  with  any  certainty  state  how  these  ,J  soom" 

-um'T  linen  affect  it.      But  in    every   Ulster  speech  I  have 

DDserred,  and  I  have  always  listened  attentively  to  those 
1  came  across,  | "- >hiu]  beinjj  the  sound  of  the  typical  word,  the 
southern  unrounded  rowel  [a]  is  represented  by  that  rounded 
vowel  of  the  "o"  group,  which  I  have  nientiined  as  occurring 
locally  in  wurds  such  as  *'footM  or  "put/*  As  this  [,)h]  in 
all    UI  ech    represent*  the   English    [*],   as    practically  in 

mn  hut  "son,  sun,  front,  hut,  cut,  dull/1  making 
Tsohn,  sohn,  fr/tint,  baht,  kaht,  djhl],  I  think  Ulster  must 

nsidered  to  lie  in  a  sort  of  neutral  ground  between  the 
**soom"   and   "sum"   lines,   because  it  uses  a  Up  sound   as  is 

at"  (suura),  although  of  the  4'o"  not  the  4'  u  "  group;  and 
if,  as  I  think  likely,  the  rest  of  Inland  pruL'ticnlly  agrees  with 

e  in   rounding  this  sound,  this  neutral  ground  extends   to 

hate. 
Having  indicated  the  position  which  Ulster  English  holds  in 

on  to  these  in  lines  of  Mr.  Ellis,  I  shall 

Phil,  Tram    1806-7.  25 


374     N0TB8  ON   ULSTER  ENGLISH   DIALECT — J.    H.   STAPLES. 

now  show  generally  the  phonetic  character  of  Ulster  speech  as 
compared  with  English.  The  difference  I  have  mentioned  between 
the  Ulster  [u]  as  representing  the  English  [w],  the  first  being 
a  thinner  sound,  i.e.  one  formed  by  a  narrower  passage  of  the 
organs,  is  typical  of  two  sets  of  Ulster  vowels,  for  the  Ulster 
long  "o,"  which  is  not  diphthongal  like  in  English,  is  formed 
as  [o],  half  in  the  position  of  or  with  lips  as  for  [u]  as  "Joe" 
[djooer].  In  like  manner  "here,"  as  in  exclaiming  "come  here," 
is  much  closer  than  in  ordinary  English  [kam  hii'r].  80  the 
vowel  in  "Jane"  is  closer  than  in  English  and  monophthongal 
[dj**n],  as  distinguished  from  English  diphthongal  [djetn];  and 
in  some  words,  as  [k^s]  "case,"  [dhw1]  "they,"  this  Ulster 
representative  of  English  [et'J  becomes  something  between  [*] 
and  [i],  the  latter  example,  as  I  have  mentioned,  being  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Cookstown  [dhii]  with  pure  long  [ii].  On 
the  other  hand,  the  "advanced"  English  [©]  is  not  used  in 
Ulster,  and  in  words  like  "  man,  hand,  land  "  is  represented  by 
the  deep  [a]  common  in  Scotland,  and  if  emphatic  lengthened 
[maan,  haan,  loan];  in  words  like  "hat,  cap,  hang"  by  the 
shallower  [a]  [hat,  kap,  haq] ;  and  in  some  words,  as  in  "candle, 
saddle,"  and  generally  before  "  r,"  succeeded  by  a  final  consonant 
as  "  farm,  spark,"  by  a  more  advanced  [a],  but  yet  not,  as  should 
be  observed,  reaching  to  English  [se]  [kan'l,  sad'1]. 

Then  there  are  two  sounds  representative  of  English  short  "i" 
and  "c,"  as  in  "till  it  is,"  "tell  red  Ned,"  which,  though  they 
do  not  prevail  over  the  whole  of  Ulster,  are  predominant  in  the 
most  populous  part,  the  north-eastern  counties  of  Antrim  and 
Down.  Both  these  vowels  belong  to  those  which  are  classed  by 
Melville  Bell  and  Sweet  as  mixed,  and  both  are  identical  or  very 
close  to  forms  in  Scottish  dialects.  They  are  formed  by  the 
tongue  being  kept  somewhat  further  back  than  in  the  English 
correlatives,  and  with  regard  to  the  second  of  the  two  with 
a  lower  general  position  of  the  tongue,  thus  [tyl  hyt  yz]  "till 
it  is,"  [tool  rood  naod]  "  tell  red  Ned."  This  East  Ulster  short 
"e"  is  rather  a  difficult  sound  to  fix.  I  remember  the  late 
Mr.  Ellis  would  not  quite  agree  with  me  about  it.  It  may  be 
considered  as  of  the  "a"  group,  but  in  no  word  as  a  monophthong 
in  English.  The  late  Mr.  James  Lecky  spontaneously  analyzed 
it,  when  I  pronounced  the  sound  to  him,  without  my  offering 
him  any  opinion  on  it,  as  T  had  it  noted  down  myself  unknown 
to  him,  and  so  I  have  kipt  it  as  the  Low  mixed  wide  of  Sweet, 


NOTE*    DM    ULSTER    EXr.l.isi!    UMLECT J.    H     STAPLES,     375 


which  ho  marks  as  the   first  part  of    the  English  diphthong  in 
"hdW.*1     It  seems  to  nie  also  used  in  the  French  word  "femme," 
Those  two  last  Ulster  vowels,  which  are  very  distinct  in  Belfast 
and  moot  of  County  Down,  I  noticed  in  my  touring  in  the  spring 
of  1887,  drop  away  towards  Dunganuou,  but  both  crop  up  str 

stowD,  and  lo  the  north  of  it  extending  into  the 

t  part  of  County  Deny ;  hut  in  the  more  western  part  o£ 
that  county  at   Dun  given    again   the    Belfast  mixed  [m]  is  lost, 

li  I  found  the  mixed  [y]  in  [hyt  y»]f  ,fIt  la,"  still  prevailing. 
In  those  places  mentioned  where  I  found  these  Belfast  vowels 
absent  the  usual  English  ones  take  their  place,  but  at  Buugiren, 
in  words  of  one  syllable  like  "yet,1'  the  \>\w\  is  lengthened  and 
perhaps  slightly  lowered  like  in  English  "air"  [jfct].  Here,  at 
Dun  given,  1  heard  u  laboring  man,  whoa  exulted  driring 
n  troublesome  heifer,  very  distinct  in  [byfc]  "it,"  with  the  mixed 

(jtjt  and  he  told  me  he  came  from  Cavan,  so  I  think  this 
vowel  must  be  very  far  spread  towards  the  west.  As  to  the  East 
Ulster  short  Meyn  thfl  name  of  the  town  of  Deny,  a  typical  test 
word,  is  at  Belfast  [dam],  at  Derry  itself  as  in  English,  again 
ice}  among  the  LintH  peasants  north  of  Cookstowu  to  what 
it  is  in  Belfast,  but  at  Bellaghy,  in  the  south  of  County  Deny, 
lying  almost  between  Cookstown  and  Belfast,  a  few  miles  oif 
the  lint!  of  railway,  it,  as  at  Dungiven,  slightly  approach  <• 
English  and  Derry  sound.  The  true  Belfast  sound,  again,  is  in 
full  fbfM  Ql  Kilrea,  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Bann.  Coleraine, 
on  the  Bann  lower  down,  I  have  not  been  able  to  note,  but 
Portruah^  the  seaport  on  the  coast  to  the  cast  of  the  mouth 
of  tlio  Bann,  has  got  the  Derry  sound,  which  perhaps  ia  recently 
implanted  through  the  influx  of  visitors.  There  in  anotnei  special 
peculiarity  of  pronunciation  distinguishing,  as  far  as  I  have  heard, 

hole  of  Ulster  from  English  and  partaking  of  the  nature 
of  Scotch.  The  vowel  sounds  as  prevalent  in  English  *'her, 
letter,   bird,   word,  corse*'   do  not  exist  in   Ulster.      There  they 

placed  in  some  words,  as  in  "  word,  world,  curse,'*  by  the 

lame  vowel  as  in  English  **  hut,   out,  hurry*'  [a],  thus  [wjird, 

rs J,  which  vowel,  I  may  state,  I  have  never  heard  in 

any  Ulster  dialect  except  with  a  following  [r].     In  other  words, 

lent  th»    English  (*m"  vowel:  thus, 
either  [hw]  with  the  ESngHaa  short 

!    nncmpliLitu    [li-irj,   so   "girl*'   [porl]   or  [g*rl]; 
will]    th. 


376     NOTES   ON    ULSTER   ENGLISH   DIALECT — J.    H.    STAPLES. 

"i"  [byrd,  thyrd,  fyr].  The  latter  is  plainly  distinguishable  from 
[far],  "fur"  of  an  animal.  "Herd"  would  be  [hErd],  " heard" 
[haord]  or  [hErd].  "Sir"  is  in  the  older-fashioned  speech  [syr], 
but  now  becoming  [ear],  or  rounded  and  lowered  into  [sohr], 
in  imitation  of  the  southerns,  or  made  genteel  into  [saor,  set]  or 
[sar]  in  analogy  with  "her"  [haor],  etc.  Then  unemphatic  final 
syllables  of  polysyllabic  words  in  "  er,"  as  in  "  better,  letter," 
in  Ulster  the  "r"  being  distinctly  touched,  have  unemphatic 
vowels  closer  than  in  English,  thus  [baotar,  laoter]. 

As  in  Scotch,  though  some  English  [ei]  words,  as  "Jane,  shame, 
sake"  [shtim,  s*ik],  have  closer  vowels  than  in  English,  some 
others,  as  [mak,  tak]  for  "make,  take,"  have  nearly  kept  the 
old  broader  sound.  Also  there  are  a  good  many  words  like  as 
preserved  in  other  parts  of  Ireland  where  English  long  "ee" 
sounds  are  [**],  as  [see,  totg,  bust,  pWz]  for  "  sea,  teach,  beast, 
please."  On  the  other  hand,  some  of  the  English  [ei]  words, 
as  "  great,  hail,  nail,"  have  a  long  but  opener  sound  than  in 
English  [grEEt,1  IieeI,  nEEl].  The  vowel  in  "say"  is  sometimes 
opener  than  in  English,  sometimes  closer,  always  monophthongal, 
as  [a  see]  "I  say,"  [a  haord  dh'm  see]  "I  heard  them  say." 
Some  "ee"  words,  as  "see,"  "seen,"  "green,"  are  as  in 
English,  but  with  closer  "  i "  [sii,  siin,  griin].  The  long  English 
rounded  "aw"  vowel,  as  in  "awe,  all,  tall,"  is  represented  by 
as  long  and  deep,  but  only  a  half-rounded  sound  [aaw,  aawl, 
\aawY].  The  short  English  "o"  in  "John,  yon,  hot"  has 
a  more  purely  "  o"  sound  [djoon]  or  [djbn,  dhbn]  or  [dhon,  hot], 
the  two  first  words,  specially  "  John,"  being  drawled  or  lengthened 
mo're  or  less  according  to  emphasis.  The  diphthongs  are  not  so 
common  as  in  English.  The  "  er "  sound  finals  in  English 
"their,  your,  our"  are  represented  by  the  faintest  possible  voice 
glide  on  to  the  final  [r],  which  is  always  distinct,  [dhe^'r,  jur/'r, 
Ku'r],  the  last  being  sometimes  [wyr]  completely  monophthongic. 
The  only  approach  to  the  vowel  absorbing  [r],  as  in  English,  is 
only  an  occasional  use  in  a  word  like  [juo'r],  when  the  [r]  may 


1  The  difference  and  contrast  between  these  two  vowels  of  the  (e)  group  is 
well  exemplified  by  the  term  [grEEt  beeati],  an  expression  which  is  impressed  in 
my  memory  bv  a  story  of  a  dialogue  between  a  country-man  and  a  neighbouring 
gentleman"  'the  latter  was  rather  fond  of  riding  a  good  horse,  and  was  a  large, 
heavy  man.  The  two  met,  the  gentleman  on  a  new  purchase,  and  he  invited  hia 
peasant  friend's  criticism.  The  answer  came,  a  little  clumsily,  but  with  polite 
intention:  '*  Ach  yer  'aner,  sure  I  niver  see  yer  aner,  but  I  see  a  great  beaat* 
[akh  jar  anar  shvu'r  a  nyvar  sii  jar  anar  baht  a  sii  a  grEEt  b<rst]. 


1*0788    ON    DUTSB    F.XdMSH    DIALECT— J.    II.    STAPLES,     377 


become  very  softened,  passibly  what  Ellis  called  the  Midland 
which  I  represent  by  his  symbol  for  that  Bound  [jtro'r], 
Of  course,  [jw*r]  &r  [jtnfr]  are  used  only  when  emphatic,  as 
In  "is  this  yours?"  [yz  dhys  JCtrVaf];  "  your  hand,  your  honor  " 
would  be  [jr»r  hrfun,  rar  rtinr].  Though  I  have  spelt  the  u  u  " 
or  "ew"  words,  as  iu  "few,  tea**'  [fit,  tlou],  as  diphthongs, 
I  think  these  need  hardly  be  recognized  as  such,  and  then  there 


remain  only  those  that  represent   the  English 


1  ow, 


and 


1  oi J>  diphthongs,  as  in  "ride,  write,  how,  cow,  shout,  loud,  hoy/1 
These  are  [raid,  rat,  bun,  kmr,  shisrt,  lml,  bor],  Tbfl  Brtt  i 
occasionally  a  littlo  broader,  as  rand,  rant.  In  "  quiet n  the 
diphthong  is,  on  the  other  hand,  very  slight,  as  [kwait]  in- 
distinguishable from  4i  quite,"  when  this  word  is  used,  which  is 
■ridom,  The  last  form  sonietimes  replaces  the  M  iw  kind,  as  [bait] 
"bite,"  and  also  the  "d,"  as  [bail]  "boil"  The  "  ow"  sounds 
are  sometimes,  as  mentioned  already,  but  faintly  diphthongal  [hou, 
kau],  something  like  as  heard  in  south-eastern  England  for  "two," 
us  [toih],  or  even  never  reaching  the  diphthong  at  all,  as  [kuo] 
"cow,"  the  endurance  of  which  utterance  far  inland  in  a  word  of 
such  common  and  special  rustic  use,  points  to  the  underlying 
strength  of  the  Scotch  element  wbere  other  4I  ow "  words,  as 
11  house,  how,"  would  be  distinctly  diphthongal. 

Among  consonant^  the  first  thing  that  may  be  noticed  is  the 
complete  preservation  of   [h],  which   also  survives  as  in  present 
b,  in  the  pronoun  "it,"  as  in  old  English  [hyt],  and  than  ol 

kh]  in  [ktfkh]  "laugh,"  though  this  latter  not  so  completely, 
being  often  dropped  for  the  English  [f],  and  sometimes  toned 
down  to  mere  [h],  as  [d^bter]  "daughter"  or  in  the  place- 
name  [mahora]  "  Maghera,"  and  lost  altogether  in  [maorefelt] 
u  tfagherufelt,"  changed  from  [magharafelt]  or  [makharafelt] 
through  [mah&rafelt]  to  the  actual  present  pronunciation,  which  in 
the  Hallway  speech  has  dropped  a  syllable  and  become  [marafclt]. 
The  whispered  or  voiceless  "w"  [wh]  as  in  "which,  white"  is 
universal  among  all  classes  in  Ulster  as  well  as  the  whole  of 
Ireland;  thus,  "wig"  and  "whig"  would  never  be  confused  as 
so  common  in  England, 

Another     noteworthy  in     common    with    Scotch,    is 

assimilation   by   or  with   nasals,    whereby    [m]    absorbs    [b],    as 

t'l,  tohm'l]  "thimble,  tumble,"  [n]  absorbs  [d]  as  [ban1!, 

kaa'l]    "handle,   candle,"   [q]   absorbs   [g]    as   [fyqer,   lMhr[>r] 

*4  linger,    hunger,"   and    [th],    assimilating    with    the    preceding 


378     NOTES  ON    ULSTER   ENGLISH   DIALECT — J.    H.    STAPLES. 

nasal  [q],  changes  it  to  [n],  as  [etraonth,  laonth]  "  strength, 
length." 

The  "  t "  in  "  creature  "  and  "  potatoes  "  has  sometimes  a  sound 
borrowed  apparently  from  Southern  utterance  [kraThor,  paTheitaz], 
the  latter  only  in  careful  or  deliberate  peasant  speech.  There  is 
also  an  instance  of  phonetic  variation,  of  which  I  give  an  instance 
in  the  comparative  specimen  §  6,  whereby  "t"  between  two  vowels 
in  colloquial  talk  may  become  a  sort  of  "  r"  [obaur  yt]  "  about 
it/'  perhaps  in  analogy  with  the  process  by  which  "t"  in  Glasgow, 
as  in  "butter,  water,"  is  described  as  the  glottal  catch. 

I  think  it  can  be  noticed  that  these  varieties  of  vowel  sounds, 
consonant  survivals  and  changes,  are  more  related  to  Scotch  than 
to  Irish  English,  and  though  probably  the  Irish  English  or  old 
English  of  the  Pale  as  well  as  the  speech  of  new  plantation 
settlers  from  England  in  the  seventeenth  century  may  have  had 
much  influence,  Ulster  remains  to  this  day  more  a  migrant  branch 
of  Lowland  Scotch  than  any  variety  of  what,  I  think,  would  be 
deemed  by  strangers  the  distinctly  more  melodious  "brogue" 
prevailing  in  most  of  non- Ulster  Ireland. 

This  difference  is  very  clearly  noticed  in  coming  from  Dublin 
by  the  Amiens  Street  Station  by  the  Irish  Great  Northern  line  to 
Belfast.  After  leaving  Dundalk  you  generally  stop  at  a  junction 
station  called  "  Goraghwood."  The  newspaper  boys  are  most 
likely  from  Newry  or  nearer,  and  from  their  cries  [nftizlootor, 
morn'nlxyz,  whyg]  "  Newsletter,  Morning  news,  Whig,"  you  at  once 
notice  you  have  left  the  breathy  consonants  and  full  vowels 
of  the  more  southern  Irish,  and  have  come  into  a  different  land 
with  a  different  speech. 

Among  phonetic  peculiarities  which  I  have  described  in  the 
word  list  may  be  noticed  that  "father  138"  and  "feather  013" 
are  pronounced  alike,  only  the  former  may  sometimes  have  slightly 
longer  first  syllable,  thus :  [foodhor,  faodhor],  but  the  first  word  is 
generally  replaced  by  [da].  Then  there  are  the  alternative  pro- 
nunciations [brydhar,  brohdhor,  mydhar,  mohdhor]  568,  559, 
"brother,  mother."  The  first  are  evidently  Scotch,  spelt  by 
popular  dialect  writers  "  brither,  mither,"  the  second  probably  due 
to  the  influence  of  the  English  pale,  and  they  would  be  considered 
the  most  genteel.  The  same  English  vowel  sound  in  "  one "  is 
[wan  or  wohn]  117,  the  latter  as  in  second  form  of  the  former 
two  words.  In  Lowland  the  word  is  [eeii]  or  [j*n],  which 
latter  reaches  into  the  Lowland  fringe  in  Ulster,  as  evidenced  in 


NOTES  ON    ULSTER  ENGLISH  DIALECT — J.   H.   STAPLES.     379 

Patterson's  Glossary  "sorra  yin"  [sorra  Je'n],  "sorrow  a  one"  «■  not 
one.  The  form  [wohn],  I  think,  is  borrowed  or  imitated  from  the 
southern  English  pale  pronunciation,  and  the  less  Scotch  like. 

I  have  noticed  the  complete  distinction  between  "fir"  and 
41  fur,"  so  [hi  ryz]  05  "  he  rose  "  is  quite  different  from  "  a  rose  " 
[9  roW]  0150.  The  form  [fyn]  623,  as  in  "he"  or  "they 
found,"  is  in  analogy  with  [ryz]  from  [fan,  raiz].  It  may  be 
emphasized  to  [fan],  as  in  [and  an  dhon  hyl  hi  fan  dha  b#«st] 
"  and  in  yonder  hill  he  found  the  beast,"  while,  when  unemphatic, 
thus :  [en  dhee'r  a  fyn  ym]  "  and  there  I  found  him."  As 
a  participle  only  is  heard  a  diphthong  like  "  found,"  and  that  but 
occasionally  used,  as  [hi  wyz  fEimd  dhw'r]  "  he  was  found  there." 
The  dull  [y]  as  in  [hyt]  "  it,"  hardly  distinguishable  from  [o], 
as  in  the  second  syllable  of  [laotor]  "  letter,"  often  replaces  other 
vowels  when  emphasis  is  dropped.  Its  use  is  well  illustrated  in 
the  alternative  forms  for  the  word  "  religion,"  the  stress  in 
Ulster  as  in  English  being  on  the  second  syllable  [rylydjan]  with 
short  stressed  vowel,  or  [rylildjan]  with  long  stressed  but  quite 
different  vowel. 

Of  grammatical  peculiarities  may  be  noticed  [a)v  warat]  "I 
have  gone,"  [a  siin]  "  I  saw,"  [a  don]  "  I  did," l  [a  bi  to  w&rk] 
"  I  be  to  work,"  "  I  am,  or  have  to  work."  Of  course,  the  use  of 
words  with  a  meaning  strange  to  English  is  common ;  for  instance, 
I  have  heard  [narves]  "  nervous,"  the  speaker  understanding  it  as 
simply  weak,  applied  to  a  tree,  as  "  thon  [narvas]  looking  thing." 


C.S. 

Ellis,  "English  Dialects,"  Preliminary  Matter,  p.  7*.     Compare 
Lowland  Division,  Ellis,  "  English  Dialects,"  pp.  684-693. 

whm  djbn  haz  now  dauts. 

(1)  wool,  maan,  jv  en  hym  me  bowih  laakh.  at  dhys  nluz  9  msin. 

hu  ke^rz  ?     dhats  naodhar  hii'r  nar  dh**'r. 

(2)  dharz'nt  niaoni  a  wan  dmz  far  biian  lakht  at.    wi  noow  dhat, 

'  downt  wi  ?    whats  ta  mwk  am  dsi  ?    hyts  now  vaori  lBikli, 
ys)t? 

(3)  nau  hii'rz  dha  faks  9  dha  kw!s,  sow,  a  see,  djyst  kwyt  totikan, 

man,  an  bi  kwait  tyl  a)m  dohn  wi  ma  Btowre.    lys'n  ta  dhys. 

1  See  Glossary. 


380     NOTES  ON    ULSTER    ENGLISH   DIALECT — J.    H.    STAPLES. 

(4)  a)m  sErt'n  a  haord  dh'm  s#a— sohm  a  dh**1  voDri  wanz  dhat 

waont  thru  dha  hoowl  thyq  fram  dha  farst  dharsa&lvz— az 
dyd  ri  mysaolf,  sow  a  dyd,  shu'r  anahf, — 

(5)  dhat  dha  jahq'st  sohn  hymsaolf,  e  lohmp  )'v  a  boe  abaut  neia 

rii'rz  auld,  nicu  hyz  daaz  roes  at  wans,  dho  twaz  sa  kwii'r  "n 
skwiiki,  an  a)d  trohst  hym  ta  taol  dha  truuth  aoni  dee,  sow  a 
wuhd. 

(6)  an  dha  aul  wyman  harsaol  '1  taol  ami'jiz  at  loakhs  nau,  an 

ta>l  Ji  TEiht  af  tuir,  an  now  mow'r  abau  xyt,  yi  jyl  ouroM  ask 
er,  sow  shi  wyl. 

(7)  QDni  ww  shi  tauld  mi  hyt,  whaon  a  ast  ar,  tu  ar  thrii  ttiiraz, 

sotf  shi  dyd,  an  shi  ktrfid  na  ba  raq  an  sytj  a  matar  az  dhys. 

(8)  waol,  az  a  waz  swan,  shi  wwhd  tart  hau,  wh^r,  an  whaon  shi 

fyn  dhat  drohqk'n  ba*st  shi  kaawlz  haor  maan. 

(9)  shi  bwoow't  shi  siin  ym  wi  her  oottm  eiz  a  Irian  hyz  hoowl 

laonth  an  dha  gretm  an  yz  guhd  sohnde  Woowz  on  ym,  djyst 
farnynst  dha  dnu'r  a  dha  haus  datra  at  dha  kornar  a  dhbn 
ldhan. 

(10)  hi  wyz  whyndjyn  an  whympar*n  a  wee,  sez  shii,  far  aawl  dha 

war' Id  lsik  a  WEEn  ar  a  wii  gaorl  a  fraitid. 

(11)  an  dhat  hap'nd  djyst  az  shi  ('n  er  guhd  daawhtor  yn  \aau)  wnr 

kohman  thruu  dha  bak  JErd  av  a  hairs  after  haqan  aut  dhe 
waot  kloowz  t'l  drEi  an  a  washan  dee, 

(12)  an   dha   kaot'l   a   boilan   far  tee,  wan  fEin   aftarnuun   djyst 

thErzde  last. 

(13)  an,  d(ja  now,  a  nyvar  haord  aoni  mow't  dhan   dhys   a   dhat 

byznys,  ez  shu'r)z  ma  nwmz  wyljam  djoon  andarson,  fro 
dhat  dee  ta  dhys,  an  downt  want  ta  naodhar,  so  a  dotrnt, 
dh^'r  nau. 

(14)  an  sow  a  (m  gotten  howm  ta  ma  sohpar;  guhd  nE^t,  an  doumt  bi 

so  raodi  ta  krr.i  ovar  a  maan  egaon  whaon  hi  wants  ta  taol  jo 
sohmthyn. 
(16)  yts  boht  a  week  fuul  dhat  blaodharz  widhaut  saons,  an  dhats 
ma  last  W£rd.     guhd  nE^t. 

C.S. 

In  ordinary  spelling  taken  from  Ellis's  "  English  Dialects/'  p.  7*, 

but  with  wording  somewhat  altered  to  suit  Ulster  speech. 

Why  John  has  no  doubts. 

(1)  Well,  man,  you  and  him  may  both  laugh  at  this  news  of 

mine.     Who  cares  ?    That's  neither  here  nor  there. 


NOTES   ON   ULSTER   ENGLISH   DIALECT — J.    H.   STAPLES.      381 

(2)  There's  not  many  a  one  dies  for  being  laughed  at.     We  know 

that,  dont  we?  What's  to  make  'em  die?  It's  no  very 
likely,  is  it  ? 

(3)  Now  here's  the  facts  of  the  case,  so,  I  say,  just  quit  talking, 

man,  and  be  quiet  till  I'm  done  with  my  story.  Listen 
to  this. 

(4)  I'm  certain  I  heard  them  say — some  of  they  very  ones  that 

went  through  the  whole  thing  from  the  first  theirselves — 
as  did  I  myself,  so  I  did,  sure  enough,-— 

(5)  that  the  youngest  son  himself,  a  lump  of  a  boy  about  nine 

years  old,  knew  his  da's  voice  at  once,  though  'twas  so  queer 
and  squeaky,  and  I  'd  trust  him  to  tell  the  truth  any  day,  so 
I  would. 

(6)  And  the  old  woman  herself  '11  tell  any  o'  yez  that  laughs  now, 

and  tell  ye  right  off  too,  and  no  more  about  it,  if  ye '11  only 
ask  her,  so  she  will. 

(7)  Any  way  she  told  me  it,  when  I  asked  her,  two  or  three 

times,  so  she  did,  and  she  could  no  be  wrong  on  such 
a  matter  as  this. 

(8)  Well,  as  I  was  saying,  she  would  tell  how,  where,  and  when 

she  found  that  drunken  beast  she  calls  her  man. 

(9)  She  swore  she  seen  'im  wi'  her  own  eyes  a  lying  his  whole 

length  on  the  ground  and  'is  good  Sunday  clothes  on  'im 
just  forenenst  the  door  o'  the  house  down  at  the  corner 
o'  yon  loaning  (lane). 

(10)  He  was  whingeing  (whining)  and  whimpering  away,  says 

she,  for  all  the  world  like  a  wean  or  a  wee  girl  a' frighted. 

(11)  And  that  happened  just  as  she  and  her  good  daughter-in-law 

were  coming  through  the  back  yard  of  a  house  after  hanging 
out  the  wet  clothes  till  dry  on  a  washing  day, 

(12)  and  the  kettle  a  boiling  for  tea,  one  fine  afternoon  just 

Thursday  last. 

(13)  And,  d'  ye  know,  I  never  heard  any  more  than  this  o'  that 

business,  as  sure  as  my  name  's  William  John  Anderson, 
from  that  day  to  this,  and  dont  want  to  neither,  so  I  dont, 
there  now. 

(14)  And  so  I'm  going  home  to  my  supper;  good  night,  and  dont 

be  so  ready  to  cry  over  a  man  again  when  he  wants  to  tell 
ye  something. 

(15)  It's  but  a  weak  fool  that  blathers  without  sense,  and  that's 

my  last  word.     Good  night. 


382     H0TE8  ON   ULSTER  ENGLISH  DIALECT— J.  H.  STAPLES. 

WOBD  LIST. 

Wx88EX  AKD  NoBSK. 

Compare  Ellis,  "  English  Dialects/9  pp.  17#-24*  and 
pp.  716-721. 

A-  6.  mak  (make),  4.  tak  (take),  8.  hay  or  hav  (hare),  7.  s*k 
(sake),  9.  bih#*v  (behave),  12.  stfto,  usually  mm  (saw), 
17.  law  or  laaw  (law),  24.  sh**m  (shame),  28.  hVr  (hare), 
88.  wodher  (rather),  01.  sad'l  (saddle). 

A:  89.  kam  (came),  43.  haan  or  haand  (hand),  44.  tarn  or  laemd 
(land),  46.  kan'l  (candle),  48.  saq  (sang),  49.  haq  (hang), 
51.  mo«n  or  man  (man),  54.  want  (want),  02.  sts*n  or 
stamd  (stand). 

A:  or  0:  60.  laq  (long),  61.  ymaq  (among),  62.  straq  (strong), 
63.  thraq  (throng),  64.  raq  (wrong),  65.  saq  (song). 

A'-  74.  ttru  (two),  79.  oown  (own),  90.  blooie  or  blaaw  (blow), 
91.  moow  (mow),  93.  axaaw  or  snoot*  (snow),  95.  thro*  or 
thrato  (throw),  97.  sbuI  (soul). 

A':  101.  oowk  (oak),  104  and  105.  roowd  (road  or  rode),  106. 
brdwd  (broad),  112.  hoowi  (whole),  115.  hoowm  or  h#*m 
(home),  117.  wan  or  wohn  (one),  124.  stooum  or  st**n 
(stone),  184.  oowth  (oath),  03.  poowl  (pole),  04.  roow  (row), 
05.  ryz  (rose,  he). 

M-  138.  feodher  (father),  140.  hmsl  (hail),  141.  nEEl  (nail),  143. 
twl  (tail),  149.  bWz  (blaze),  152.  waotar  (water). 

M:  154.  bak  (back),  155.  thak  (thatch),  158.  aftar  (after),  159. 
haz  or  haz  (has),  160.  eog  (egg),  161.  dee  or  dss  (day),  165. 
saod  (said),  169.  whaon  (when),  172.  gras  (grass),  173.  wa>z 
or  wyz  (was). 

JE:  06.  kaort  (cart),  07.  ap'l  (apple),  08.  haolth  (health). 

JE'-  182.  Bee  (sea),  183.  t*t|  (teach),  187.  leev  (leave),  189.  wm 
(weigh),  192.  mwn  (mean),  193.  kl*«n  (clean),  194.  eoni 
(any),  195.  mami  (many),  198.  loot  (let,  allow),  200.  whM 
(wheat),  202.  ht#t  (heat),  09.  bWtj  (bleach),  010.  tee1* 
(tease),  011.  Wn  (lean,  adj.),  012.  weapon  (weapon). 

JE':  203.  sp**tj  (speech),  205.  threod  (thread),  208  and  209.  n-aovar 
or  n-yvar  (n-ever),  213  and  214.  n-aodhar  (n-either),  216. 
df*l  (deal),  227.  woot  (wet),  226.  m*#st  or  moowst  (most), 
228.  swart  (tweat),  229.  fat  (fat). 


NOTES  ON   ULSTER   ENGLISH   DIALECT — J.    H.    STAPLES.     383 

E-  232.  braok  (break),  233.  spwk  (speak),  235.  weev  (weave),  241. 
reen  or  rsen  (rain),  244.  wool  (well)  argumentative,  see  266  ; 
245.  mwl  (meal),  farina,  250.  sww'r  (swear),  251.  u\eet 
(meat),    252.   waodhdr  (weather),    013.   foodher  (feather), 

014.  eet  (eat). 

E:  257.  oodj  (edge),  261.  see  or  see  (say),  262.  wm  (way),  263. 
ewEE  or  owa  (away),  264.  eel  (ail),  266.  wool  (well),  good 
manner,  see  244  ;  268.  ooldyst  (eldest),  269.  saolf  (self),  271. 
tool  (tell),  281.  laonth  (length),  282.  straonth  (strength), 

015.  bsod  (bed),  016.  baost  (best),  017.  peon  (pen),  018.  seol 
(sell),  019.  saot'l  (settle). 

E-  296.  bihwv  (believe),  297.  faola  (fellow),  298.  nil  (feel), 
299.  griin  (green). 

E'-  301.  hii'r  (hear),  302.  miit  (meet),  303.  swM  (sweet). 

E':  305.  hEi  (high),  306.  hwjht  or  hEjht  (height),  311.  ton  (ten), 
312.  hii'r  (here),  313.  hark,  hErk,  or  heork  (hearken),  314. 
hErd  or  haord  (heard). 

EA-  320.  Wr  (care),  020.  narra  (narrow). 

EA:  322.  kakh  (laugh),  324.  EBkht  (eight),  326.  Euld  (old),  327. 
bEul  or  bEuld  (bold),  328.  ksuld  or  ksul  (cold),  329.  ioowld 
(fold),  330.  hEold  or  hoowld  (hold),  331.  BEuld  or  Boowld 
(sold),  332.  tEuld  or  toowld  or  tolt  (told,  "telled"),  333. 
kaf  (calf),  334.  haf  (half),  335.  did  or  aawl  (all),  336.  idwl 
or  faawl  (fall),  337.  wdud  or  waawl  (wall),  338.  kdud  or 
kaawl  (call),  340.  jard  (yard),  341.  marro  (marrow), 
342.  arm  (arm),  343.  warm  (warm),  021.  hard  (hard), 
022.  harm  (harm),  023.  jarn  (yarn),  024.  mark  (mark), 
025.  park  (park),  026.  sharp  (sharp),  027.  spark  (spark). 

EA'-  347.  heod  (head),  348.  e!  (eye),  349.  f(tr  (few)f 

EA':  350.  d^d  (dead),  351.  laod  (lead),  metal,  352.  rod  (red),  353. 
braod  (bread),  354.  sheet  (sheaf),  355.  deof  or  &elf  (deaf), 
359.  neelbdT  or  niibor  (neighbor),  361.  b**n  (bean),  363. 
tj*p  (cheap),  365.  nii'r  (near),  366.  grEEt  (great),  367. 
thraot  (threat),  368.  daoth  or  d*Hh  (death),  369.  bIoow  (slow), 
370.  rdw  (raw),  371.  strdw;  (straw). 

EI-  373.  dhee1  or  dhii  (they). 

EI:  378.  wwk  (weak),  380.  dhaom  (them),  382.  dh^'r  (their). 

EO-  383.  saov'n  (seven),  384,  hflov'n  (heaven),  385.  binwth 
(beneath),  387.  nld  (new),  028.  tar  (tar). 

EO:  388.  mylk  (milk),  390.  shwhd  or  shohd  (should),  392.  dhon 
(yon),  395.  johq  (young),  396.  wark  (work),  397.  soVrd 


384     NOTES  OK   ULSTER  EHOLISH  DIALECT— -J.   H.   STAPLES. 

(sword),  398.  star?  (starve),  400.  ftrnyst  (earnest),  409. 
Iebtq,  Urn,  or  torn  (learn),  408.  far  (far),  406.  srth 
(earth),  029.  dark  (dark),  030.  farm  (farm),  031.  hart 
(heart). 

E07-  409.  bii  (bee),  414.  flfei  (a  fly),  415.  In  (He  down),  416.  dii'r 
(dear),  419.  ju'r  or  Jar  (your),  420.  fow'r  (four),  421.  fati 
(forty),  032.  frii  (free),  033.  friis  (freeze),  034.  trii  (tree), 
035.  rim  (to  rue). 

EC:  422.  syk  (sick),  425.  l&uht,  burnt,  or  lmt  (light),  426.  f&iiht 
or  ffcijht,  f arht  or  fkit  (fight),  430.  frond  or  frynd  (friend), 
431.  bii'r  (beer),  433.  braost  (breast),  434.  b*t  (beat),  435. 
juu,  ji,  Jd,  or  Jez  (you),  436.  truv  (true),  437.  truuth  (truth). 

EY-  438.  did  (to  die). 

EY:  439.  trohst  (to  trust). 

I-  440.  wiik  (week),  441.  syV  (sieve),  448.  nnn  (nine),  447.  hor, 
hw,  or  har  (her),  449.  gyt  or  gaot  (get). 

I:  452.  a  or  xi  (I),  453.  kt*yk  (quick),  456.  yf  or  gyf  (if),  458. 
nicxht,  naAt,  or  nrit  (night),  462.  suht,  sEtfht,  or  mat 
(sight),  463.  tyl  (till)  prop.,  466.  tjfeild  (child),  467.  wiild 
(wild),  468.  tjyldar  (children),  470.  hym  (him),  471.  tymor 
(timber),  473.  blxind  (bUnd)  adj.,  475.  wynd  (wind),  477. 
tend  (to  find),  481.  fyqar  (finger),  482.  yz  (is),  483.  hyz 
(his),  487.  Jeostord*  (yesterday),  488.  J©t  (yet),  489.  hyt 
(it) ;  036.  ryn  (run),  037.  syt  (sit),  038.  wyt  (wit). 

I'-  490.  bm  or  bo  (by=n*ar),  491.  sEijh  or  seu  (sigh),  494.  tnim 
(time),  496.  ii'ron  (iron). 

V:  500.  lfeik  (like),  501.  wfcid  (wide),  502.  fafiv  or  ffeiv  (five), 
505.  wmf  (wife),  506.  wymon  (woman),  507.  wiiman 
(women),  508.  miil  (mile),  510.  mkin  (mine),  adj.,  514.  ids 
(ice),  515.  weiz  (wise),  517.  juu  (yew). 

O-  518.  bohdi  (body),  519.  owvor  (over),  521.  foowl  (foal),  522. 
owpan  (open),  523.  hoowj)  (hope),  524.  war'ld  (world); 
039.  torn  (torn),  040.  born  (born),  041.  shorn  (shorn), 
042.  foo'r  (fore). 

O:  527.  boAt  (bought),  528.  thoAt  (thought),  529.  broAt  (brought), 
530.  roAt  or  rdwht  (wrought),  531.  daawhUr  (daughter), 
532.  koowl  (coal),  533.  dohl  (dull),  534.  hoowl  (hole),  536. 
goowld  or  gEuld  (gold),  537.  mEuld  (mould),  538.  wuhd, 
wyd,  or  wohd  (would),  539.  bEul  or  boowl  (bowl),  543.  on 
(on),  544.  dham  (then),  546.  for  (for),  547.  ford  (ford), 
548.  bbrd  (board),  550.  ward  (word),  551.  storm  (storm)! 


NOTES   ON    ULSrKR   ENGLISH    DIALECT — J.    H.    STAPLES.      385 

552.  korn  (corn),  553.  horn  (horn),  554.  krbs  (cross) ;  043. 
sorra  (sorrow),  044.  morn  (morn). 

0'-  555.  shuu  (shoe),  557.  tuu  (too),  558.  luk  or  luhk  (look),  559. 
mydhar  or  madhar  (mother),  560.  skuul  (school),  562.  muun 
(moon),  563.  raahnd*  (Monday),  564.  suun  (soon),  565. 
noowz  (nose),  566.  ydhor  or  ohdhar  (other),  568.  brydher 
or  brahdhar  (brother). 

0*:  569.  btthk  or  buk  (book),  570.  twhk,  tuk,  or  tohk  (took),  571. 
gt<hd  (good),  572.  blohd  (blood),  573.  flahd  (flood),  574. 
brud  (brood),  575.  stwhd  or  stohd  (stood),  576.  wood'nzd* 
(Wednesday),  577.  bEU  (bough),  578.  pleu,  plafr,  or  pluu 
(plough),  579.  ynahf  (enough),  580.  trhahkh  or  tohf  (tough), 
581.  sohkht  or  sawkht  (sought),  582.  kuuL  (cool),  583.  tuul 
(tool),  584.  stuul  (stool),  586.  duu  or  da  (do),  587.  dohn 
(done),  589.  spuun  (spoon),  590.  fluu'r  (floor),  592.  bwoow't 
(swore),  593.  mohst  (he  must),  594.  buirt  (boot),  595.  fwht 
or  foht  (foot),  596.  ruut  (root),  597.  suht  (soot). 

TJ-  599.  abohv  (above),  600.  lahv  (love),  601.  fEul  (fowl),  603. 
kohm  (come),  604.  sahmar  (summer),  605.  eahn  (son),  606. 
duu'r  (door),  607.  bahtar  (butter). 

TJ:  609.  ftthl  or  fahl  (full),  610.  w«hl  (wool),  612.  sohm  (some), 
613.  drahqk  (drunk),  615.  pahnd  or  psund  (pound),  616. 
gruhnd  or  grEund  (the  ground),  618.  wutmd  (a  wound), 
619.  fan,  fEon,  fand,  or  fEund  (was  found),  622.  ohndar 
(under),  623.  fyn,  fan,  or  fand  (they  found),  624.  grBimd 
(they  ground),  625.  tahq  (tongue),  626.  hahqar  (hunger), 
629.  sohn  (sun),  630.  wahn  (won),  631.  thohrzd*  or 
tharzd*  (Thursday),  632.  ahp  (up),  633.  kahp  (cup), 
634.  thmu  (through),  635.  wurth  (worth),  636.  fardhar 
(further),  639.  dohst  (dust) ;  045.  wahnar  (wonder),  046. 
tahn  (ton). 

TJ'-  640.  kKU,  kati,  or  kuu  (cow),  641.  hEU  or  hair  (how),  643.  natr 
or  nEU  (now),  644.  sahk  (suck),  648.  Eu'r  or  wyr  (our),  650. 
abEut  (about),  652.  k«hd,  kohd,  or  kyd  (could),  653.  baht 
(but) ;  047.  thohm  (thumb). 

TJ':  654.  rahf  or  rohkh  (rough),  655.  fEul  (foul),  656.  ruum  (room), 
657.  brEun  (brown),  658.  dEim  (down),  659.  tEcra  (town), 
661.  shEu'r  or  shau'r  (shower),  662.  ohz  (us),  663.  hEirs  or 
hats  (house),  665.  mEUs  (mouse),  667.  But  (out),  668. 
prEud  or  pratid  (proud),  671.  mEuth  or  matith  (mouth), 
672.  satrth  (south). 


386     NOTES   ON   ULSTER  ENGLISH   DIALECT — J.    H.    STAPLES. 

Y-  674.  dyd  (did),  675.  dref  (dry),  676.  IeI  or  lii  (a  lie,  falsehood), 
690.  byzi  (busy),  681.  byznys  (business),  682.  lyt'l  (little). 

Y:  684.  brydj  or  bryg  (bridge),  685.  ryg  (ridge),  686.  bii  (buy), 
687.  fluAt  or  flsiAt  (flight),  688.  byld  (build),  689.  ynsh 
(inch),  693.  syn  (sin),  697.  buhri  or  bsori  (bury),  700. 
wars  (worse),  701.  fyrst  or  far>t  (first),  702.  wyth  or  wi, 
as  in  wi  ji  or  wi  jez  (with — with  you),  703.  pyt  (pit) ;  048. 
hyl  (hill),  049.  warm  (worm). 

Y'-  705.  skEi  (sky),  706.  whiri  (why),  707.  thyrtiin  (thirteen), 
708.  hEl'r  (hire). 

Y':  709.  fEl'r  (fire),  712.  mEis  (mice). 


English. 
Compare  with  "English  Dialects,"  pp.  719,  720. 

A.  050.  glans  (glance),  051.  maner  (manure),  052.  paTh&taz  or 

prhctiz  (potatoes),  053.  darn  (darn). 
E.  054.  pM  (peat),  055.  woolth  (wealth),  056.  hoodhdr  (heather), 

057.  yndsovar  (endeavor),  058.  paot  (pet). 
I,  Y.  059.  traial  (trial),  060.  psi  (pie),  061.  whyn  (whin),  062. 

wyq  (wing),  063.  pyn  (pin),  064.  splyt  (split),  065.  whyg 

(whig),  066.  trEi  (try). 
0.  067.  Boowk  (soak),  068.  sod  (sod),  069.  klok  (clock),  070.  bog 

(bog),  071.  tou>(tow),  072.  lost  (lost),  073.  diEun  (drown), 

074.  sowdo  (soda),  075.  trohth  (troth). 
TJ.  076.  pohdyn  (pudding),  077.  bluu  (blue),  078.  pwhsi  (pussy). 

Romance. 

A.  079.  labor  (labor),  080.  fabrik  (fabric),  081.  adjont  (agent), 
083.  k^mrik  (cambric),  084.  manar  (manner),  085.  famli 
(family),  086.  tjap'l  (chapel),  087.  awdiens  (audience),  088. 
graan  or  graand  (grand),  089.  k*«!s  (case),  090.  arnii 
(army),  091.  trwt  (treat),  092.  s**zan  (season),  093.  r^zon 
(reason). 

E.  094.  r^'l  (real),  095.  ris^v  (receive),  096.  porsr^v  (perceive), 
097.  dis^v  (deceive),  098.  konsM  (conceit),  099.  mErsi 
(mercy),  0100.  fyrm  (firm),  0101.  n<?e>t  (neat),  0102.  b^st 
(beast),  0103.  diza>rt  t\,  doozort  ».  (desert),  0104.  eblaidj 
(oblige),    0105.    voondjons    (vengeance),     0106.    komplM 


NOTES  ON   ULSTER   ENGLISH   DIALECT — J.    H     STAPLES.     387 

(complete),  0107.  pryfebr  or  pryffcr  (prefer),  0108.  pleonti 
(plenty),  0109.  moozhar  (measure),  0110.  sErvant  (servant), 
0111.  verdj  (verge),  0112.  Er  (err),  0113.  SErpant  (serpent), 
0114.  SErt'n  or  sartn  (certain),  0115.  klErk  (clerk),  0116. 
khsrdji  or  klsordji  (clergy),  0117.  trsozhar  (treasure),  0118. 
plwz  (please). 

I,  T.  0119.  dinEi  (deny),  0120.  fyzyshan  (physician),  0121.  spEi 
(spy),  0123.  km  (cry),  0124.  saspishes  (suspicious),  0125. 
syvyl  (civil),  0126.  sejz  (size),  0127.  advartiiiz  (advertize), 
0128.  syvylEiz  (civilize),  0129.  syti  (city),  0130.  rylydjan 
or  ryliidjan  (religion),  0131.  pyti  (pity),  0132.  mEizar 
(miser),  0133.  pazyshan  or  pazlshon  (position). 

0.  0134.  rob  (rob),  0135.  robar  (robber),  0136.  brdwtj  (brooch), 
0137.  kdwtj  (coach),  0138.  stori  (story),  0139.  portar 
(porter),  0140.  form  (form),  0141.  fors  (force),  0142.  anar 
(honor),  0143.  mohni  (money),  0144.  kohntri  (country), 
0145.  order  (order),  0146.  sapdwz  (suppose),  0147.  sort 
(sort),  0148.  kdt*t  (coat),  0149.  vdwt  (vote),  0150.  rd^z 
{a  rose),  0151.  rd^st  (roast),  0152.  tdwst  (toast),  0153. 
tEuyl  (towel),  0154.  trohb'l  (trouble),  0155.  k«hkuu 
(cuckoo),  0156.  roowl  (roll),  0157.  hoow  (hoe),  0158.  kohlar 
(color),  0159.  truup  (troop),  0160.  sirup  (soup),  0161.  bot'l 
(bottle),  0162.  djarn'l  (journal),  0163.  dohz'n  (dozen), 
0164.  dru'l  (jewel),  0165.  ymplo*  (employ). 

U.  0166.  &\ti  (due),  0167.  kiwi  (cruel),  0168.  trEul  (trowel), 
0169.  kwoostfan  (question),  0170.  nritrl  (mule),  0171.  kWr 
or  kter'r  (cure),  0172.  jus  (use,  *.),  0173.  rafftiuz  (refuse, 
v.  and  *.),  0174.  djtis  (juice),  0175.  tftin  (tune),  0176. 
djchst,  adj.,  djyst,  ado.  and  prep,  (just),  0177.  shuu'r  (sure). 


388     SOTES  OX    ULSTER   EK6USH   DIALECT — J.   H.   STAPU&. 


Glm&lkt. 

The  selection  of  words  in  the  following  list,  being  representative 
of  Ulster  peculiarities,  is  made  with  the  view  of  excluding  most 
of  those  which  seem  equally  common,  and  with  same  meaning,  in 
Ulster  and  Scotland.  I  have  added  a  few  known  to  myself,  which 
are  not  contained  in  Patterson's  Glossary,  some  of  which,  he  states, 
are  unknown  to  him,  and  to  these  I  make  special  allusions, 
referring  to  him  as  P.  Some  of  the  words  with  the  same  meaning 
are  to  be  found  in  Jamieson's  Scotch  Dictionary ;  to  each  of  these 
is  appended  J.  Some  other  words,  though  not  found  in  that 
Dictionary,  have  been  kindly  identified  for  me  by  Mr.  Webster, 
Librarian  of  the  Edinburgh  University,  as  existing  in  Scotch. 
To  each  of  these  W.  is  appended.  When  words  have  been  found 
in  Jamieson's  work  with  varied  forms  or  meanings  differing  from 
the  Irish,  or  only  ascribed  to  special  localities  in  Scotland,  or 
given  me  by  Mr.  Webster,  not  being  mentioned  by  Jamieson,  those 
forms  and  meanings  or  localities  are  appended  under  J.  or  W. 
respectively.  To  most  words  I  give  the  palaeotype  spelling  with 
the  pronunciation  I  know  at  the  left,  then  to  all  Mr.  Patterson's 
spelling,  or  some  other  popular  spelling  in  the  case  of  a  word 
inserted  by  me,  then  the  meaning.  After  some  words  I  have 
appended  Gaelic  words,  which  appear  cognate.  They  are  in  both 
Scotch  and  Irish  spelling  if  these  differ  and  if  I  can  find  the 
word  in  O'Brien's  Irish  Dictionary. 

When  the  meaning  of  a  word,  as  given  in  the  descriptive  text, 
is  one  used  in  addition  to  the  ordinary  English  meaning,  it  is 
preceded  by  +•    ^r-  Patterson's  or  a  popular  spelling  is  in  italics. 

A    obr^'rd,   abreard,   when  the  braird  (corn    has  just   sprouted, 
showing  above  ground). 
aawl  sorts,  all  sorts ,  scolding. 
B    bad  sods,  bad  cess,  bad  luck. 

bad  skran,  bad  scran,  bad  luck.     J.  notes  "scran"  as  ability, 

means  for  effecting  any  purpose, 
bi  to,  be  to,  obliged  to,  have  to.      W. 


NOTES   ON    ULSTER   ENGLISH    DIALECT — J.    H.   STAPLES.     389 

byd  dha  tEim  a  dra,  bid  the  time  o'  day,  ordinary  salutation  or 
remark  made  by  a  wayfarer  meeting  anyone  on  the  road, 
i.e.  to  say  "good  morning,,,  "fine  day,"  etc.  W.  notes 
14  pass  the  time  o'  day." 

biiz,  beee,  is,  ex.  "  when  that  work  bees  finished." 

bru,  broo,  opinion,  judgment,  not  noted  by  P.,  heard  in  Tyrone, 
ex.  "  I  've  no  a  good  broo  of  it,"  alluding  to  the  prospect 
of  weather.  Gaelic  "  breath,"  judgment.  J.  favourable 
opinion,  "  Nae  broo  of  them  ava."  J.  points  to  Icelandic 
"  bragd"  = sapor,  odor.  Noted  by  W.  in  Ayrshire  as 
common  report  or  rumor. 

ktfdi,  cailey,  a  call  or  friendly  visit,  Gaelic  "  ceilidh."  Though 
I  cant  find  that  J.  notes  this,  I  know  it  in  the  Aberdeen- 
shire English  of  Braemar. 

\(bhey  catllyea,  a  talk  round  the  fire. 

kukdkh,  cailleach,  a  potato  of  more  than  a  year  old.  Gaelic 
"  cail leach,"  old  woman.  J.  gives  "cailliach"  in  Sc. 
in  the  Gaelic  sense. 

kant,  cant,  to  sell  by  auction.  Gaelic  Sc.  "canntail,"  Ir. 
"  can  tail."  J.  notes  "cant"  as  to  sing  in  speaking,  to 
repeat  as  in  recitation. 

karnapshas,  carnaptious,  quarrelsome,  fault-finding. 

kari  an,  kariynz  an,  carry  on,  carrying*  on,  to  act  improperly  or 
boisterously,  improper  or  boisterous  conduct.  Noted  by 
W.,  but  supposed  by  him  to  be  of  English  slang  origin. 

tshyti  raon,  chitty  wren,  common  wren. 

tshytarlyq,  chitterling,  swallow. 

klabar,  clabber,  mud.     W.  suggests  kinship  of  "glaur,"  clot. 

Ween,  clean,  +  quite,  ex.  "I  clean  forgot  it."     W. 

klod,  clod,  throw,  ex.  clodding  (clodden)stones.  J.  notes  in 
south  of  8.  as  to  throw  forcibly,  as  one  throws  clods, 
and  as  in  E.  to  pelt  with  clods. 

kltrti,  clooty,  left-handed.  Gaelic  "  clith,"  left.  "Clooty" 
used  by  Burns  as  fam.  name  for  Devil,  different  word  ? 

kolloog,  collogue,  a  confidential  chat  together. 

kollop,  collop,  a  slice  of  meat.  W.  I  am  familiar  with  the 
term  in  Sc.  as  meat  minced  by  the  butcher. 

kohm,  come,  +  make,  ex.  "  come  speed,"  muke  haste. 

krEul,  crowl,  dwarf,  hunchback.     J.  a  puny  feeble  child. 

kruol,  cruel,  +  very,  ex.  "cruel  good."  J.  sic.  W.  notes 
"  horrid  gude "  in  Ayrshire.  "  Cruel  haan  (hand)  of 
himself  with  the  drink"  a  mess  of  himself  with  drink. 

Phil.  Trans.  1896-7.  26 


390     NOTE8  ON  ULSTER  ENGLISH   DIALECT — J.    H.    STAPLES. 

kohljan  ban,  cullion  ban,  wood  anemone,  "  Anemone  nemorosa." 

F.  does  not  give  this,  but  "ned  cullion"  as  heard  in 

co.  Deny ;  the  former  is  the  word  used  at  Lissan,  in  the 

Tyrone  borders  of    co.   Deny.      Gaelic    "  cailin  ban," 

fair  girl. 
D    da,  da,  father,  "dad." 

dtfradjarsom,  danger  so  me,  dangerous.     "W. 

darl'n,  darlin,  "darling,"  (adj.)  nice,  (subs.)  something  nice; 

ex.   "Oh  twas  the  darlin,"  said  of   a  piece  of  plum 

pudding. 
dee  on  dWli,  day  and  daily,  every  day.     "W. 
dElagon,  dayligon  or  daligon,  daylight  gone  or  going,  evening 

twilight.     J.  notes  "dayligaun"  in  Clydesdale, 
dii'r  noowz,  dear  knows,  nobody  knows,  God  knows.     W. 
dim*?n,  demean,  to  lower  or  disgrace.   J.  "  demano  "  to  maltreat, 
dircbkli,  directly,  precisely,  exactly, 
dollakhon,  dollachan,  large  lake  trout  coming  up  small  rivers 

in  their  season  from  large  lakes,  like  salmon, 
dohn,  done,  did.    ex.  q.  "  Who  did  this?"  a.  "  I  done  it,"  but 

not   as   an   auxiliary   or    substitute    for    another   verb. 

ex.  q.  "Did  you  feel  it?"   a.  "I  did  so."     Noted  by 

W.  as  Sc.  in  some  places, 
duulys,  dooless,  helpless.     J.  "doless,  dowless,"  feeble  without 

exertion, 
dohnsi,  donsy,  sick  looking,  sickly.     But  see  Burns*  "  Address  to 

the  Unco  Guid  "  :  "  their  donsie  tricks  "  =  unlucky.    Noted 

by  J.  as  pettish,  testy, 
dohndohkiti,  dunduckity,  a  sort  of  dingy  color,  ex.  (a  saying) 

"dunduckity  mud  color  the  color  of  a  mouse's  diddy." 
E    Erlas,  earles,  earnest  money.     J.  "  arlcs,  arlis,  erlis." 

ears,   a    Belfast    expression,    ••  I    cant   hear    my    ears," 

meaning  the  speaker  is  deafened  by  a  noise, 
oorran,  err  an,  errand,  -+-  any  action  or  deed,  ex.  "If  a  mak  an 

erran  to  yer  face  it  '11  no  be  to  kiss  ye  "  (said  in  anger). 

J.  "  erandis,"  affairs,  business. 
gdIs,  else,  -\-  ex.  "  you  and  you  else,"  i.e.  you  and  others  of 

your  neighbors  or  class, 
iiv'n,  even,  +  to  condescend,  to  put  one's  self  on  a  level  with, 

ex.  even  one's  wit  to  hira.     So  by  P.     J.  same  meaning 

in  Sc.     Also  known  to  me  as  to  presume,  ex.  "D' you 

think  I  'd  even  to  understand  it  ?  "  referring  to  a  sermon 


NOTES  ON    ULSTER  ENGLISH   DIALECT— -J.    H.   STAPLES.     391 

of  which  the  speaker  expressed  admiration  but  holding 

beyond  his  intelligence.    J.  to  equal. 
F    feond  oi,fend  off,  to  ward  off,  "  fend  off  post  "=  post  to  protect 

from  injury  by  carts.      J.   to    defend,   to  support,   to 

maintain, 
foot'l,  fettle,  to  settle.     J.  to  tie  up. 
fwhty,  footy,  trifling,  mean.    J.  mean,  despicable, 
frokhenz,  froughans,  blaeberries,  "  Vaccinium  myrtillus,"  pro- 
nounced also    "froanz."     Sc.   Gaelic   fraochag,   Ir.   G. 

fraochog. 
from  dhat,/rom  that,  from  the  time,  ex.  "From  that  I  went."  W. 
frmtf uhl,  frightful,  timorous  (Tyrone).     Not  noted  by  P. 
G   gazabo,  gazebo,  staring,  looking,  building,  stand  at  racecourse. 

So  by  P.     Also  known  to  me  in  the  sense  of  guy  or 

scarecrow, 
gyt,  get,   +   is  usually  or  often  named,  ex.   "  His  name  is 

Conway,  but  he  gets  Timoney  too."     This  is  an  alias  of 

which  no  secret  is  made,  and  which  is  not  regarded  as 

a  nickname. 
gomerif  a  fool.     J.  "  gomrell." 
gorb,  gorb,  greedy  person.    J.  "  gorble  up,"  to  swallow  up  with 

eagerness.     W.  "  gorb,"  a  young  unfledged  bird, 
gra,  gra,  affection.     Gaelic  "  gradh." 
gEi  en,  gy  and,  very,  ex.  "  gy  and  hot  "  —  very  hot.     J.  "  gey  " 

—  tolerable,  "  a  gey  wheen  "=  a  considerable  number. 
H   hee^r,  hair,  ex.  "  no  a  hair  feard,"  not  a  hair  afraid,  i.e.  not  at 

all  afraid.     J.  a  very  small  portion  or  quantity, 
hilt,  hait,  (heat?),  anything,  ex.  "deil  a  hait"—  devil  a  thing. 

W.     Also  in  Ireland  «  feeling  or  temperature,  ex.  "How 

d'ye  like  the  heat  o'thon  day?"  which  may  be  said 

when  the  weather  is  quite  cold, 
hardi,  hardy,  frosty, 
hw'r,  hare,  person  up   to  pranks  or  dodges,  a  larky  person. 

ex.  "  He  *s  a  queer  hare  " :  a  Belfast  expression  I  have 

heard  more  than  once,  but  P.  says  unknown  to  him; 

*=  queer  fish,  queer  customer, 
haokh  fwth !  hech  faith,  exclamation,  oh  my  faith.     W. 
hau  or  ji  kohmyn  an  ?  how  are  you  coming  on?   "  How  do  you  do?" 
,,   da  ji  Btaan't  ?  how  do  you  stand  it?  u  How  are  you  keeping?" 
»    »  »»  g30*  J9r  haolth  ?  how  do  you  get  your  health?     "  How  *s 

your  health  been  keeping  ?  " 


$92    XOTBS  ON  ULSTER  ENGLISH  DIALECT — J.   H.   STAPLES. 

hohqkerz,  hunkers,  haunches,  hind  quarters,  ex.  "  The  corn  was 
that  short,  a  jinny  wren  could  hare  set  on  her  honkers 
and  picked  the  top  pickle  off" :  said  to  illustrate  the 
poverty  of  the  crop.  J.  "to  sit  on  one's  hunkers"— 
to  sit  with  the  hips  hanging  downwards. 
I    yn  kuu'rs,  in  course,  of  course.    W.  notes  as  possibly  Scotch. 

/P.  omits  and   says  un- 

yndjsokt,  inject,  eject.  J     known  to  him.     They 

yndjroktmant,  injeclment,  ejectment,  j     are  usual  in  Tyrone  and 

\     at  Kilrea  on  the  Bann. 

ynsoms,  insenee,  explain. 
J    djnpfjapf  to  splash  water.    J.  notes  "jawp,  jaup,  jalp"—  that 
portion  of  water  which  is  separated  from  a  wave  when 
it  is  broken  by  its  own  weight  or  by  some  resisting 
obstacle. 
K  k*m,  kaim,  fine  toothed  comb.    J.  notes  "  kaim"—  comb. 

ka>k*l,  heckle,  giggle.  J.  notes  "kekkil  "—cackle  as  a  hen. 
Eng.  chuckle  ? 
L  lapkok,  lapcock,  an  armful  of  hay  made  into  a  coil,  and  in 
Ireland  the  next  process  of  nuking  hay  after  it  has 
been  shaken  out  from  the  swathe.  It  is  so  arranged 
that  the  rain  would  do  it  as  little  harm,  and  the  sun 
and  wind  as  much  good,  as  possible.  This  is  my  own 
definition  amended  by  a  friend  (not  P.'s)  from  observing 
the  practice.  I  heard  a  Scotch  bailiff  comment  upon  it 
as  an  advantageous  custom  unknown  to  him. 

lapper,  tapper,  a  class  of  skilled  workmen  whose  business  it  is 
to  cut,  fold,  and  pack  linen  goods. 

lashynz,  la  shins,  lots,  plenty,  ex.  "  lashins  of  potatoes."  J.  to 
"lash"  water  or  any  liquid,  i.e.  to  throw  forcibly  in 
great  quantities. 

laugh  with  the  wrong  side  of  the  mouth,  to  cry.     W. 

l**zi  baod,  lazy  bed,  a  system  of  growing  potatoes  by  spade 
work  on  lea  land,  in  which  ridges  are  marked,  the  tubers 
with  manure  laid  on  the  sod  and  covered  by  soil  dug 
from  trenches  on  the  ridge  sides.  J.  quotes  Maxwell 
applying  same  term  to  same  practice  in  the  West 
Highlands. 

loot  oloown,  let  alone,  besidos,  ex.  "I  fell  in  and  got  hurt,  let 
alone  bein'  all  wet."     W. 

lost,  lost,  +  cold,  wet,  ex.  "  Ye  '11  be  lost  if  ye  go  out  the  day." 


NOTfeS  ON   ULSTER   ENGLISH   DIALECT — J.    H.   STAPLES.     393 

lohmp,  lump,  +  ex.  of  use,  "  lump  of  a  boy,"  "  lump  of  a  girl," 

i.e.  a  well-grown  one. 
M  m**t,  mate,  "  meat,"  food  of  any  kind.    W. 

mEizort,  misert,  miser.     J.  (adj.)  extremely  parsimonious, 
moeli,  moily,  hornless  cow,  also  (adj.)  hornless.    J.  "moylie," 

hornless  bullock.     Gaelic  "  maol,"  bald, 
mornz  morra,  morn's  morrow,  the  day  after  to-morrow.    "W. 
mortial,  mortial,  "  mortal,"  very,  extremely  great,  ex.  "He  was 

a  mortial  big  one,"  "He  was  in  a  mortial  hurry."     W. 

notes  "  mortal "  in  same  sense, 
marfiz,  murphies,  potatoes.    J.  gives  this  as  Sc.  too.     I  have 

inserted  as  probably  of  Irish  origin. 
N    nyvor  af  hyz  bak,  never  off  his  back,  never  ceasing  to  advise, 

scold,  or  look  after  a  person,  in  a  teasing  way. 
not  kan,  not  can,  cannot,  not  able  to,  ex.  "  Tou  '11  not  can  do 

that."     W. 
0    obliidjment,  obleegement,  obligation.     J.  notes  "  oblisment "  and 

W.  "obleegement"  in  same  sense, 
offer,  offer,  attempt,  ex.  "  Dont  offer  to  do  it."     W. 
an,  on,  +  to  (in  marriage),  ex.  "  His  daughter  was  married  on 

Jones  of  Lisburn."    W. 
ornari,  ornery,  "ordinary,"  plain-looking,  ugly. 
Eut  a  dha  tees,  out  o'  the  face,  without  stopping,  ex.  "I'll  do 

that  out  o'  the  face." 
P    paramoudra,   a  large  cylindrical  mass    of   flint;    said  to  be 

gibberish  coined  by  a  facetious  quarryman  in  answer  to 

a  query  by  the  late  Dr.   Buckland   when  geologizing 

among  the  county  Antrim  Chalk  rocks.     It  is  not  of  the 

vernacular,  but  probably  originated  in  Ulster, 
peottid  an,  petted  on,  to  be  fond  of  a  person,  as  a  child  or  tamed 

animal,  so  that  it  will  always  follow  for  food,  and  pines 

in  its  master's  or  mistress's  absence.     W. 
pi  eon  9  roowz,  piano  rose,  the  flower  paeony. 
plant'n,  plant  in,  plantation  of  young  trees. 
pWzmont,  pleasement,  what  pleases,  ex.  "I  was  glad  to  hear 

it,  but  perhaps  it  was  no  pleasement  to  you." 
prod,  poke.     J.  notes  as  to  prick, 
pohllon,    pullan,   the  fresh-water   herring  of   Lough  Neagh, 

"  Corregonus  Pollan."    J.  Pollac,  a  kind  of  fish. 
Q   kwyt,  quit,  stop,  ex.   "quit  clodden  stanes,"  stop  throwing 

stones.    J.  "  quat,"  to  give  over. 


894    XOTES  09  ULStfcR  ENGLISH  DIALECT— J.  H.  STAPLES^ 

kw#^r,  quart,  "  queer,"  used  in  a  variety  of  senses,  ex.  "  quare 

and  nice " »  very  nice,  and  see  "  hare/'  also  *'  quare  dale  " 

Migreat  deal.    J.  notes  "  queer/9  entertaining,  amusing, 

affording  fun. 
ft  rood,  fW,  +  done  work  (pt.  of  rid?),  ex.  ""What  time  will  you 

get  red?"     J.  "red,  rede,  or  rid/9  to  clear,  to  put  in 

order. 
red  loam*,  "  red  lane,1'  the  inside  of  the  throat. 
•    red  cut,  red  up,  cleared  out,  tidied,  ex.  "  When  'U  you  get  thon 

(that)  place  red  up." 
rii,  toow,  re*  raw,  untidy.    W.  notes  "  reel  rail.'9 
rimeombar,  remember,  remind,  ex.  "I'll  remember  you  about 

it."    W. 
rrir,  rive,  split.    J.  to  break  up  land, 
rohfhes,  roughness,  +■  plenty,  abundance,  ex.  "  Them  people  has 

a  great  roughness  among  them."     J.  "rouchness,"  full 

housekeeping,  ex.  "  There 's  aye  a  deal  o*  rouchness  about 

you  house." 
rohllan,  rullion,  big,  coarse,  dirty  fellow.    J.  a  coarse-made 

masculine  woman,  a  rough  ill-made  animal. 
rohndVd,  rundale,  working  farms  in  partnership. 
S    salli,  tally,  willow.    J.  sauch. 

Mwlt,  salt,  to  raise  biddings  at  an  auction.    This  is  the  meaning 

I  remember  of  it.     P.  does  not  note  it  in  his  glossary, 

but  tells  me  he  would  understand  it  as  to  exact  an 

exorbitant  price,  or  to  cheat  by  causing  a  man  to  pay 

such.     Saltus  ? 
skrKEkh  or  \  scraigh,  a  scream  as  cry  of  gull.     J.  v.  to  scream ; 
skrEEjh       j      s.  a  shriek. 
scran,  see  "  bad  scran." 
sknnj  mEXJs,  screw  mouse,  the  shrew  mouse, 
skohnnor,  scunner  or  sounder,  disgust.    J.  as  in  Ulster  sense. 

Gaelic  "sganradh,"  scare, 
skohtj  gras,  scutch  grass,  couch  grass, 
savrondyb'l,  sevendible,  thorough  or  severe,  very  great  in  size 

or  quantity  and  in  same  sense  adverbially,  secendibly. 
shandridan,  shandrydan,  an  old  shaky  carriage.     W. 
shannokh,  shannagh,  a  confidential  chat.    J.  "It  is  ill  ahannagh 

in  you,"  It  is  ill  on  your  part, 
shaver,  shaver,  a  wag,  funny  fellow,  a  keen  shrewd  fellow, 

also  simply  as  fellow,  ex.  "  a  little  shaver."    J.  a  wag. 


NOTES  ON    ULSTER   ENGLISH   DIALECT — J.    H.   STAPLES.     395 

shoodd'n,  sheddin,  the  place  where  roads  divide.    J.  "  shed,"  to 

divide, 
shohkh,  though,  ditch,  i.e.  the  hollow  that  is  made  when  the 

stuff  making  the  bank  alongside  a  field  is  dug  out,  that 

bank  in  Ulster  being  called  "ditch."     J.   "seuch"=* 

a  furrow,  a  small  ditch.     W.  notes  "shough"  locally 

as  ditch, 
skeolf,  shelf,  a  splinter,  flake,  or  chip.     J.  "  skelp,"